Dhruv Mishra

The same people taught at the country’s top universities, ran the body that funds historical research, and led the main association of historians

Maoists claimed to fight for tribal communities and landless labourers, yet their campaign brought killings, landmines, extortion and attacks on infrastructure. Entire regions of central India remained isolated from development and public services for decades.

Oil-producing nations remain tied to their reserves, while India's sophisticated refineries can switch suppliers, process varied crude grades and serve multiple markets.

Leftists have been trying for a long time to claim that the tribals of India are ‘not Hindu’. This is not a modern phenomenon. This is a systematic social engineering that was codified and worked into a brilliantly designed machine by the British rulers of India in the 1800s. 

The slogan “Brahmanvaad ki chaati par, Birsa, Phule, Ambedkar” has been a common feature in Leftist protest posters and social media posts for some time. But how did that happen?  How did Birsa Munda end up here?

The ₹668 crore figure The News Minute reported is accurate. But it represents a small part of a much larger CSR budget that mostly goes elsewhere, to a very different mix of recipients. It's simple math, and that's exactly why it's the strongest piece of context to start with.

The latest incident follows a pattern seen repeatedly during periods of heightened public interest in India-China relations. Old military footage, unrelated videos of troop movements, satellite images or clips from other countries are often repackaged with new captions claiming a fresh Chinese incursion into Indian territory.

In practice, this is the difference between the cost of supply rate and the rate a household actually pays. A rural lifeline consumer using up to 100 units a month effectively pays around ₹3.00 per unit after subsidy, even though the underlying cost of that power is much higher. The state government is absorbing the gap for now, not the consumers.

Unlike e-rickshaws, Indian EVMs have no Bluetooth, no Infrared, no WiFi, no radio, no wired internet connection, and no wireless features of any kind.

Coal-based factories, cement and steel units, heavy vehicle movement and Byrnihat’s bowl-shaped terrain offer a broader explanation for the crisis than a distillery that opened after pollution had already reached global attention and regulatory scrutiny.