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Chhattisgarh: Christian missionaries using government rice to fund conversions, collecting up to Rs 100 crore annually, government takes stern stance

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY) with the aim of helping the underprivileged. However, serious allegations have emerged that rice distributed under the scheme and the Chhattisgarh government’s Annapurna Scheme is being misused by Christian missionaries.

How missionaries are making money

According to media reports, missionaries have initiated a scheme called the “one handful of rice plan”, under which they collect rice from poor families. Each family member donates one handful of rice daily to the missionaries, which is then gathered in large quantities and sold in the open market at Rs 25-30 per kg. This practice is estimated to generate an annual income of over Rs 100 crore for the missionaries.

Notably, the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) 2019 imposed strict restrictions on foreign funding for missionaries, making it difficult for them to engage in conversion activities in India. To fund their illicit plans to convert innocent and naïve Hindus, the missionaries have reportedly adopted this unique model of rice collection. It enables them to pay religious propagators and fund other facilities in villages.

Critical situation in Jashpur and other districts

Reports suggest Jashpur is among the most affected districts, witnessing a sharp increase in the Christian population. According to available statistics, 1.89 lakh people identified as Christians in 2011. As per recent estimates, the number, which accounted for 22.5% of the population in 2011, has risen to 35%, surpassing 3 lakh. In response to an RTI in March 2024, it was revealed that only 210 individuals had legally converted to Christianity. The population of Chhattisgarh is 3.05 crore, with approximately 2.5 crore people benefiting from government ration schemes.

Notably, Chhattisgarh provides 35 kg of rice monthly to families of four under schemes implemented by the central and state governments to combat hunger and poverty. However, the misuse of government rice is creating new societal challenges.

Former Bajrang Dal president Nitin Rai stated that missionaries conduct conversions through healing meetings. Apart from Jashpur, Christian missionaries have reportedly generated Rs 50-55 crore annually using the same “rice scheme” to collect rice and sell it in the open market in districts including Ambikapur, Raigarh and Balrampur.

Judicial advisor to Kalyan Ashram, Satyendra Tiwari, noted that missionaries now receive foreign funding only for schools and hospitals. Consequently, government-provided rice has become a crucial financial resource for them. Kalyan Ashram is an anti-conversion activist group.

Government’s reaction

Chhattisgarh’s Minister for Food and Civil Supplies, Dayal Das Baghel, addressed the issue, stating, “The central government is providing grains for the poor. If some individuals are misusing it for conversions, it is a serious matter. We will investigate the entire case.” He assured strict action against those responsible.

How conversions are being organised

Media reports claim rice is collected during healing meetings and religious programmes organised by missionaries. The collected rice is then used to support individuals and encourage conversions. In 2020, ten individuals were apprehended and revealed details of the “one handful of rice” scheme in Samarbahar village of Jashpur. Similar admissions were made by individuals arrested in January 2024 in Jurgum village of Jashpur.

The misuse of government-distributed rice in the state poses a dual threat. Firstly, it undermines the purpose of ensuring food security for the poor, and secondly, it disrupts law and order in the state. Immediate action is essential to prevent further societal inequality and tension. The government must address this issue with utmost seriousness.

Arvind Kejriwal’s ‘Sheeshmahal’, polluted Yamuna: What Delhi Minister Kailash Gehlot said in his letter while leaving AAP

On Sunday, November 17, Delhi’s Transport Minister Kailash Gehlot resigned from Aam Aadmi Party. In his resignation letter, Kailash Gehlot highlighted the unfulfilled promises of AAP and the embarrassments it has caused through its acts.

In his resignation letter addressed to AAP’s National Convenor Arvind Kejriwal and Delhi Chief Minister Atishi, Kailash Gehlot cited unfulfilled promises and recent controversies as the reasons for stepping down and resigning from the party.

In his resignation letter, Kailash Gehlot expressed dissatisfaction over AAP’s inability to deliver on key promises made to the people of Delhi. In his resignation letter, he highlighted the failure to clean the Yamuna River in Delhi despite it being a major election pledge. “We promised the people a cleaner Yamuna, but we have failed to deliver on that commitment,” he wrote.

Talking about the controversial ‘Sheeshamahal’ of Arvind Kejriwal, Gehlot said, “There are several embarrassing and bizarre issues like Sheeshmahal, which have now led people to question whether we still believe in being the party of the common man.”

At the end, Gehlopt said that he has no option but to step away from Aam Aadmi Party. “I find myself left with no option but to step away from AAP, and therefore, I am resigning from the primary membership of the party,” Kailash Gehlot said.

Born on 22nd July 1974, Kailash Gehlot was the Transport & Environment minister of Delhi, He represents the Najafgarh constituency of Delhi.

Swara Bhaskar and her NCP candidate husband meet Maulana Sajjad Nomani: An Islamic zealot who thinks girls going to school turn them ‘kafirs’, supports Taliban, and more

Ahead of the Maharashtra elections, actress and ‘feminist’ Swara Bhaskar met radical Islamic cleric Sajjad Nomani along with her husband Fahad Ahmed.

Nomani had been calling upon the Muslim community to vote en masse for the NCP-Congress-Sena alliance (Maha Vikas Aghadi). The NCP has fielded Fahad Ahmed as a candidate from the Anushakti Nagar Vidhan Sabha constituency.

Swara Bhaskar thus caught up with Sajjad Nomani in the hopes that he would appeal to his fellow radical supporters to vote for her husband Fahad Ahmed.

Swara Bhaskar is known for mouthing platitudes about ‘feminism’ and women’s empowerment. Yet she chose to meet a radical Maulvi, who is opposed to sending girls to schools and colleges.

Sajjad Nomani on education for girls

In one of his videos, the member of the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board announced that sending girls to schools and colleges alone is forbidden (Haram) in Islam.

Sajjad Nomani also declared that those parents who send their daughters to educational institutes alone will be condemned to Hell (Jahannum). He added that Muslim girls should not be left unaccompanied, even if they wear a hijab.

He said that it does not matter even if the daughter is wearing a hijab and going to college, she is not to be left unaccompanied.

While encouraging a new form of vigilantism, the cleric said, “If you are a father, a Muslim or a good person, it is Haram to be careless about your daughter.”

The speech by Sajjad Nomani could be seen as an extension of his conspiracy theory about Hindu men entrapping Muslim women. Other than provocating his community to ‘do something’ against such men, he was seen advocating keeping Muslim women restricted to their homes.

