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‘No festival in the name of looters’ – Uttar Pradesh administration stops Neja Mela honouring Syed Salar Masud Ghazi in Sambhal

OpIndia Staff
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‘No festival in the name of looters’ – Uttar Pradesh administration stops Neja Mela honouring Syed Salar Masud Ghazi in Sambhal

On Monday, 17th March, the Sambhal administration categorically refused to allow any event glorifying historical invaders. Assistant Superintendent of Police, Shirish Chandra, stated that the annual Neja Mela, which is traditionally held in Sambhal honouring Syed Salar Masud Ghazi, cannot be allowed as he was an invader.

The event, which is organised every year after Holi, had drawn objections from members of the Hindu community in the past. They had approached the police administration to express their concerns. Responding to these concerns, the authorities asserted that Salar Masud Ghazi had harmed the nation and it would not be appropriate to celebrate him through such events.

‘No festival for looters’ – Sambhal ASP Shirish Chandra

A video of ASP Chandra went viral on social media where he was seen talking to members of the Muslim community who had come to seek permission for the event. ASP made it clear that the administration would not permit a festival honouring an invader.

The Sambhal ASP further remarked that those who plundered Somnath cannot be celebrated. He unequivocally said, “No memorial will be erected in the name of a looter. If anyone attempts to do so, strict action will be taken.”

The ASP added, “Anyone who supports those who committed crimes against the country is no different from a traitor. If someone believes that such a person deserves honour and celebration, then they too are working against the country. This is not a tradition; this was a practice carried forward in ignorance. But if anyone is now insisting on continuing this knowingly, then they are doing so with malicious intent.”

SDM had previously denied permission

Earlier, members of the Neja Committee had approached SDM Dr Vandana Mishra seeking permission for the event. However, she too had firmly refused, stating it would not be allowed in its current form. She referred to the 2023 meeting where a decision was taken to rebrand the event as “Sadbhavna Mela” to maintain social harmony.

Notably, in the previous administrative meetings, all stakeholders had agreed to rebrand the event as “Sadbhavna Mela” in the interest of communal harmony. However, the Neja Committee officials pushed for the traditional format of the festival, insisting that it was a centuries-old tradition that should not be altered.

The Islamic invader Ghazi Salar Masud

Ghazi Salar Masud, as per some mentions, was the nephew of barbaric invader Mahmud of Ghaznavi. Though Islamists eulogize Ghazi Salar Masud as a “martyr” who died fighting the “kafirs”, the fact is that Salar Masud was a fanatic who, under the tutelage of his uncle, Mahmud of Ghaznavi, drew pleasure in the rampant killing of Hindus. Masud during the 11th century carried out mass conversions and execution of Hindus. He plundered and destructed Hindu temples and Maths including the sacred Suraj Kund at Bahraich, as he went ahead to conquer various parts of India until Raja Suheldev finally halted his advent.

Ghazi Salar Masud was ultimately killed by Maharaja Suheldev when the two engaged in the fierce Battle of Bahraich in 1034 CE. The battle was fought near Chittaura Lake near the present-day Bahraich city in Uttar Pradesh.

In 1026 CE, during the destruction of the famous Somnath Temple, Mahmud of Ghaznavi was accompanied by his 11-year-old nephew Saiyyad Salar Masud. After the death of Mahmud Ghaznavi, Masud invaded India in May 1031 CE with a 100,000 strong army. He had imbibed the fanatism and barbarism of his uncle.

His first military conflict was with Raja Mahipal Tomar of Delhi, which he conquered. From here he marched into the upper Doab towards Meerut whose ruler Raja Hari Dutt surrendered and accepted Islam. Continuing the series of invasions, killings, loot and destructions, Ghazi Salar Masud eventually conquered Multan, Delhi, Meerut and marched forward.

After several kings were defeated by him, some other kings from Meerut, Badayun, Kannauj etc decided to ally with him instead of fighting against his mighty army. After conquering these places, Masud had planned to invade Ayodhya, a sacred city for Hindus. But to reach Ayodhya, his army had to first cross Bahraich, which fell under Shravasti. During this period the Kingdom of Shravasti was ruled by Raja Suheldev.

When Raja Suhaldev became aware of Masud’s plans, he prepared a counter-attack. He talked to kings of the neighbouring states, and they together formed a large defence force against the invader.

Although the Suhaldev’s army had to face defeat initially, the king motivated the soldiers to fight back with full force, saying that not a single foe should not return alive. After days of intense battle in 1034, Raja Suhaldev was able to trap Salar Masud, and the Muslim invader was killed in the battle. According to legends, none of the 1.5 lakh soldiers in Masud’s army survived the battle and this halted the Islamic conquest of India for almost a century. 

Congress govt in Himachal Pradesh, which came to power on the back of promising freebies, now hikes milk prices by ₹6 per litre

Rukma Rathore
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Congress govt in Himachal Pradesh, which came to power on the back of promising freebies, now hikes milk prices by ₹6 per litre

Chief Minister Sukhwinder Singh Sukhu presented the budget for the financial year 2025-26 on 17th March and announced to increase the price of cow milk from ₹45 to ₹51 per litre and the price of buffalo milk from ₹55 to ₹61 per litre, in a fresh economic jolt to the state’s people. A six rupees increase has been made to the minimum support price for cow and buffalo milk. Additionally, cattle farmers would receive a ₹2 transit subsidy.

CM Sukhu stated that tea estates would be developed as eco-tourism destinations and that the focus is on increasing religious tourism and investigating lesser-known tourist destinations. He stated that 70% of the loans taken over the last two years were used to repay the loans taken by the previous government and its interest component, bringing the state’s debt exposure to ₹1,04,729 crore, of which ₹29,046 lakh have been taken out by the current government. The amount spent on development activities was a mere ₹8,093.

“The financial year 2025-26 is full of financial challenges due to reduction in revenue deficit grant and stopping GST compensation,” stated Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Sukhwinder Sukhu in his budget speech. “Repayment of the loan and interest from the previous government accounted for almost 70% of the state government’s loan,” he claimed. 

