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India’s strategic autonomy in a shifting geopolitical order: Trump’s tilt towards Pakistan and the new test for New Delhi’s foreign policy

Trump’s renewed tilt toward Pakistan has upended two decades of steady India–U.S. partnership, exposing Washington’s double standards. Instead of weakening India, it has reinforced New Delhi’s strategic autonomy—deepening ties with Russia, engaging China pragmatically, and leading the Global South.

The last few months have shown how quickly the geopolitical landscape can change, and India today stands at the heart of this churn. After Operation Sindoor exposed Pakistan’s weakness and intensified hostility between the two neighbors, the bigger surprise has come from across the Atlantic. America, once celebrated as India’s “natural ally,” has chosen to embrace Islamabad again, impose arbitrary tariffs on India, and indulge in rhetoric that undermines the very foundations of the partnership that took two and a half decades to build. For a country like India, which, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has pursued a proud and independent foreign policy, this is less a setback and more a reminder that the path of strategic autonomy and multi-alignment is the only way forward.

The reality is that U.S. President Donald Trump’s second term has overturned many assumptions in New Delhi. His first term saw sharp words against Pakistan, a suspension of aid, and a recognition that the so-called “frontline state” was the epicenter of global terror. But the Trump of today has taken a U-turn. Pakistan’s Army Chief Asim Munir, who tasted defeat during Operation Sindoor, found not hostility but red-carpet treatment in Washington. Trump hosted him for lunch, praised America’s counter-terrorism partnership with Pakistan as “fantastic,” and even tried to falsely claim credit for ceasefires between India and Pakistan. Reports that his family’s company signed a ₹17,000 crore cryptocurrency deal with Pakistan only reinforce the perception that America’s newfound affection for Islamabad has less to do with strategy and more to do with private business interests. For India, this is not merely disappointing; it is insulting.

It is worth reminding ourselves how far India-U.S. relations have come since the Cold War. In 1998, after India’s nuclear tests, the Clinton administration punished New Delhi with sanctions. Yet within two years, President Bill Clinton himself visited India and reset the relationship. From that point onward, every American administration, Republican or Democrat, treated India as a strategic partner. Indians across the political spectrum, whether under NDA or UPA governments, saw value in building this bond. The 2008 Civil Nuclear Agreement ended India’s nuclear isolation, the 2016 LEMOA agreement deepened defense ties, the 2023 iCET initiative boosted technology collaboration, and the 2024 Supply Security Agreement further cemented trust. For twenty-five years, the partnership grew steadily, even during Trump’s first term. But now, the same Trump has chosen to cozy up to Pakistan, blame India for buying oil from Russia, threaten to dismantle BRICS, and even insult India by declaring its economy “dead.” America is no longer guided by principles, only by profit.

India’s response has been dignified but decisive. Instead of begging for American approval, New Delhi has quietly reinforced ties with Moscow. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval’s meetings with Sergei Shoigu, Prime Minister Modi’s direct conversation with President Putin, and Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar’s visit to Russia all demonstrate that the India–Russia partnership remains rock solid. At the same time, India has engaged China pragmatically, with Foreign Minister Wang Yi visiting Delhi ahead of the SCO Summit, showing that Modi’s government is willing to talk where interests demand it. This is the essence of multi-alignment, strengthening one relationship without weakening another. Modi’s success in securing African Union membership in the G20 in 2023 proves that India’s independent foreign policy carries weight in global forums. Unlike America’s transactional diplomacy, India’s voice is trusted across the Global South.

This course correction is nothing new. Since independence, India has redefined its foreign policy whenever needed. Nehru built the Non-Aligned Movement to protect sovereignty in a bipolar world. Later governments used that principle to safeguard national interests while cultivating ties with both superpowers. Today, Modi has adapted that legacy into strategic autonomy, multi-alignment, and de-hyphenation. Unlike the Congress era, however, this is not about passive non-alignment or hiding behind slogans. This is about the active pursuit of national interest, the unashamed assertion of sovereignty, and the refusal to allow any foreign power to dictate India’s choices. The days when America could take India for granted are over.

At the same time, foreign policy strength must rest on domestic power. Modi has repeatedly stressed Atmanirbhar Bharat as the foundation for India’s rise. A nation that leads in advanced technologies, artificial intelligence, drones, and bioengineering will not need to plead for recognition; the world will seek its partnership. This is what strategic autonomy means in the 21st century: not just keeping distance from power blocs, but becoming so strong that others naturally align with India.

The message is clear. America may remain an important partner, but it cannot be the sole anchor of India’s foreign policy. Trump’s opportunistic embrace of Pakistan and his arrogant tariffs have exposed Washington’s double standards. A nation that once lectured the world on democracy and counter-terrorism is today dining with Pakistan’s generals, who run a terror factory as state policy. Such hypocrisy cannot be ignored. Under Modi’s leadership, India must continue to chart its path, deepen ties with trusted partners like Russia, engage the Global South, and prepare for a world where alliances shift overnight.

India has walked this road before, balancing between competing powers while protecting its sovereignty. The difference now is that India is no longer a weak post-colonial state but an emerging civilizational power with global ambitions. The turbulence of today is not a threat but an opportunity to assert independence more strongly than ever before. The real test is not whether India can adapt to a changing world, is whether the world can adapt to a stronger, self-reliant India. And in that test, New Delhi under Modi has already shown the will and vision to succeed.

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Dr. Prosenjit Nath
Dr. Prosenjit Nath
The writer is a technocrat, political analyst, and author. He pens national, geopolitical, and social issues.

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