In another video, he claimed that Muslim girls were somehow giving up on purdah and modesty and urged parents not to send their daughters to schools and colleges.

“Teach women at home…Don’t send them anywhere and find a female teacher…” he added.

The cleric then went on to show his fundamentalist mindset when he said, “I swear on Allah that it is better to keep your daughters uneducated and illiterate instead of sending them to such colleges.”

Loves the Taliban

Sajjad Nomani has been a fan of the brutal Islamist regime of the Taliban in the war-torn country of Afghanistan. After the Talibs managed to capture Kabul, he sent his congratulations from India.

“No one can defeat a community which is ready to die in its pursuit of power. Congratulations to the Taliban! I, as a Muslim from Hind, salute your courage, calibre, religious zeal and determination,” the cleric remarked.

“The whole world has witnessed this historic event. I want to extend my heartfelt greetings and love to the clerics (Ulemas) of Afghanistan and the leaders of Sunni Muslims, Shia Muslims, Hazaras and that of Northern Afghanistan,” he was heard saying.

Sajjad Nomani peddled Bhagwa Love Trap conspiracy theory

In one of his videos, he was heard saying, “8 lakh Muslim women have turned infidel and left Islam after meeting their Hindu partners. RSS has created a team of Hindu youths who are trained in Islamic teachings and Urdu…They are then instructed to lure Muslim women into a love trap.”

Sajjad Nomani claimed that such Hindu men are then rewarded with ₹2.5 lakhs, a house and a job, which is supposedly serving as an ‘incentive’ for the Hindu community at a time of high unemployment.

“Several Hindu youths are fixated on this mission but we are sleeping…Billions of funds have been allocated to take away our Faith,” he alleged. The AIMPLB member urged his fanatic followers to ‘wake up from their deep slumber and take action’.

“As per my estimates, at least 5000 girls have run away with Hindus, married them and changed their religion to Hinduism. And these are the children of those people, who are considered ‘religious’ in their neighbourhoods,” he was heard claiming in another video.

Indore: Hindu woman accuses Bilal Azam of blackmail, harassment, rape and assault, FIR registered

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On 15th November, a Hindu woman from Indore, Madhya Pradesh, filed a police complaint at Vijay Nagar Police Station accusing a man named Bilal Azam of harassment, blackmail, and assault. As per the complaint, the two reportedly met in 2022 while working at the same tele-calling job. Over time, Azam allegedly pressured the woman to marry him. When she refused, he resorted to threats of making her private videos and photos public. Hindu organisations have demanded strict action in the matter and warned of protests if justice is delayed.

According to media reports, the woman became friends with Azam while they worked at a tele-calling company in 2022. Shortly after becoming friends, Azam started pressuring her to marry him. The victim described their relationship as mere friendship and declined the proposal. Her refusal angered Azam, who then became aggressive. The victim alleged that Azam started following her regularly. On 15th June 2022, he reportedly assaulted her at knifepoint and committed rape. During the assault, he captured explicit photos and videos of the victim and used them to blackmail her further.

The woman decided to escape the harassment and moved to Bengaluru for a job but had to return to Indore in 2023. She settled in the Niranjanpur area after returning. Azam tracked her down and resumed harassing her, coercing her to marry him and forcing her into physical relations. When the victim resisted, Azam brutally beat her. On 22nd October 2024, Azam allegedly took out a personal loan in her name without her consent, for which she continues to pay the instalments. Adding to her ordeal, on 2nd November 2024, her phone went missing. She filed a complaint at the Lasudia Police Station. The phone was eventually recovered from Azam’s car.

The woman then approached Hindu Jagran Manch for help, who accompanied her to the Vijay Nagar Police Station on 15th November. Based on her complaint, an FIR has been filed against Azam, and the investigation is underway. The Hindu organisations have labelled the matter as a case of “love jihad” and have vowed to launch protests if strict action is not taken promptly against the accused.

Al-Qaeda-inspired terror module used PM-Kisan Yojana to fund jihad to turn India into an Islamic nation, Delhi Police tells court

In September this year, Delhi Police arrested 11 individuals linked to an Al-Qaeda-inspired terror module, including Dr Ishtiaq from Ranchi, Jharkhand. The terror module aimed to turn India into an Islamic nation. During the investigation, Delhi Police reportedly found that the Al-Qaeda-inspired terror module planned to collect funds for jihad using the PM-Kisan Yojana (Pradhan Mantri Kisan Samman Nidhi). In a statement to the city court, Delhi Police informed the court that two of the arrested individuals were beneficiaries of the PM-Kisan scheme. They allegedly provided money for the purchase of arms to support terrorist activities in the country.

The police are reportedly searching for individuals who filled out the scheme’s forms on behalf of the accused. Notably, the arrests were based on inputs received from central agencies indicating that a highly radicalised Islamic group based in Jharkhand, with sympathisers in Delhi, was planning a terrorist attack.

A police officer was quoted by The Indian Express as saying, “After their arrest, they were questioned by Delhi Police and the central agencies. Later, they were sent to judicial custody in Tihar Jail. However, upon discovering fresh evidence, the police obtained six-day custody of eight of the accused earlier this week.”

Additional Sessions Judge Dr Hardeep Kaur at the Patiala House Courts stated in an order issued on 12 November, “An application has been moved by the investigating officer seeking police custody of eight accused for six days as a witness stated that some other persons are also involved in the conspiracy, and those individuals need to be identified and interrogated. The witness revealed that the accused planned to accumulate funds for jihad through the PM-Kisan Yojana, and the persons who filled the forms on behalf of the accused need to be identified.”

Initial raids in the case were conducted on 22 August, during which six individuals were arrested: 32-year-old Anamul Ansari, 32-year-old Shahbaz Ansari, 35-year-old Altaf Ansari, 32-year-old Hasan Ansari, 26-year-old Arshad Khan, and 20-year-old Umar Farooq. They were reportedly undergoing weapons training at Sare Kalan Ki Pahgadi in Ajmeri Naka, Bhiwadi, Rajasthan.

A senior police official stated, “Two trainers and one trainee managed to escape from the spot. Police recovered an assault rifle, a pistol, a revolver, 66 live cartridges of different calibres, a hand grenade, a key remote control mechanism with a battery, a handmade carbine, and a dummy INSAS rifle.”