According to Sukhu, the goal is to enroll one lakh farmers in natural farming by 2025–2026. Approximately 1.58 lakh farmers have switched to natural farming thus far. He added that the state government intends to establish a Spice Park in Hamirpur and that farmers who cultivate kachi haldi (raw turmeric) organically will receive a minimum support price of ₹90 per kg. He also announced a ₹20 rise in the daily salaries of workers covered by the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, from ₹300 to ₹320. He approved the creation of a Special Task Force (STF) to address drug misuse in Himachal Pradesh.

The assured that the Shimla Ropeway project would begin in the upcoming financial year and roughly 500 electric buses will be acquired in 2025–2026. Furthermore, he noted that distinct directorates for schools and universities would be established and promised a number of programs for women, children, Divyangs and farmers.

Freebies policies of Congress govt cripples economy

Himachal Pradesh’s economy is in ruins as a result of the Congress government’s freebies strategy to win elections. The government faced ire last month when it demanded temple funds for Mukhyamantri Sukh-Aashray Yojana and Mukhyamantri Sukh Shiksha Yojna. The state, which is struggling financially, previously decided to lease the century-old Hotel Wildflower Hall and authorized the appointment of a consulting firm to help with the leasing process in a cabinet meeting.

As part of its borrowing cap of ₹6,300 crore, which was set to expire in December 2024, the state decided even to issue an extra Rs 500 crore loan in November 2024 to satisfy its developmental demands. 381,000 people were impacted when the Himachal Pradesh government’s acute financial situation prevented it from paying its employees and retirees in August of last year. In September 2024, the Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha adopted an amendment bill that would have imposed an environment tax on energy use that ranged from 2 paise to ₹6 per unit and a milk tax of 10 paise per unit.

The administration’s decision to eliminate 125 units of free power, raise the price of diesel by ₹7 per litre, and renege on its election pledge to provide customers with 300 units of free power was already a burden for the common person. The price of tap water in rural regions was increased from ₹10 to ₹100 by the government.

In 2023, OpIndia reported that the government would face severe difficulties if the Old Pension Scheme, a major component of the Congress party’s election promise, were to be reintroduced. OPS was phased out and replaced by the National Pension Scheme (NPS) on 1st April 2024.

The debt to gross state product ratio for Himachal Pradesh was estimated to have been 43% in the previous fiscal year. At 53%, it was already on pace with a state like Punjab, which had reverted to the earlier pension plan. It had already exceeded the prudential threshold of 3% with a budget deficit of nearly 5%. However, the Congress party’s trivial attempt to take the state away from the saffron party only made its financial problems worse.

The historical enigma of Maulana Hasrat Mohani: From advocating Two Nation Theory and Pakistan to choosing to stay in India after partition

Jinit Jain
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The historical enigma of Maulana Hasrat Mohani: From advocating Two Nation Theory and Pakistan to choosing to stay in India after partition

For the last few days, Indians have been having a field time on social media, particularly X, engaging with Elon Musk’s AI chatbot, Grok, in unique ways—from having unfiltered conversations in colloquial Hindi to asking ideologically loaded questions as a part of their political agenda.

One such question that caught the eye of thousands of social media users was in a screenshot shared by RJ Sayema, an inveterate fake news peddler often exposed for sharing Islamist propaganda posts.

The screenshot shared by Sayema had an X user asking Grok to answer which of the two—Indian Muslims or the RSS had a larger role to play in India’s independence.

While such binary queries on complex historical figures are seldom sought to slake one’s intellectual curiosity, the intriguing response offered by Grok brought to the fore the role of a controversial personality who wavered from once being a staunch advocate of complete independence to a passionate proponent of Two Nation Theory and creation of Pakistan. 

Maulana Hasrat Mohani: From supporting complete independence to advocating the creation of Pakistan

Maulana Hasrat Mohani (1875–1951) was a unique and multifaceted figure in the history of South Asia—an Urdu poet, Islamic scholar, and a “freedom fighter” as per left-leaning historians. Mohani was amongst the earliest supporters of the divisive Two-Nation Theory—that Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations with irreconcilable differences—the idea which later formed the bedrock for the formation of Pakistan. 

Yet, in a remarkable twist, despite supporting Pakistan’s ideological foundation, Mohani chose to remain in India after partition. He died in 1951 in Lucknow, India. His paradoxical stance has made him one of the most complex and contested figures in contemporary Indian history.

However, much before his avowed support for Pakistan and Two Nation Theory, in 1921, Mohani echoed Lokmanya Tilak’s clarion call for Poorna Swaraj or complete independence and demanded Indians be handed over the complete governance of their country. He was also a founding member of the Communist Party of India and played a significant role in shaping socialist thought in the country.

As a poet, Hasrat Mohani was deeply influenced by classical Urdu poetry, particularly the ghazal tradition. He is most famous for the ghazal ‘Chupke chupke raat din’, which was later picturised in the 1982 Bollywood movie ‘Nikaah’ and sung by Pakistani singer Ghulam Ali. His poetry reflects themes of love, revolution, and mysticism. He skillfully blended romance with resistance, using traditional poetic forms to express both personal emotions and nationalist sentiments.

Support for Ottoman Caliphate, Moplah Jihad, and TNT: A more radicalised version of Allama Iqbal?

Maulana Hasrat Mohani is often compared to Allama Muhammad Iqbal due to their shared passion for Urdu and Persian poetry, their deep support for Islamism, and their political activism for Muslim rights. However, Hasrat Mohani could be seen as a more radical and uncompromising version of Iqbal in many respects. 

Mohani was more revolutionary of the two, for instance, he openly advocated for political upheaval and social justice while Iqbal leaned toward introspection and the revival of Islamic civilisation. Like Iqbal, Mohani also championed Muslim empowerment and solidarity for Ummah, as evidenced by his writings for an Urdu newspaper he established to mobilise Muslim subjects of British India to rally in support of the “most valued institution of Islam”—The Ottoman Caliphate. 

