Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch, commonly known as bsCEM, is a student-led left-leaning organisation that often participates in protests linked to environmental and social issues in Delhi. However, the real agenda of the organisation has always been to propagate a pro-Naxal narrative. Recently, the group was seen at the centre of a large anti-pollution demonstration that took place on Sunday, 23rd November. While the event was presented as a campaign for clean air, it soon became clear that the agenda went far beyond environmental demands.
What made the protest controversial was not just the violence but also the slogans and posters displayed by participants. Instead of focusing only on air pollution, organisers praised slain Naxal commander Madvi Hidma, calling him a hero and raising slogans like “Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe.” For those unaware, Hidma was one of the most wanted Naxals. He was responsible for numerous attacks on security personnel and civilians. He was also the mastermind of the infamous 2010 Dantewada attack that claimed the lives of 76 CRPF personnel. Posters glorifying Maoist groups were displayed, and some participants even referred to Maoist outfits as “people’s governments”.
When the police tried to stop them, violence broke out as some of the protesters attacked police officers and even used chilli spray on them. This led to the police registering two FIRs and arresting 15 people. All of them, except one who claimed to be a juvenile, were sent to judicial remand by Patiala House Court on Monday.
?Self proclaimed 'Andolonjeevis' protesting against Air pollution in Delhi have raised 'Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe' slogan
— Janta Journal (@JantaJournal) November 23, 2025
It has become clear that
these protesters don’t care about the environment, they care about Maoists. pic.twitter.com/Naj6mFzaPJ
This shifted the focus of the protest. Instead of looking like a civil movement demanding better air quality, the demonstration started appearing like a political mobilisation by left-leaning and Maoist-aligned groups. bsCEM leaders, such as Ravjot Kaur and The Himkhand, were among the main organisers. They had also held a “Press Conference on the Movement for Clean Air” just days earlier, on 14th November, indicating that their role in the protest had been planned for some time.
The sexual assault allegations against Mukundan Nair and bsCEM supported the accused
According to a report by ForPol, in 2024, a young woman accused Mukundan Nair, a member of FACAM (another Urban Naxal group), of sexually assaulting her. At the time, she was associated with Nazariya Magazine, a left-leaning collective, while Mukundan belonged to a different allied organisation.
In March 2024, Nazariya formed an internal investigation committee to look into the allegations. However, instead of taking firm action against Mukundan Nair, the committee concluded that he would undergo “rectification.” This is a term commonly used in communist spaces, but even the victim later said she did not know what it meant in practical terms.
The victim was deeply dissatisfied with the committee’s findings. She went public, saying that Nazariya was not taking her complaint seriously and was trying to protect the accused. In November 2024, instead of re-examining the case, Nazariya expelled the victim from the group.
The situation became even more disturbing when Nazariya released statements accusing the victim of being influenced by “imperialist ideology,” having “non-ideological sexual relationships,” and straying from “communist morality.” These terms had no connection to her sexual assault complaint, but they were used repeatedly to discredit her character and shift the focus away from her allegations.
The victim speaks out against bsCEM
In December 2024, the SfPD (Students for People’s Democracy) published a statement from the victim. According to the victim, several activists linked to bsCEM were directly involved in her public shaming and supported Nazariya’s actions against her.
The victim wrote that she wanted to take legal action against those who were slandering her, but she hesitated because she had previously had negative experiences with the police.
She further said that bsCEM was part of the anti-displacement forum that had expelled Mukundan Nair after the initial complaint, yet they refused to publicly comment on the matter. She said that within a week of her expulsion by Nazariya, bsCEM had supported the decision and even assisted in spreading false claims about her.
The victim also revealed that she was slut-shamed and privately defamed by members of the group. “Supporters and enablers of sexual assault have a welcome place in this movement,” she said, pointing directly to bsCEM’s hypocrisy.
Photographs and public contradictions
In May 2025, the SfPD shared a photograph showing bsCEM members casually spending time with Mukundan Nair, even though they were fully aware of the allegations. SfPD publicly condemned bsCEM and accused them of shielding a sexual offender. They also asked pro-Palestine collectives to explain why one of their members, Rejaz, also appeared in those photos.
At the same time, an old screenshot surfaced showing Baadal, a senior member of both bsCEM and FACAM, admitting that they knew about Mukundan’s offence and had removed him. Despite this, bsCEM continued to associate with him and even appeared in friendly photos months later.
SfPD used the case for their own political gain
After SfPD released its statement in May, several Urban Naxal groups, including Nazariya and bsCEM, launched a joint counter-attack against SfPD. Their joint statement accused SfPD of being part of the “Surajkund Scheme” and described them using complicated ideological terms such as “post-modernist petty bourgeoisie opportunists.” None of these accusations addressed the actual issue: why Nazariya and bsCEM had protected an accused sexual offender.
SfPD responded by pointing out that many individuals had questioned Nazariya and bsCEM online for shielding Mukundan. SfPD also said that the groups were deleting comments and blocking people on social media who raised concerns.
But it is also important to note that SfPD itself belongs to the same wider Urban Naxal landscape and has its own history of controversies. The Dharmasthala case, which they aggressively promoted, later turned out to be false. Even so, SfPD continued using the case for political gain.
This made it clear that these groups were using the sexual assault survivor’s trauma to fuel their own ideological battles, instead of focusing on justice.
When the victim went public in October 2024
The situation escalated further in October 2024, when the victim shared her experiences publicly. Right after her statement, SfPD issued its first formal statement supporting her and criticising Nazariya. They said the victim had highlighted serious issues like patriarchal structures, victim blaming, and the enabling of sexual abuse within Nazariya.
Three days later, on 24th October, Nazariya responded. They admitted there had been major lapses in their handling of the complaint, but they did not address the deeper concerns raised by the victim.
On 26th October, SfPD released another long statement, criticising Nazariya sharply. They demanded proper reforms, gender sensitisation, and structural changes within the organisation. They also accused Nazariya of protecting the people who mishandled the complaint while making the victim’s identity public. According to SfPD, the investigation committee had also judged the victim’s personal life instead of focusing on the assault.
The next day, SfPD issued yet another statement, this time targeting two Nazariya members, Nishant Anand and Val Vashri. They accused them of circulating the internal investigative report without the victim’s consent and of trying to slut-shame her by sharing graphic details of the abuse.
On 23rd November, Nazariya expelled the victim from the group completely. SfPD condemned the move and compared it to a patriarchal household where abuse is treated as a private problem, and survivors are silenced.
By early 2025, the matter had spilt over into international left circles as well. SfPD even discussed the issue in an interview with the Revolutionary Maoist Coalition in the USA. They repeated their criticism of Nazariya’s actions and again highlighted the harm caused by phrases like “sexual opportunism.”
But through all this, one thing became clear that the Urban Naxal groups involved, Nazariya, bsCEM, FACAM, and even SfPD, were using the sexual assault case as a battleground for ideological superiority.