Following the initial raid, another was conducted in Ranchi in September, leading to the arrest of five individuals: 49-year-old Dr Ishtiyaq Ahmad alias Captain, 40-year-old Mohammed Rizwan, 40-year-old Moti-Ur-Rehman, 30-year-old Mohammed Rahmantulla, and 47-year-old Faizan Ahmad. During the raid, a handmade SLR, a handmade carbine, and Rs 5.1 lakh were recovered. Dr Ishtiyaq was reportedly the head of the terror module, according to the police.

The police stated, “All 11 accused are from different villages in Ranchi. After questioning and with the help of technical surveillance, it was found that two of the accused, Hasan and Anamul, made multiple visits to the Central Jail in Jamshedpur to meet Abdul Rehman Katki, posing as his relatives.”

Additional Sessions Judge Hardeep Kaur noted, “Anamul tried to procure a SIM card but failed, so he may have approached someone else for its procurement. That individual needs to be identified. A witness revealed that Umar bought firecrackers to prepare bombs at the behest of Anamul. The witness also stated that the accused travelled to Bud Kohkra, Chatra, Baans Jadi, and various other locations to recruit young individuals for jihad, who also need to be identified.”

The order further noted, “Counsel for the accused submitted that, based on the grounds stated in the application, there is no need to grant police custody as the accused can be interrogated while in judicial custody. He also claimed that he had filed an application alleging that the police had beaten the accused in custody and forced them to sign blank papers.”

“In view of the submissions made, the application stands allowed. Accused Anamul, Shahbaz, Hasan, Arshad, Umar, Dr Ishtiyaq, Rizwan, and Rahmantulla are remanded to police custody and will be produced on 18 November. Needless to say, it is the duty of the investigating officer to ensure the health and safety of the accused in accordance with Section 56 of the CrPC. They must be medically examined during the remand period as per applicable rules,” the order stated.

Background of the terror module

The investigation into the Al Qaeda Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) module, led by Dr Ishtiaq, uncovered a well-planned network aimed at training individuals for terror attacks in India. Dr Ishtiaq, a radiologist from Ranchi, organised training camps in remote areas like Nakata forest in Jharkhand, where recruits were taught to handle weapons and prepare for suicide bombings. The group’s goal was to establish an Islamic state in India, and Dr Ishtiaq had also expanded the module’s operations to Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. Investigation revealed that he was planning to build a suicide squad.

Raids by Jharkhand ATS and Delhi Police’s Special Cell uncovered a large number of weapons, including AK-47 rifles and hand grenades. Investigators also discovered links between the module and a major land scam in Jharkhand. There are suspicions that money from this scam was used to fund terrorist activities. The Enforcement Directorate is now looking into these connections, focusing on people like Bablu Khan, a relative of Dr. Ishtiaq, who is already under investigation for the scam. This case highlights the dangerous link between organised crime and terrorism in India.

Nigeria to honour PM Narendra Modi with the Grand Commander of The Order of the Niger, to become the second foreign dignitary to receive the award

Nigeria will honour Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the Grand Commander of The Order of the Niger (GCON).

The makes PM Modi second foreign dignitary to receive this honour. Queen Elizabeth is the only foreign dignitary who has been awarded with GCON in 1969.

This will be the 17th such international award being conferred to PM Modi by a country.

PM Modi on Sunday arrived in Nigeria on the first leg of his three-nation tour.

Upon his arrival, PM Modi was warmly welcomed by Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, Minister for Federal Capital Territory in Abuja, the capital city of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Wike presented PM Modi with the ‘Key to the City’ of Abuja. The key symbolises the trust and honour bestowed on the PM by the people of Nigeria.

The Prime Minister is scheduled to hold bilateral discussions in Nigeria to strengthen the ties between both countries.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is on a three-nation tour to Nigeria, Brazil and Guyana scheduled from November 17 to November 21.

PM Modi issued a statement indicating his first stop in Nigeria, following President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s invitation, aimed at strengthening strategic ties between both countries.

“At the invitation of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, this will be my first visit to Nigeria, which is our close partner in the West African region. My visit will be an opportunity to build upon our Strategic Partnership that is based on shared belief in democracy and pluralism. I am also eagerly looking forward to meeting the Indian community and friends from Nigeria who have sent me warm welcome messages in Hindi,” the statement said.

India and Nigeria enjoy warm, friendly, and deep-rooted bilateral relations.

The visit by PM Modi is the first visit by a Prime Minister of India to Nigeria in 17 years.

India is emerging as a development partner of Nigeria on two fronts – by offering developmental assistance through concessional loans and by offering capacity-building training programmes.

India and Nigeria have been strategic partners since 2007 with growing economic, energy and defence collaboration. More than 200 Indian companies have invested over USD 27 billion in important sectors in Nigeria. India and Nigeria also share a strong development cooperation partnership.

During the visit, the Prime Minister will hold talks to review the strategic partnership between India and Nigeria and discuss further avenues to enhance the bilateral relationship.


(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

West Bengal: Muslims run riots during Kartik Puja after accusing Hindus of committing ‘blasphemy’, BJP shares video

On Saturday (16th November) evening, a frenzied Muslim mob unleashed attacks on Hindu homes in Beldanga town in Murshidabad district of West Bengal.

The attack coincides with the Kartik Puja celebration, observed by the Hindu community across the State. The Muslim mob resorted to arson and stone pelting after accusing Hindus of committing ‘blasphemy.’

In a video shared by BJP spokesperson Amit Malviya, a Hindu man narrated his ordeal, “Despite the presence of the police, see how Hindu houses are set on fire. Look at the stones lying around. A car has been set ablaze.”

Amit Malviya tweeted, “On the day of Kartik Puja, Muslims attack Hindu houses in Murshidabad’s Beldanga. Mamata Banerjee’s police remains a mute spectator.”

“West Bengal has become a graveyard for Hindus. Every festival and puja of theirs is attacked, while Mamata Banerjee looks the other way. Enough,” he highlighted the plight of the Hindu community in the State.

BJP (West Bengal) President Sukanta Majumdar has raised alarms about Bangladesh-like cleansing of Hindus in Beldanga. He highlighted instances of bombing and death threats issued to Hindu women.

In the meantime, a Muslim man (sporting a skull cap) could be seen issuing threats to the Hindu community and calling upon other co-religionists to unleash havoc in Beldanga.

He threatened, “I want to inform all my Muslim brothers that a Kartik Puja pandal in Beldanaga insulted Allah. I want to call upon my Muslim brothers to ensure that the land of Beldanga shakes.”

“The son of a swine who did this needs to be eliminated. Hindustan should get the message about the aftermath of disrespecting Allah and the Prophet,” the radical Muslim man declared.