However, the most controversial aspect of Mohani’s legacy resides in his unabashed justification of Moplah Jihad, claiming that Muslims in Malabar were right in asking Hindus to choose between the Quran and sword as changing one’s religion to save their life is a voluntary and not forced conversion.

Iqbal and Mohani also shared similarities in their support for the creation of Pakistan. While Iqbal is considered the philosophical father of the state, Hasrat Mohani backed the Two-Nation Theory from a practical standpoint—yet he did not migrate to Pakistan when it was created.

Hasrat Mohani was an early advocate of the Two-Nation Theory, which argued that Muslims and Hindus were two distinct nations requiring separate political identities. Long before the Muslim League formally adopted this ideology, Mohani believed that Muslims needed their own space to govern themselves according to Islamic principles, free from Hindu-majority domination.

In this sense, Hasrat Mohani was not just another Iqbal; he was a more radicalized, pragmatic, and politically involved version—one who was willing to push boundaries both in poetry and politics.

Unlike many Muslim leaders of that era who were inconsistent in their political views, Mohani remained steadfast in his belief that Muslims should uphold their distinct political identity. His support for Pakistan was driven not only by communal considerations but also by a strategic effort to safeguard Muslim interests.

Famous author Venkat Dhulipali in his seminal book ‘Creating a New Medina: State Power, Islam, and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India’ mentions how Muslim leaders like Mohani played a critical role in shaping the political and geographical contours of Pakistan, an idea that had hitherto largely remained abstract and difficult to conceive. 

Relevant section from Venkat Dhulipala’s ‘Creating a New Medina’

Mohani’s decision to stay back in India despite being a staunch advocate of Pakistan

However, his vision of Pakistan was very different from the state that emerged in 1947. So despite contributing immensely to the conceptualization and materialisation of Pakistan, the difference of opinions, especially with his commitment to socialist ideals, and growing disillusionment with the elite leadership of Pakistan, Mohani stayed back, not out of any love for secular India but apparently to fight for the rights of Muslims in a Hindu-majority India. 

But even while staying in India, he never wavered in his belief that Pakistan was a justified political entity for Muslims. This dual stance—supporting Pakistan but refusing to migrate—has made his legacy both fascinating and controversial. Despite supporting the concept of a separate nation for Indian Muslims, his decision not to migrate to Pakistan does not make him a critic of the Two-Nation Theory. Instead, it reflects his opposition to the specific way India was partitioned and his commitment to advocating for Muslim rights while remaining in India.

A historical enigma and a contested legacy

Hasrat Mohani remains a polarizing figure in both India and Pakistan. 

For a section of India that falls over itself to embrace every Muslim historical figure as a vindication of Muslim contribution towards India’s freedom struggle, Mohani offers them yet another metaphorical stick to beat their ideological opponents by partially leaning on his contested legacy and papering over his Islamic fanaticism. 

This section celebrates him as a “freedom fighter” who coined the slogan “Inquilab Zindabad” (Long Live the Revolution), which became a rallying cry for the independence movement. While he is acknowledged as a patriot, his ideological leanings are often downplayed.

However, his support for Pakistan and the Two-Nation Theory makes him a somewhat uncomfortable figure in India’s nationalist historiography, which is not swayed by the Nehruvian-Marxist monopoly over history, and views complex historical figures for a tapestry of emotions, contradictions, paradoxes, and nuances they represent.

In Pakistan, Mohani is recognized as an early proponent of Muslim nationalism, but his decision to stay in India makes him an ambiguous figure in Pakistan’s nationalist narrative. His leftist and socialist ideology contrasts sharply with the more right-leaning nationalism that eventually dominated Pakistan’s political discourse. Unlike Iqbal and Jinnah, who are revered as founding fathers, Mohani remains a lesser-known and less celebrated figure, despite his early contributions to Muslim separatism.

Pakistanis, to this day, view him as a man with divided loyalty, unsure of celebrating his contribution towards the creation of Pakistan or condemn his “betrayal” for choosing to stay back in India. An anecdote allegedly from Mohani’s life as shared by a Pakistani commentator in the tweet below perfectly sums up the ambivalence about his legacy in Pakistan.

Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a man of contradictions—an ardent supporter of Pakistan who chose to live in India, a deeply religious Muslim who was also a staunch socialist, and a poet whose love for revolution was as strong as his love for classical ghazals. His legacy does not fit neatly into the nationalist narratives of either India or Pakistan, making him a historical enigma.

If Jinnah is the father of Pakistan, Hasrat Mohani was the radical revolutionary who was among the earliest proponents of Pakistan. But unlike Jinnah and several Muslim League leaders of his time, Mohani was acutely aware of Pakistan’s many limitations and fragile moorings. His story reminds us that history cannot be compartmentalised into binaries of white and black—often, it is the gray areas that hold the most truth.

West Bengal: Mamata Banerjee’s TMC govt grants mining lease to ONGC after 5 years, BJP questions bureaucratic delay that stalled crucial petroleum production

OpIndia Staff
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West Bengal: Mamata Banerjee’s TMC govt grants mining lease to ONGC after 5 years, BJP questions bureaucratic delay that stalled crucial petroleum production

The central utility Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) recently received the required approval from the Mamata Banerjee Government in West Bengal to start extensive oil drilling activities in Ashoknagar, North 24-Parganas district of West Bengal. The decision transpired after mineral oil was found in the region. The reserves were found at several sites, most notably in the vicinity of Baigachhi in the area. The government decided to provide 50-acre of land for the project.

The framework for additional exploration was laid in December 2020 when Dharmendra Pradhan, the Union petroleum minister at the time, officially opened commercial oil and gas extraction there. However, the endeavor was unable to proceed further due to the lack of a formal nod for extraction from the state government. ONGC is now prepared to extend its activities throughout Bengal with the state government’s assent.