He encouraged his fellow co-religionists to come to Beldanga and run riots in the town to avenge alleged blasphemy. “We don’t want legal justice or fines. Just hand over the blasphemer to us,” the Muslim man hinted at mob lynching.

He called out other Muslims to unleash terror in Beldanga and bury the one who committed ‘blasphemy’.

Punjab and Haryana’s Chandigarh dispute: How decades-old Congress govt-created problem that persists due to political indecisiveness

The Chandigarh dispute between Punjab and Haryana has once again escalated. Haryana has recently requested land in Chandigarh to construct a new Vidhan Sabha building, which has become a flashpoint. The ruling party of Punjab, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), has strongly opposed the move, claiming that Chandigarh belongs solely to Punjab. The party has categorically refused to allow Haryana to construct a Vidhan Sabha building, despite the fact that the current Vidhan Sabha, or the Haryana State Assembly, is located in the Union Territory of Chandigarh itself.

Though the issue is escalating between the two states, it is not a new battle. The two neighbouring states of Punjab and Haryana have been at loggerheads over Chandigarh since 1966, when Haryana was carved out of Punjab. At that time, Congress’s handling of Punjab’s reorganisation was fundamentally flawed and has been left unresolved for decades, deepening the dispute between the two states as time passes.

The issue came to fore after the Union Minister of Environment, Forests and Climate Change reportedly gave clearance allowing the allotment of 10 acres of land in Chandigarh to Haryana for the construction of its assembly building. In exchange, Haryana has offered 12 acres of land in Panchkula near IT Park Road in Chandigarh.

Notably, the demand for a separate Assembly building was raised by the then Haryana Chief Minister, Manohar Lal Khattar, during the 30th meeting of the Northern Zonal Council in Jaipur on 9 July 2022. Later, Home Minister Amit Shah announced the allocation of land. The Chandigarh administration decided to provide 10 acres of land to the Haryana government in return for 12 acres of Panchkula land bordering Chandigarh. The process was stayed owing to environmental and forest clearance issues, which have now been resolved.

But now the Punjab govt is opposing this allocation, claiming that the entire Chandigarh belongs to Punjab. Haryana govt does not agree with it. Haryana minister Anil Vij said that Punjab can have Chandigarh if they give Hindi-speaking areas to Haryana. He added that at present Chandigarh belongs to none of the states as it is a union territory, and therefore both states have equal rights on it.

The flawed foundation – Congress’s decision in 1966

Before the partition, Lahore was the capital of the undivided Punjab province. After Lohore went to Pakistan, Shimla was made the temporary capital of Indian Punjab state. At that time, the government decided to set up a modern city, and thus Chandigarh was created, India’s first planned city. It became the capital of Punjab in 1953.

Punjab was again divided in 1966, and Haryana was carved out of the state comprising Hindi-speaking areas. Chandigarh was on the newly demarketed border of the two states, and became the capital of both Punjab and Haryana. At that time, the Congress government decided not to assign Chandigarh to one of the two states or to divide the city itself, instead declaring it a Union Territory (UT).

This decision was described as temporary, with the Indira Gandhi government at the centre announcing that Harana would eventually receive its own capital city. In 1970, the central govt announced that Chandigarh city should go to Punjab, and Haryana would get a new capital city. However, successive governments failed to fulfil this promise, leaving Chandigarh in limbo. It has remained a shared capital between Punjab and Haryana to this day, with no resolution to the matter in sight.

Notably, giving Chandigarh the status of a UT was not a solution, but merely a deferral of the real problem. The Congress government at the time avoided taking a clear stance on the ownership of Chandigarh, fearing backlash from Punjab or Haryana, whichever state lost the city. Over time, there has been a consistent lack of clarity from the central government—irrespective of the ruling party—on the city’s status. The situation has now reached a point of contention between the two states, with no resolution in sight.

The administrative infrastructure in Chandigarh is shared by both states, including their Vidhan Sabha offices. This arrangement has functioned reasonably well for decades but was never intended to be a long-term solution.

Not to forget, on 29 January 1970, the central government announced that Chandigarh should, as a whole, be transferred to Punjab. The announcement was made after Fateh Singh, leader of the Punjabi Suba movement, threatened to self-immolate if Chandigarh was not handed over to Punjab. On a temporary basis, Haryana was provided accommodation for running offices in the civil secretariat and given space in Punjab’s Vidhan Sabha. This arrangement was intended to last only five years, but six decades have since passed. Political unwillingness to resolve the matter has left Chandigarh as a “disputed” city.

At the time of the independence in 1947, India had only 12 states, now the number is 28. The original states have undergone several splits to arrive at the current status. After every split, the new states got their own capitals within their geographical boundaries. But the split of Punjab was unusual in this regard and has led to the current dispute.

Haryana’s demand for a new Vidhan Sabha building

In recent years, Haryana has intensified its demand for a separate Vidhan Sabha building in Chandigarh. The state’s leaders have argued that the existing shared arrangement is no longer appropriate to meet its growing administrative needs. Haryana seeks to construct its own Assembly building within the Union Territory to address the logistical challenges it has been facing, which, according to the state government, would improve governance.

Currently, the Haryana Assembly operates out of the Punjab Civil Secretariat. This building was not designed to accommodate two independent legislatures and secretariats. Over the past six decades, the shared infrastructure between the two states has proven to be inefficient, especially as Haryana’s administrative requirements have expanded.

Haryana Minister Anil Vij spoke to media on the matter and said, “If we talk about Chandigarh, he should read the previous agreements in which it is clearly written that the Hindi speaking areas will be given to Haryana…We have as much right on Chandigarh as Punjab has. Chandigarh is a Union Territory and not a part of Punjab… All the employees working in the Union Territory are from both Punjab and Haryana.”

Punjab’s rejection – Why state opposes Haryana’s plan

The ruling party of Punjab, AAP, has outrightly opposed Haryana’s request. Finance Minister Harpal Singh Cheema has declared, “Chandigarh belongs to Punjab,” and vowed to block any move to allocate land to Haryana for its Assembly building. AAP appears to view the issue as a political opportunity to gain an electoral upper hand in the state. Speaking to media, Cheema said, “We have given a memorandum to the Governor stating that Haryana should not be allotted land in Chandigarh (to construct Haryana Assembly) and their request should be declined…Punjab has the right to Chandigarh and we will not let it go. AAP will fight for this. Haryana’s claim is absolutely wrong.”

Notably, the rhetoric that Chandigarh belongs exclusively to Punjab is not only impractical but also inflammatory. Chandigarh has served as the shared capital for both states for nearly six decades. While Punjab claims that Chandigarh historically belongs to it, Haryana’s demand for a functional administrative space does not challenge Punjab’s claim to the UT. AAP’s hardline stance risks alienating Haryana while doing little to address the larger issue of Chandigarh’s status.

Taking a dig at Punjab CM Bhagwant Mann’s statement that he would not allow Haryana to construct new Vidhan Sabha in Chandigarh, Haryana CM Nayab Singh Saini said, “First they stopped the SYL water, now they have come to the Vidhan Sabha. Haryana has a right over Chandigarh too. You should work for the people. I would like to tell Bhagwant Mann that you could have bought the crops of the farmers, you are not giving them MSP. You want to divert attention by saying that you will not let us form the Vidhan Sabha here. I would request him to take steps in the interest of the farmers. Why do they say such things that we have stopped the water, we will not let them form the Vidhan Sabha. What does this mean? One should act wisely…”

The path forward – Dialogue over divisive rhetoric

If Punjab, Haryana, and the central government genuinely wish to resolve the Chandigarh dispute, they must initiate a dialogue with a balanced approach that respects all stakeholders’ claims and needs. Haryana’s request for a new Assembly building is not unreasonable, given the logistical challenges of the current shared arrangement. On the other hand, political leaders must move beyond rhetoric and engage in constructive discussions to find a long-term solution.

The current strategy of politicising the matter will only further complicate the issue and deepen the divide between the two states. It will also make future negotiations more challenging. The Chandigarh dispute is a legacy of Congress’s indecision, but resolving it will require political will and cooperation—not inflammatory rhetoric or short-term political gains.

The Allison Pearson case: ‘Press freedom’ goes for a toss in UK as the newly elected left-wing Labour Party hounds journalist over old tweet

On 11th November this year, officers belonging to the Essex police landed at the residence of UK-based, award-winning journalist Allison Pearson.

They told her that she was being investigated for ‘incitement to racial hatred’ over a social media post uploaded in 2023. The complaint was supposedly made by a member of the public, who was not directly or indirectly referenced in the post.

The Essex Police assessed the complaint twice and decided to initiate a probe under Section 17 of the Public Order Act, 1986. Such investigation pertains to materials that ‘intend to cause racial hatred.’

By Friday (15th November), it came to light that the Essex Police had formed a ‘gold group’ (usually set up to investigate crimes like terror attacks) to investigate the case of Allison Pearson.

According to a report by The Guardian, the ‘social media post’ at the heart of the controversy is a tweet (archived) posted on 16th November 2023.

In the said tweet, the journalist had lambasted the Metropolitan police in London for posing with ‘Jew haters’.

She had tweeted, “How dare they. @metpoliceuk Invited to pose for a photo with lovely peaceful British Friends of Israel on Saturday police refused. Look at this lot smiling with the Jew haters.

Screengrab of the now-deleted tweet by Allison Pearson

Allison Pearson inadvertently assumed that the said picture was from a pro-Palestinian rally in London.

In reality, it was a political event by overseas Pakistanis and supporters of Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) held in August 2023. On realising her mistake, Pearson deleted her tweet.

Instead of policing the streets, the cops at Essex are now ‘policing’ the tweets of the award-winning journalist for ‘incitement to racial hatred.’

Despite attempts at bullying by the new Labour Party regime in the UK, Allison Pearson had been steadfast in her resolve.

She has received support from the likes of ex-British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and X (formerly Twitter) owner Elon Musk.

“I am not a racist. I didn’t post a racist tweet. My tweet did not incite violence against any protected characteristic. My fairly innocuous tweet was deleted a year ago. Senior lawyers say my tweet does “not come near the threshold for criminal prosecution,” Pearson said in a tweet on Saturday (16th November).

In the meantime, the Essex police resorted to intimidating her employer, The Telegraph. The cops have reported the newspaper to the UK’s largest regulator Independent Press Standards Organisation (IPSO), alleging false reporting.

Fact-finding committee report reveals that non-Muslims are harassed and forced to convert to Islam at Jamia Millia Islamia: Read what the witnesses said

On 15th November, a Fact-Finding Committee (FFC) constituted by the Delhi-based NGO Call for Justice brought to light serious allegations of religious discrimination and forced conversions at Jamia Millia Islamia, a minority institution in Delhi. The committee was chaired by Justice (Retd) Shiv Narayan Dhingra and included Delhi High Court Advocate Rajeev Kumari as Secretary, along with Former Secretary to the Delhi Government IAS Narendra Kumar, Former Commissioner of Delhi Police SN Srivastava, Assistant Professor at Kirori Mal College, Delhi University, Dr Nadeem Ahmad, and Delhi High Court Advocate Purnima as members. The committee was established following complaints from students and staff members about systematic harassment and bias against non-Muslims within the university.

The committee recorded testimonies from 27 witnesses, ranging from teaching and non-teaching staff to students and former students of the university. These witnesses described a problematic environment of discrimination and alleged coercion to convert to Islam. Several witnesses expressed fear of further victimisation, due to which their identities were kept confidential by the committee.

The report highlighted several cases of non-Muslim staff being denied promotions, students facing academic bias, and a culture of pressure to renounce their faith. It raised concerns about the worsening situation since JMI attained minority status in 2011. Since then, according to the report, there has been a sharp decline in the number of non-Muslim students and employees at the university.

Scope of the committee’s enquiry

The committee was tasked with investigating key issues related to discrimination and coercion at Jamia Millia Islamia. The terms of reference included examining cases of harassment and victimisation of non-Muslims, understanding the reasons behind the decline in the number of non-Muslim students and staff since 2011, and identifying the role of university officials in fostering a hostile atmosphere. Furthermore, the committee was directed to investigate any anti-national activities allegedly taking place on the university campus and to address incidental matters arising during the investigation.

Testimonies of the witnesses

Witness number 1, referred to as CW-1 in the report, told the committee that she experienced bias and harassment for being a non-Muslim since the beginning of her tenure at JMI. She is an assistant professor at the university and alleged that her Muslim colleagues frequently misbehaved, taunted, and discriminated against her. During her academic progression, she faced hurdles, including the initial refusal to extend her study leave for pursuing a PhD, despite the availability of guest faculty to cover her duties.