The preparations for drilling and land leasing at four locations in North 24-Parganas are reportedly close to completion. Furthermore, land acquisition has begun in two other locations, Bhagwanpur II block in East Midnapore and Chapatla gram panchayat in Deganga of North 24-Parganas. Thirteen locations in North 24-Parganas, three in South 24-Parganas, one in Nadia, and five in East and West Midnapore districts have been selected by ONGC for drilling.

An estimated five acres of leased land would be needed for each project. According to reports, these districts in Bengal contain substantial oil reserves. ONGC intends to lease land in strategic areas in order to extract oil. However, extraction didn’t commence so far due to lack of state administration permission which has now been granted and the work is scheduled to begin soon. Full-scale extraction won’t start until after comprehensive evaluations of the oil and gas deposits at depths between 2,500 and 6,000 meters, as per the ONGC officials.

“If the findings are favourable and conducive, commercial extraction will proceed, unlocking new economic opportunities for the state. We are hopeful that this venture will significantly bolster Bengal’s economic landscape, particularly in India’s energy sector,” an ONGC officer conveyed. In 2018, ONGC made the first discovery of an oil field in eastern India, in Ashoknagar within the Bengal Basin. The natural gas reserves there were formally inaugurated by Union Minister Pradhan by December 2020. ONGC anticipated that the reserves could produce between 45,000 and 50,000 cubic meters of natural gas per day.

Repeated reminders, a massive loss and furious opposition

A reply in Lok Sabha exposed the staggering loss incurred due to the reluctant behavior of the West Bengal administration despite repeated appeals by the center. “Petroleum and Natural Gas Rules, 1959, the state government is empowered to grant Petroleum Mining Lease (PML) with the prior recommendation of the central government. The application for PML was made in 10.09.2020, based on Early Development Plan (EDP) considering the single well, Ashoknagar-1 (discovery well) for an area (5.88 sq. km. subsequently increased to 99.06 sq. km.). The recommendation of the central government for grant of PML was conveyed to state government of West Bengal on 21.10.2020, followed by government of India subsequent reminder letters dated 01.02.2023 and 12.01.2024,” it stated.

The document further informed, “The matter was also flagged to the government of West Bengal in the Eastern Zonal Council Meeting held on 04.07.2024. In the absence of PML, the operator continued with the appraisal/exploratory drilling activities and established hydrocarbon presence in other wells namely Kanpul-1, Bhurkunda-1 and Ranaghat-2. Provisional PML was subsequently granted by state government of West Bengal on 24.02.2025.”

18274 m³ of oil were expected to be produced from these oil fields in the first four years. December 2020 saw the start of test production for the well Asokenagar-1. During prolonged testing from December 2020 to July 2022, the well’s actual production was 352 m³. The well’s output, however, had to be postponed due to PML’s delay. The remaining 17922 m³ of oil will be monetized as part of the block’s future production plan now that the PML has been granted.

“Integrated Field Development Plan of Asokenagar-1 discovery has been approved by government on 10.07.2024. The provisional PML was issued by state government on 24.02.2025. The production of oil and gas in sync with activities approved under FDP, is projected within 10 and 17 months respectively, post execution of the deed,” the document added.

Meanwhile, Bharatiya Janata Party’s Amit Malviya hit out at Mamata Banerjee government and remarked, “Approved on February 24, 2025, the lease covers 99.06 sq. km. under the New Exploration Licensing Policy (NELP). While this should have been a milestone years ago, bureaucratic delays have cost Bengal immensely.” He quoted the official figures and asked, “Bengal holds immense energy potential, but can we afford such delays again?”

He then declared that it’s time for effective government to make sure Bengal’s resources propel its development and added, “It is time to vote out Mamata Banerjee.”

The Mahanadi-Bengal-Andaman basin encompasses the Ashoknagar field. West Bengal has consistently shown promise as a site for gas and oil. Although ONGC has been investigating the state for many years and has made significant investments, the sample’s economic viability has always been a problem. After extracting 20 kl (kiloliter) of crude oil from the Ashoknagar oilfield, ONGC transported the sample to Indian Oil’s Haldia Refinery for processing. The results of the tests showed that the product was of good quality, reported Business India.

According to the Indian government’s Early-Monetization Plan, Ashoknagar I is now considered an oil producer. This indicates that ONGC has found and developed seven of its eight basins in India, which accounts for 83% of the known oil and gas reserves in the country. The company accounts for 72% of India’s hydrocarbon production, making it the nation’s top producer of gas and oil.

The Bay of Bengal engulfs roughly two-thirds of the Bengal Basin, which spans around 122,000 square kilometers. ONGC has so far spent ₹3,361 crore to investigate hydrocarbons in the Bengal Basin, per the 2021 news report. Over the next two years, an additional ₹425 crore were set to be invested in the basin’s exploration efforts. According to reports, the field’s natural gas reserves are probably greater than its oil reserves. Oil is found in the topmost stratum, which is 2,268 meters below the surface, while gas is located another 100 meters below.

Long-term growth in the area might be promoted by the expansion of oil and gas operations, which could also lead to infrastructural development and job creation.

What is SpaceX Dragon: The spacecraft that just docked with the International Space Station to bring Sunita Williams back to Earth

Anurag
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What is SpaceX Dragon: The spacecraft that just docked with the International Space Station to bring Sunita Williams back to Earth

On 16th March, NASA confirmed that astronauts Sunita Williams and Butch Wilmore will return to Earth on 18th March. Their return will mark the end of their prolonged stay aboard the International Space Station (ISS). The duo will join American astronaut Nick Hague and Russian cosmonaut Aleksandr Gorbunov aboard a SpaceX Crew Dragon capsule.

NASA confirms splashdown schedule

In its statement, NASA provided details of the revised schedule for the return of the astronauts. Initially, the return was planned for later in the week, but it was brought forward to 18th March at around 5:57 pm Florida time (3:27 am IST on 19th March), off the Florida coast.