She further informed the committee that when she eventually completed her PhD and applied for promotion to Associate Professor, her application was blocked by a Muslim clerk. The clerk allegedly mocked her qualifications. She filed complaints with the Registrar and sought an appointment with the Vice-Chancellor, but no action was taken. She was denied promotion while her less-qualified Muslim juniors progressed in their careers without any issues.

She testified that she faced continuous pressure to convert to Islam. Her colleagues frequently criticised Hindu faith and customs, urging her to adopt Islam for “safety and dignity.” When she refused, incidents of harassment increased, including being overburdened with work, professional isolation, and being bypassed for opportunities. She alleged that such practices were common against non-Muslims within the university.

Witness number 2, referred to as CW-2, told the committee that being a non-Muslim, and from the Scheduled Caste (SC), subjected him to severe discrimination at Jamia Millia Islamia. He joined the university as a teaching faculty member but was denied basic facilities such as a sitting space and a cabin. The same facilities were provided to his Muslim colleagues who joined after him. When he filed complaints with the Head of the Department and the Vice-Chancellor, no action was taken. Higher officials allegedly submitted fake reports to the Vice-Chancellor claiming that facilities had been provided to him.

When he threatened to file an FIR under the SC/ST Act, the university hurriedly constituted a committee and persuaded him not to file the FIR. Eventually, he was allocated workspace, but it was taken back when the Vice-Chancellor changed. It was only after he was made Assistant Controller of Examination that he received a cabin. After this, he faced abuses such as, “How could a Deputy Registrar’s office be given to a Kafir.” He also faced derogatory remarks about his attire and Hindu religious symbols, such as wearing a tilak or kalawa.

Furthermore, he was denied key responsibilities, such as supervising PhD students or preparing examination papers. However, his Muslim colleagues faced no such issues in securing these responsibilities. He alleged that his promotion was blocked due to his religion, and one Muslim staff member reportedly said that the post “should not go to a Kafir.”

Witness number 3, referred to as CW-3 in the report, recounted the harassment and discrimination she faced at the university. She described instances of being pressured to convert to Islam during her tenure as a teaching faculty member. She alleged that professors openly favoured Muslim students and staff while threatening and harassing Hindus who resisted conversion efforts.

In a further shocking testimony, she informed the committee that a senior faculty member, Professor Amutul Halim, threatened her with acid attacks and rape if she did not embrace Islam. Her work assignments were reportedly manipulated to overburden her. Maternity leave was initially denied despite health complications. Her promotion was delayed, and she had to fight for interviews, including seeking judicial intervention to secure her professional rights. She named several faculty members, including Sara Begum and Farhana Khatun, who attempted to force her to convert, but she did not relent.

Witness number 4, or CW-4, told the committee that he was repeatedly pressured by his Muslim colleague, Dr Saiyad Shahid Ali, to read the Quran and embrace Islamic teachings. Dr Ali would call him every 2–3 weeks to enquire about his progress, after which CW-4 began avoiding him. He experienced delays in routine promotions and was subjected to discriminatory behaviour. He was accused of website errors despite having no control over them. He alleged that this treatment was a direct consequence of his refusal to convert to Islam.

He mentioned that his routine promotions were delayed while his Muslim colleagues received theirs on time. When he protested, no action was taken. He also cited derogatory remarks from Muslim colleagues regarding his Hindu beliefs and rituals, describing the university atmosphere as hostile to non-Muslims.

Witness number 5, or CW-5, told the committee that soon after joining the university as an assistant professor, he received three copies of the Quran from different Muslim colleagues. They persistently made efforts to influence him towards Islam. When he resisted, he faced false allegations of being absent from classes. He was denied grants released by the Government of India for assistant professors, while his department colleagues received them.

CW-5 further alleged that his promotions were delayed by five years, causing him significant financial loss, and attributed this bias to his refusal to convert to Islam. When he complained to the Registrar, Nazim Husain Aljafri, about not promoting him from the date of eligibility, he was reportedly told this was because he lacked ‘IMAN’ (adherence to Islamic religion and values).

Witness number 6, or CW-6, told the committee that soon after joining Jamia Millia Islamia as an administrative staff member, he was given books containing Islamic teachings, which he returned within two days. He faced constant pressure to embrace Islam. After the university was granted minority status in 2011, a mandatory Urdu examination reportedly became a tool to fail Hindu students and staff members and to further encourage conversion. He alleged delays in his promotion and sarcastic remarks by Muslim colleagues about his caste and religion.

Witness number 7, or CW-7, told the committee that he faced persistent harassment and caste-based discrimination during his tenure as a student and later as a guest faculty member at JMI. After joining the university, his Headmaster, Mohammed Murshalim, openly expressed surprise that a Hindu teacher had been hired. He subjected him to degrading tasks, including washing dirty cups, while abusing him with casteist slurs intended to demean him as a member of the Scheduled Caste (SC). He pointed out that the ratio of Hindu students to Muslim students drastically changed post 2011 when the university got minority status.

Although CW-7 performed his duties perfectly, he was overburdened by the headmaster and denied leave during Hindu festivals. He was consistently pressured to convert to Islam. He further added that he was accused of misconduct based on fabricated complaints and was compelled to sign an apology letter under duress.

When he sought intervention from higher authorities, his complaints were ignored. He approached the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) and sought legal recourse, but these steps led to heightened harassment, including threats from senior university officials. CW-7 revealed that his attempts to lodge an FIR against his harassers were initially obstructed by the local police, prompting him to seek a court order to have the case registered.

He recounted how the headmaster categorically warned him that unless he converted to Islam, he would be terminated based on false allegations. Despite obtaining an inquiry report exonerating him, no action was taken against the headmaster for making baseless complaints. CW-7 described the atmosphere at Jamia Millia Islamia as overwhelmingly hostile towards non-Muslims, with systemic efforts to coerce individuals like him into religious conversion through fear and harassment.

Witness number 8, or CW-8, told the committee about the continuous harassment and professional discrimination he faced as a Hindu faculty member. He testified that his troubles began in 2009 when he played the national song Vande Mataram on the university’s community radio. His actions angered senior staff, leading to targeted hostility. He said he was later denied a No Objection Certificate to join a government position despite being selected. He was subjected to fabricated misconduct allegations, including inappropriate behaviour with a student, without any evidence or opportunity to cross-examine witnesses.

CW-8 further detailed how his PhD registration at Jamia Millia Islamia was cancelled on dubious grounds after exceeding the prescribed time limit, while Muslim colleagues were granted extensions. He eventually completed his PhD at another institution but continued to face discrimination, including delays in granting increments and the denial of promotions. He alleged that his transfers to irrelevant departments, such as being moved from the Radio Department to the Hindi Department, were deliberate attempts to stifle his career growth. CW-8 claimed that university officials regularly hinted that his problems would be resolved if he converted to Islam, underscoring the systemic bias faced by non-Muslims.

Furthermore, CW-8 revealed that he suffered financial losses due to withheld increments and was threatened with compulsory retirement when he sought redress. He was consistently persuaded to convert to Islam. CW-8 cited examples of Muslim colleagues with lesser qualifications being fast-tracked for promotions, further highlighting the discriminatory practices entrenched within the university. His testimony shed light on the institutionalised hostility towards non-Muslims at JMI.

Witness number 9, or CW-9, told the committee that he worked as a security guard at Jamia Millia Islamia and was pressured by colleagues to convert to Islam. After refusing, he was falsely implicated in a rape case and subsequently jailed. During his imprisonment, his family was coerced into conversion, with his wife and daughter reportedly embracing Islam under duress. His wife died under mysterious circumstances, and despite being acquitted, CW-9 was not reinstated at the university due to his religion.

Witness number 10, or CW-10, told the committee that he faced relentless harassment and discrimination as a Hindu student at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI). He alleged that after he shared a social media post praising Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he became a target of mockery and ridicule by Muslim students. CW-10 stated that he was frequently taunted for wearing Hindu symbols like kalawa and was accused of using “cow dung” and “gaumutra.” This atmosphere of hostility forced him to withdraw from public gatherings and social activities within the campus.

CW-10 testified that Hindu students at JMI were often pressured to convert to Islam and were targeted during Hindu festivals. He recounted incidents where Muslim students disrupted Diwali celebrations, and those participating were physically attacked. In one instance, Hindu students Ajay Kumar Jha and Manish Mishra were assaulted while returning from lighting diyas during Diwali. CW-10 also reported that Hindu students were deliberately failed in examinations or denied opportunities, with faculty members allegedly complicit in fostering this bias. He further noted that several Hindu students abandoned their studies due to escalating harassment.

CW-10 highlighted an incident where a B.Tech student, Mukesh, was assaulted for posting about a Hindu girl allegedly raped by a cleric. Instead of addressing the attackers, the university initiated an enquiry against Mukesh. CW-10 alleged that Hindu students were often subjected to threats and intimidation for participating in peaceful protests or questioning discrimination. He also mentioned a case of a Hindu girl, Bhawna Vashisht, who was sexually and mentally harassed to force her into converting to Islam and marrying a Muslim student.

Witness number 11, or CW-11, told the committee that as a Scheduled Caste (SC) clerical staff member at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI), he faced persistent caste-based discrimination and religious harassment. Shortly after joining in 2007, he was pressured by Muslim colleagues to convert to Islam, with promises of greater respect and honour. When he refused, the workplace environment became increasingly hostile. CW-11 testified that his attempts to secure a permanent post or promotions were deliberately obstructed by senior officials.

He recounted that in 2023, when he challenged the university’s minority status and demanded reservation benefits in court, the harassment intensified. CW-11 alleged that the registrar and other senior staff used derogatory casteist slurs like “Bhangi” and “Chamar” and threatened to falsely implicate him in a sexual harassment case to terminate his employment. He further stated that his work assignments were manipulated, and he was transferred to departments where he had no tasks, isolating him professionally.

CW-11 also disclosed that senior officials pressured him to withdraw his court case and convert to Islam, warning him that his career at Jamia Millia Islamia would be ruined otherwise. He eventually filed an FIR against the registrar and other officials for casteist abuse and harassment, which was only registered after a prolonged struggle. CW-11’s testimony underscores the dual discrimination faced by non-Muslim and Scheduled Caste employees, with systemic efforts to coerce conversion and suppress dissent within the university.

Witness number 12 or CW-12, told the committee that as a Jain student, he was repeatedly pressured to convert to Islam by Muslim peers and external individuals visiting the campus. CW-12 reported threats and abuse after resisting these efforts, including a physical assault by a group of students. He also testified about religious discrimination during festivals, with Hindu celebrations being restricted or denied, while Muslim festivals were openly promoted on campus.

Witness number 13 or CW-13, told the committee that as a non-Muslim staff member in the exam controller’s office, he was subjected to differential treatment, including being barred from eating in the office during lunch hours while Muslim colleagues performed namaz without restriction. CW-13 faced obstacles in securing NOCs for external opportunities and alleged that promotions were granted preferentially to Muslim employees. He also highlighted cases where Hindu girls who converted to Islam were given permanent jobs, further indicating a systemic bias.

Witness number 14 or CW-14, told the committee that as a law student, he witnessed frequent discrimination against Hindu students. He alleged that Muslim students were allowed to deviate from the dress code, while Hindu students faced penalties for doing the same. CW-14 recounted incidents where patriotic songs were banned during cultural events, and Hindu students were openly mocked or targeted for their religious practices. He also highlighted attempts to lure Hindu girls into conversion and relationships with Muslim peers.

Witness number 15 or CW-15, told the committee that he was targeted for protesting against anti-Hindu social media posts. He alleged that members of the Tablighi Jamaat regularly visited hostels to influence Hindu students to convert to Islam. CW-15 claimed that Muslim students and faculty often labelled Hindu students as “Sanghis” or fascists, creating a hostile environment that led many to abandon their courses or remain silent about the harassment.

Witness number 16 or CW-16, told the committee that as a PhD student, he faced discrimination in fellowship allocation. While Muslim students were routinely granted fellowships, CW-16’s application was denied without explanation. He was frequently assigned menial tasks, such as grading papers and relocating laboratory equipment, which were not required of his Muslim peers. CW-16 stated that he refrained from raising concerns, fearing repercussions that could delay his degree completion.

Witness number 17 or CW-17, told the committee that he observed a systematic effort by radical groups at Jamia Millia Islamia to convert non-Muslims to Islam. As a Muslim staff member, CW-17 highlighted the existence of organisations like the Popular Front of India (PFI) and Jamat-e-Islami operating within the campus, allegedly targeting Hindu students and promoting radical ideologies. He revealed that Hindu students were often denied accommodation in hostels and were subjected to discrimination during elections and social activities. CW-17 also alleged that certain professors were complicit in creating a hostile environment against non-Muslims.