NASA said in its statement, “The updated return target continues to allow the space station crew members time to complete handover duties while providing operational flexibility ahead of less favourable weather conditions expected for later in the week.”

What is the SpaceX Crew Dragon?

The SpaceX Crew Dragon is a reusable spacecraft designed to carry astronauts and cargo to and from low Earth orbit. It has been developed by Elon Musk-owned SpaceX and has been in operation since 2020. It is the first privately developed spacecraft to transport NASA astronauts to the ISS.

Crew Dragon consists of two primary sections, a pressurised capsule, where astronauts and sensitive cargo are housed, and an unpressurised trunk that carries additional payloads and provides structural support. The trunk of the spacecraft also contains solar panels that supply power to the spacecraft during the mission.

The spacecraft has a state-of-the-art life support system, touch-screen controls, and an advanced docking mechanism, allowing it to autonomously connect to the ISS. It has 16 Draco thrusters for precise manoeuvring in orbit. Furthermore, it is equipped with an emergency launch abort system, powered by eight SuperDraco engines, designed to rapidly separate the spacecraft from its Falcon 9 rocket in the event of a failure, ensuring the safety of the crew.

Crew Dragon is capable of carrying up to seven astronauts and can transport a significant amount of cargo. Unlike other spacecraft currently in operation, Dragon can bring back large quantities of materials from space, making it an essential part of NASA’s operations.

When the capsule re-enters Earth’s atmosphere, it deploys two drogue parachutes for initial deceleration. Four main parachutes are deployed later to ensure a controlled splashdown in the ocean. From there, a recovery team retrieves the spacecraft and the crew.

SpaceX Dragon 2 is an engineering marvel

The SpaceX Dragon 2 spacecraft consists of two variants, Crew Dragon and Cargo Dragon. It represents a major leap in human spaceflight. Dragon 2 has been designed as the successor to Dragon 1 and is the first private spacecraft capable of carrying astronauts to the ISS. Unlike its predecessor, Dragon 2 can dock autonomously with the ISS, thus eliminating the need for the station’s robotic arm. It is also the only spacecraft in operation that can bring back cargo from orbit, making it invaluable for both scientific research and logistical support.

One of the most impressive aspects of Dragon 2 is its integrated launch escape system. Unlike traditional escape towers that are jettisoned after launch, Dragon 2 has eight built-in SuperDraco engines, which allow for full-abort capability from the launch pad to orbit. It makes Dragon 2 safer for the crew in case of a failure. These engines are, interestingly, manufactured using advanced 3D-printing techniques.

When compared to NASA’s Orion and Boeing’s Starliner, Dragon 2 is more cost-effective, reusable, and technologically advanced. Orion is designed for deep-space missions; it lacks reusability and costs much more per mission compared to Dragon. On the other hand, Starliner is designed for the same low-Earth orbit role as Crew Dragon. However, it has suffered significant delays, cost overruns, and multiple test failures. Not to forget, Starliner was supposed to bring back Williams last year but failed in the mission.

Compared to both, Dragon 2 has completed multiple successful crewed missions and has already established itself as a reliable transport vehicle. Dragon 2 is capable of rapid refurbishment. Its reusable capsules make it a game-changer in the space industry, as it significantly reduces costs while improving the frequency and reliability of missions.

Why was Williams’ stay on the ISS extended?

Williams and Wilmore went to the ISS in June 2024 for a brief mission. However, their stay was extended due to propulsion issues with the Boeing Starliner spacecraft, which was initially meant to bring them back to Earth. The vehicle was deemed unfit for return, and NASA had to make alternative arrangements for their return.

Though Williams’ nine-month stay is considerably longer than usual, it is still short of the 371-day record set by NASA astronaut Frank Rubio in 2023 and the world record of 437 days held by Russian cosmonaut Valeri Polyakov aboard the Mir space station.

Another Congress-ruled state faces financial crunch, Telangana CM says his government is not able to pay salaries of government employees on time

OpIndia Staff
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Another Congress-ruled state faces financial crunch, Telangana CM says his government is not able to pay salaries of government employees on time

After Himachal Pradesh and Karnataka, another Congress-ruled state is facing a financial crunch. Speaking in the State Legislative Council, the Telangana Chief Minister Anumula Revanth Reddy admitted that the state is going through a financial crisis and therefore it is difficult for the government to pay the salaries of the government employees on the first of every month.

Admitting that government employees have a legitimate right to receive the Dearness Allowance (DA), Reddy appealed to the government employees not to insist on receiving the DA due to the poor financial situation of the state.

15 months after forming the government in the State, Reddy blamed the former Chief Minister K Chandrashekar Rao for the state’s financial crisis. He said that his government is not even able to fulfil its election promises because it is still repaying the huge loan amount left behind by the former KCR government.

Salary payments of ASHA and Anganwadi workers deferred

Earlier on Wednesday (12th March), CM Reddy had announced a delay in the payment of salaries to ASHA and Anganwadi workers. Giving a veiled threat to government employees, Reddy said that if they did not cooperate with the government, the financial crisis would worsen and salary disbursements would be further affected. “With a monthly revenue of Rs.18,500 crore against the required Rs.22,000 crore to fulfil all our commitments, we are deferring payments of salaries to ASHA and Anganwadi workers, and welfare schemes like Shaadi Mubarak and Kalyana Lakshmi. Basically, we are following a rotation system from one section to another to defer payments,” he said. He added that he was even willing to hand over financial management to government employees. “Let them decide how to distribute funds,” he said.

BRS accuses Reddy government of ruining the state’s financial condition

BRS working President KT Rama Rao cornered Reddy for his government’s failure to pay salaries on time. He held Congress responsible for destroying the financial condition of the state. “Running a State is not just about money distribution, but also creating wealth. Telangana’s economy, built over a decade, has been ruined within months by an incompetent leader,” he said. Taking a dig at the Reddy government, Rao said that the government had funds for its Delhi high command but not for paying the salaries, pensions or retirement benefits to the employees.