Witness number 18 or CW-18, told the committee that as an undergraduate student, he experienced blatant religious bias during coursework. He stated that courses on Indian religions disproportionately focused on Islam, with Hinduism and other faiths dismissed as inferior. CW-18 also alleged that a Hindu classmate was pressured to convert to Islam, and Muslim students criticised Hindu festivals while discouraging participation in celebrations like Holi and Diwali.

Witness number 19 or CW-19, told the committee that Muslim students frequently tried to impose Islamic practices on non-Muslims. He highlighted instances where Hindu students were forced to adhere to Muslim traditions, including namaz and dress codes. CW-19 also alleged that special privileges, such as extended lunch breaks for Friday prayers, were granted to Muslim students and staff, while non-Muslim festivals were ignored. He noted that Hindu students felt increasingly unsafe due to the rise of radical elements on campus.

Witness number 20 or CW-20, told the committee that as a postgraduate student, he faced harassment for resisting religious coercion. He alleged that he was denied admission to a PhD programme despite being qualified, attributing this exclusion to religious bias. CW-20 also testified about receiving threats for not conforming to Islamic practices and noted that several professors openly discriminated against non-Muslim students in academic and administrative matters.

Witness number 21 or CW-21, told the committee that she faced targeted discrimination as a Hindu faculty member. She alleged that her workload was manipulated to make her responsibilities disproportionately heavy compared to her Muslim peers. CW-21 testified about instances where her professional growth was hindered, including being passed over for promotions. She also cited an environment of religious intolerance, where Hindu beliefs were ridiculed, and Islamic practices were overtly encouraged.

Witness number 22 or CW-22, told the committee that he witnessed systematic discrimination against non-Muslim staff. He alleged that important positions and promotions were reserved for Muslim employees, with non-Muslims being excluded from key decisions. CW-22 highlighted specific cases of Hindu staff members being pressured to convert to Islam to gain professional advantages, with some eventually succumbing to these pressures.

Witness number 23 or CW-23, told the committee that as an administrative staff member, he faced delays in promotions and frequent harassment for not adopting Islamic practices. He testified that even routine approvals were made difficult for non-Muslims, while Muslim colleagues enjoyed preferential treatment. CW-23 also alleged that the university administration often ignored complaints by non-Muslims, further enabling a culture of bias.

Witness number 24 or CW-24, told the committee that she observed blatant favouritism towards Muslim students and staff in academic and extracurricular activities. She cited instances where Hindu students were penalised for minor infractions while Muslim students were let off for similar or more serious violations. CW-24 also testified about covert attempts by university faculty to influence Hindu students to convert to Islam.

Witness number 25 or CW-25, told the committee that as a non-Muslim student, he faced ongoing harassment from both peers and faculty. He alleged that Hindu students were pressured to abandon their cultural and religious practices, and those who resisted were ostracised. CW-25 recounted being ridiculed for wearing traditional Hindu symbols like a tilak and kalawa and stated that such hostility discouraged many Hindu students from continuing their education at JMI.

Witness number 26 or CW-26, told the committee that he observed a sharp decline in the enrolment of non-Muslim students at Jamia Millia Islamia, attributing it to the hostile environment fostered on campus. He testified that Hindu students were frequently targeted during religious festivals and faced relentless pressure to adopt Islamic customs. CW-26 also alleged that the administration actively ignored or suppressed complaints by non-Muslims.

Witness number 27 or CW-27, told the committee that he faced workplace discrimination as a non-Muslim faculty member. He alleged that Muslim colleagues enjoyed undue privileges, such as preferential access to research grants and promotions, while non-Muslims were systematically sidelined. CW-27 testified that even minor administrative tasks were complicated for non-Muslims, creating an environment of exclusion and frustration.

Why was the committee constituted?

The Fact-Finding Committee (FFC) was established by the NGO Call For Justice in response to escalating allegations of discrimination and forced conversions at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI). The catalyst for this investigation was the case of Mr. Ram Niwas Singh, a Dalit employee at JMI, who filed a First Information Report (FIR) against senior university officials, including Professor Nazim Hussain Al Jafri, Mohammad Nasim Haidar, and Professor Shahid Tasleem. Singh accused them of caste-based harassment and attempts to coerce him into converting to Islam. More details about the case can be checked here.

In his complaint, Singh detailed a series of discriminatory actions, such as being denied No Objection Certificates (NOCs) for career advancement and facing multiple unwarranted transfers within the university. He also reported being subjected to derogatory casteist slurs and threats of false allegations to jeopardize his employment. Singh alleged that university officials pressured him to convert to Islam, promising to resolve his professional issues and secure his children’s future upon conversion.

Findings of the fact-finding committee

The committee uncovered systematic discrimination and harassment of non-Muslim students and staff at JMI. The report revealed continuous efforts to convert non-Muslims to Islam through psychological pressure, professional setbacks, and even threats. It documented widespread bias, including the denial of promotions, caste-based slurs, isolation in academic settings, and unwarranted accusations. The report also highlighted the role of certain university officials and radical elements in creating a hostile atmosphere for non-Muslims.

Reasons for the sharp decline in the number of non-Muslim students and staff at JMI

The committee noted a sharp decline in the number of non-Muslim students and staff members at the university over the past decade. The report attributed this change to an increasingly hostile and discriminatory atmosphere at JMI. Non-Muslims reportedly faced religious and caste-based discrimination. The introduction of mandatory Urdu exams after the university gained minority status in 2011 became an indirect tool to discourage non-Muslims from enrolling or continuing their education. Hindu students and staff also cited persistent coercion to convert to Islam as a significant factor for their withdrawal.

Anti-national activities at JMI

In addition to the issues mentioned above, the report raised serious concerns about alleged anti-national activities at JMI. It noted that such activities were facilitated by radical elements within the university. The report documented instances where student and faculty organisations collaborated with groups such as the now-banned terrorist outfit Popular Front of India (PFI) and Jamat-e-Islami to promote divisive and extremist ideologies.

Witnesses informed the committee that these groups targeted non-Muslim students for conversion and trained individuals in radical doctrines. The committee also highlighted protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC), noting the involvement of JMI’s faculty and administration in mobilising demonstrations and raising funds. Such activities were allegedly used to foster anti-national sentiments.

The Fact-Finding Committee’s findings reveal serious issues of discrimination, harassment, and pressure to convert to Islam at Jamia Millia Islamia. Testimonies show a hostile environment for non-Muslim students and staff, with examples of caste-based discrimination and unfair treatment in academics and jobs. The report highlights the urgent need for action to ensure justice and equality for everyone at the university.