 

On this day in 2000, Uganda witnessed the horrific Kanungu massacre: How a Christian doomsday cult killed more than 700 people

Aditi
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On this day in 2000, Uganda witnessed the horrific Kanungu massacre: How a Christian doomsday cult killed more than 700 people

Today marks 25 years since the gruesome Kanungu cult massacre in Uganda that claimed the lives of more than 700 people. The incident marks the darkest chapter in the history of the East African country whose past is full of many political and social turmoil.

The Kanungu mass murder-suicides

On March 17, 2000, the world woke up to the horrifying news of the mass killings of hundreds of followers of a doomsday cult in a small village in the Kanungu district of Southwestern Uganda. The deceased were members of a cult called the Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Commandments of God (MRTCG). The deaths, which were initially suspected to be mass suicides, were later declared to be mass killings.

On the day of the tragedy, charred bodies of more than 500 people were discovered in a church whose windows and doors were boarded shut with nails. The horror did not stop with a single incident. The Ugandan authorities kept discovering piles of dead bodies in the weeks to follow from different locations.

On March 25, 2000, 153 dead bodies were found buried in one of the cult’s buildings in Buhinga village in the Rukungiri district. This was followed by the discovery of 155 dead bodies below the house of Father Dominic Kataribabo, one of the leaders of the cult, in Rugazi, Bushenyi district, two days later. A couple of days after this, 81 bodies were found in Rushojwa and a month later on April 27, 2000, 55 bodies were discovered in Buziga.

Events leading up to the incident

The cult leaders had told their followers that the world was going to end on December 31, 1999. However, when their prophecy did not come true, they decided to take matters into their own hands. The cult leaders announced the next day of the apocalypse to be March 17, 2000. They said that the apocalypse would come with “ceremony and finality”.

A day before the ‘final day’, that is on 16th March 2000, a huge party was organised by the cult in Kanungu with lots of food and drink. Thereafter, cult members and their families were gathered in the hall of a Church named Ark. All the windows and doors of the Church were boarded with nails and the building was set on fire. More than 500 cult members who had gathered in the Church were gutted in the fire.

Days before the fateful day, cult leader Kataribaho was said to have purchased about 50 litres of Sulphuric Acid. When the Ugandan authorities started investigations into the activities of the cult following the Church fire, they discovered from different locations the dead bodies of people who were said to have been killed weeks before the Church fire. Some of the reports said that some of these people were killed years ago.

The cult leaders were never found by the authorities. It is presumed that they escaped to some unknown location.

What was the MRTCG cult

The mass killings that sent shockwaves across the world drew attention towards the doomsday cult MRTCG which engineered these mass killings. The MRTCG cult was founded by Credonia Mwerinde and Joseph Kibweteere in 1989 after the founders claimed to have seen the visions of the Virgin Mary.

The cult followers believed that the cave resembled the Virgin Mary (via BBC)

The cult had several other leaders including Joseph Kasapurari, Ursula Komuhangi, Rev. Fr. Dominic Kataribaho and John Kamagara. The cult rose to prominence in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and was dedicated to restoring God’s Ten Commandments to their rightful position in the world.

Cult leaders Ursula Komuhangi, Credonia Mwerinde, Joseph Kibwetere and Dominic Kataribabo (via BBC)

Credonia Mwerinde, a former sex worker, and Joseph Kibweteere, a former politician, set up the Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Commandments of God in the early 1990s. They proclaimed to have received revelations from the Virgin Mary and Jesus Christ, and their doctrines were an amalgamation of Christian and indigenous African traditions. The doctrines of the group emphasised the importance of faithfully following the Ten Commandments and preparing for the end of the world. Members were instructed to adhere to a stringent set of rules and rituals. They also believed that the world would end and a new earth would begin with year one, after the year 2000. The cult was registered under the NGO statute in 1997 to preach the Ten Commandments, the word of Jesus and the Virgin Mary and provide education and healthcare.

Punjab: Army Colonel and his son assaulted over car parking, family says Patiala police personnel behind the attack

OpIndia Staff
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Punjab: Army Colonel and his son assaulted over car parking, family says Patiala police personnel behind the attack

On Sunday, 16th March, Patiala police registered an FIR against unidentified persons for assaulting an Army Colonel and his son over a car parking issue. Colonel Pushpinder Bhat, who is currently posted at Army Headquarters in New Delhi, and his son were attacked on the intervening night of 13th and 14th March.

The FIR has been registered against unidentified persons. However, the Colonel’s family members have accused Punjab police personnel of assaulting the father-son duo. Reportedly, the police personnel were in civil dress at the time of the incident.

According to a Hindustan Times report, one of the accused police personnel has claimed that it was the Army official and his son who attacked him. The FIR in the matter has been registered on the statement of a dhaba owner. Speaking to the media, SSP Dr Nanak Singh said that an FIR has been registered and an investigation is underway.

What happened on the day of the incident

Speaking to Republic TV, Colonel Bhat’s son said that they had returned from Delhi on 13th March and wanted to have something to eat. They went to a dhaba for some Maggi. The police vehicle came from the wrong side to the spot where the car of the Colonel was parked and demanded that they move so that the police personnel could park their vehicle.

He alleged that all the police personnel in the car were drunk and in civilian dress. Col Bhat told them that he was from the Army and that this was not the way to talk to him. The police personnel allegedly told him in Punjabi, “If you don’t move your car, we’ll remove your legs.” Col Bhat responded politely and requested them to speak respectfully.

Suddenly, one of the police personnel allegedly punched the Army officer, causing him to blackout and collapse. When Col Bhat’s son rushed to help him, they allegedly beat him up as well. He added that around seven police personnel dragged him aside and punched him. He also accused them of hitting him with rods. Meanwhile, despite being injured, Col Bhat tried to get up and save his son, but he was pushed down again. Col Bhat sustained a fracture in his hand during the altercation.

Col Bhat’s family added that they have video evidence showing the Army officer getting kicked while being unconscious. The police personnel allegedly continued to kick him and left him lying on the ground.

Delay in FIR and police inaction

After the family tried to get an FIR filed against the accused police personnel, they started getting pressurised to compromise. “My mother was kept at the police station until late at night. They made me run between the hospital and police station till 1 AM, citing procedural delays just to avoid filing the FIR,” the Army officer said.

He further added that they allegedly threatened them, claiming they were coming back from an encounter. They snatched Col Bhat’s ID card and, while beating him, told him, “If you’re alive by the morning, come collect your ID.”

“They didn’t just assault us; they attempted to kill us. I was hit with rods on my head. My father—who wears spectacles—was pushed to the ground and suffered head injuries. Even after going to the SP’s office twice, we were asked to compromise,” Col Bhat’s son said.

The family members were called to the police station once again, where the police personnel allegedly apologised. When they refused to accept the apology, they allegedly threatened him again, saying, “You have to stay in Patiala.” He also accused the police personnel of blocking the media from reaching the family.

Threats and pressure to compromise

The wife of Col Bhat, Jaswinder Bhat, held a press conference in Patiala on 15th March, saying that her husband and their son reached a dhaba near Government Rajindra Hospital on the intervening night of 13th and 14th March. They were standing outside the car and having food when the accused police officials arrived and asked Col Bhat to move his car. She said, “When my husband objected to their language, one of them punched him. Later, all the police personnel thrashed my husband and my son.”

Speaking to Hindustan Times, Col Bhat said, “The police have not named the cops as accused in the case. Moreover, this FIR was registered after senior Army officers intervened.”

According to a Republic report, there was a delay in registering the FIR. Senior Army officials had to intervene to get the FIR registered.

The family has demanded that the police personnel involved in the assault be suspended.

Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir in Ayodhya, built entirely from donations of devotees, contributes ₹396 crores in taxes to govt

Rukma Rathore
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Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir in Ayodhya, built entirely from donations of devotees, contributes ₹396 crores in taxes to govt

On 16th March Mahant Nritya Gopal Das Maharaj presided over a pivotal meeting of the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust at Mani Ram Das Chhawni in Ayodhya. Seven trust members and four invited members attended the meeting, which was held at the temple. Trust General Secretary Champat Rai spoke to the media following the meeting and gave an overview of the trust’s finances.

After its formation on 5th February 2020, the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust has utilized a total of ₹2,150 crore over the last five years on the ongoing construction of Ram Mandir in Ayodhya with 18% tax paid to the government. Notably, the money was raised through donations from common people, businessmen and others whereas the Indian government only contributed Re 1 to the Ram Mandir trust prior to the temple’s construction.

The trust obtained a tremendous amount of ₹3,500 crore in donations, 60% of which came between February 2020 and 2021. Champat Rai added that the trust has given ₹396 crore to several government departments over the past five years intaxes. ₹272 crore of this amount was transferred to the government as GST and ₹130 crore was contributed under different tax categories. The Uttar Pradesh Rajkiya Nirman Nigam received ₹200 crore to build three gates surrounding the Ram Katha Museum.

Furthermore, ₹39 crore was deposited in the government’s account. A royalty of ₹14.90 crore was paid. ₹7.40 crore was used on labor funds for construction workers. ₹4 crore was provided for the insurance policy. Ayodhya Vikas Pradhikaran was granted ₹5 crore to approve the Ram Janmabhoomi map. The registration fee for the land that was bought in Ayodhya was ₹29 crore. The electricity bill was covered with ₹10 crore.

Over the past five years, devotees have donated 944 kg of silver (around 92% pure) to the trust. Twenty-kilogram silver bricks have been produced by the Minting Corporation, under the Indian government. “The Trust has received these silver bricks which have been kept in bank lockers,” Champat Rai conveyed. He also announced that 96 per cent of the Ram Mandir’s construction is complete.

He pointed out that the number of tourists and devotees in Ayodhya has increased significantly, creating more job prospects for locals. He stated that 1.26 crore Hindus traveled to Ayodhya during the Maha Kumbh. 5 crore of the 16 crore visitors to the region in the previous year went to the temple. Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) personnel conduct routine audits of the trust’s financial records.

Four members participated in the meeting virtually. Two members were unable to attend and another member, Kameshwar Chaupal passed away on 7th February. The meeting concluded that there will be no chief priest at the Ram Mandir. Satyendra Das, the chief priest of Ram Lalla Acharya passed away on 12th February. On 6th April, Ram Navami, the sun rays will adorn the forehead (surya tilak) of Ram Lalla for around four minutes at 12:00 pm. 50 LCD displays are going to be installed across Ayodhya so that residents have access to the event live on public broadcaster Doordarshan.

Ram Mandir spurs economic growth in Ayodhya and around

The Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, which opened on 22nd January accomplished a lot more more than offering spiritual solace and enlightenment to Lord Ram devotees. It is now the main driver of Ayodhya’s thriving local economy and is reviving the district’s GDP contribution to Uttar Pradesh. Since the temple’s consecration, more than two lakh pilgrims and visitors land in the city every day, which has improved Ayodhya’s economy and raised per capita income significantly.

Today, Ayodhya is a popular travel destination that draws people from all over the world. Staying in the hotels, purchasing at local shops, visiting temples and bringing home souvenirs like the Shri Ram flag, sweets and a replica of the Ram Mandir contributes to the district’s booming economy. The state government revealed that more than 13.5 crore people have visited the temple town in the last 12 months, with over 3 lakh visits every day, reported “The Times Of India.”

Officials from the city’s tourism agency stressed that the surge of tourists has not only elevated the city’s spiritual significance but also significantly enhanced local economies. The overwhelming number of visitors each day has resulted in a significant influx of earnings even if a number of industries are included in the unorganized sector. From artisans to flower vendors, merchants and the hospitality sector, the economic growth is evident in many areas.

The profits of these services have increased by three to four times. Particularly in the hospitality industry, an increase in tourism has led to a four-fold increase in hotels, guest houses, and homestays which has stimulated Ayodhya’s economy. A senior officer from the tourism department mentioned, “While no official survey to gauge the economic activity has been conducted so far, assuming each visitor has spent at least ₹300 during their visit, the overall economy of the city and state has grown by at least ₹3,900 crore in the last year.”

The inauguration of the temple has mostly helped the local population, as the number of business facilities, such as hotels, restaurants, guesthouses, fuel stations, shops and taxi operators have grown. Atul Singh, a spokesman of the UP Udyog Vyapar Mandal and the promoter of the city’s first shopping center expressed, “Economic activity has grown across the entire region since the Ram Mandir was established.”

A hotellier Sharad Kapoor stated, “Room tariffs and occupancy levels have increased in the past year. Our business has grown, though there is potential for more improvement through policy intervention and strategic planning.” The demand for rooms has been steadily going upwards ever since the Ram Mandir opened.

Ayodhya is now home to hundreds of restaurants, hotels, and eateries. “Until early 2022, the volume of registered hotels and guesthouses in Ayodhya was in the single digits. Now, we have about 180 registered with the local development authority,” an officer informed. Thousands of property owners have turned their residential residences into homestays, creating an additional source of revenue.

1,143 homestays, many of which are independently run, have been registered in the last year, giving families an extra source of income.

Ram Mandir brings significant development

Likewise, early teething issues that had caused obstacles for local traders and businessmen including heavy barricading, diversions and no-entry barriers gradually subsided. Residents and traders were given passes to make it easier for them to transfer their cars and commercial supplies. The cost of real estate has also increased dramatically, with land on the periphery turning more expensive and its availability inside the city becoming quite rare.

Once struggling, artisans and craftspeople are now in greater demand. Tourists are eager to purchase religious objects, souvenirs, and traditional antiques to bring home a piece of Ayodhya’s heritage. Market-sold goods have shown a sharp increase in sales, ranging from ornaments to Lord Ram idols and even mementos. Artisans are even turning leftover materials from idol-making into toys to further boost local revenue and employment growth. Daily revenue of shopkeepers has also risen tremendously.

“Whether you are a person writing Jai Shri Ram on tourists’ foreheads, a street vendor, or running hotels, everyone’s business has grown. Prices of property have also increased by five to seven times and those near the temple by 10 times,” Sushil Jaiswal, President of the Traders Association highlighted according to a report in the “India Today.” According to Vinod Kumar Srivastava, General Secretary of the Uttar Pradesh Economic Association, Ayodhya’s economic influence is evident due to an enormous rise in every sector.

There was little to no development in Ayodhya in last few decades but the government has brought radical shift in its infrastructure including revamped Ayodhya Dham railway station, constructing a new railway terminal and building Maryada Purushottam Shri Ram International Airport. Common areas and significant landmarks like the Lata Mangeshkar Chowk have been developed. For important projects like the Chaurasi Kosi Parikrama Marg and the Ayodhya bypass, the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) is spending ₹12,000 crore.

The business sector, in collaboration with the government, has been instrumental in the town’s development. An average Ayodhya resident now enjoys a greater standard of living owing to government and private investments that have increased tourism and created jobs. The residents of Ayodhya have also directly benefited from these advancements. Roads like the Ram Path and Dharma Path have been expanded and there are now more municipal facilities, better connection and superior hospitality services.

It is crucial to remember that while the public and private sectors have contributed to Ayodhya’s development, Ram Mandir is the main factor that has elevated the city to international prominence and transformed its economy and way of life. The devotees that come to Ayodhya for the temple are the driving force behind the magnificent change. Ranking as the second most expensive public monument built in recent years, the temple has been poised to provide massive benefits to Uttar Pradesh. It was projected to help the state exceed the Rs 4 lakh crore mark in tourism revenue annually and contribute an additional Rs 20,000-25,000 crore to its tax revenue, per SBI research which was published last year.

Hence, Ram Mandir, the manifestation of the centuries-long struggle and faith of millions of Hindus, is not only a sacred place of worship for Hindus, but it also strengthens the economy, generates jobs, and offers a higher quality of life people. It has not only transformed the present and future of Ayodhya for the better but has also placed it prominently on the global map.

Bollywood socialite Orry and 7 others booked for consuming alcohol and non-veg near Vaishno Devi shrine

ANI
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Bollywood socialite Orry and 7 others booked for consuming alcohol and non-veg near Vaishno Devi shrine

Bollywood socialite Orhan Awatramani (ORRY) is among several individuals named in an FIR lodged on March 15 by Katra police for allegedly consuming alcohol at a hotel in Katra.

As per a press note from the Jammu and Kashmir Police, “Taking cognizance of the complaint regarding an issue involving certain guests who were staying at Hotel of Katra and found taking Alcohol, Katra police has lodged an FIR on March 15 against Orhan Awatramani (ORRY), Darshan Singh, Parth Raina, Ritick Singh, Rashi Dutta, Rakshita Bhogal, Shagun Kohli, and Anastasila Arzamaskina, who consumed alcohol in hotel premises despite being told that alcohol and non-vegetarian diet is not allowed inside Cottage Suite as it is strictly prohibited at such a divine place of Mata Vaishno devi pilgrimage.”

The release notes, “Sensing the gravity of the matter the strict instructions were passed by SSP Reasi Paramvir singh (JKPS) to nab the defaulters thereby setting an example of no tolerance of any such act of drugs or alcohol at religious places which hurts the sentiments of the common masses.”

As per the release, the team was constituted under the supervision of SP Katra, Dysp Katra and SHO Katra to track the culprits who violated the rule of the land and showed disrespect to the sentiments of the people connected with the faith.

According to the release, SSP Reasi, while giving a tough message to the defaulters, added that there is no place for those who don’t follow the law of the land and try to disrupt the peace by resorting to any means, especially by way of drugs/alcohol and iron hands will deal with them.

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

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