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Jharkhand is trapped in the dual grip of Muslim infiltrators and Christian missionaries, the tribal society’s ‘roti-beti-maati’ won’t be saved by the Sarna code

Sarna (tribal sacred sites) in Jharkhand are vanishing, replaced by mosques and mazars. Tribals are losing not only their land and employment but also their daughters.

Amid the ongoing Jharkhand Assembly Elections 2024, the echoes of ‘roti’, ‘beti’, and ‘maati’ resonate strongly. Amidst these echoes, 8th November and 15th November (Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas) have also passed. The 8th of November is considered significant as it marks the first recorded instance of Christian conversion of tribal/Adivasi (Scheduled Tribes) individuals on this day in what is now Jharkhand.

When and how did STs first convert to Christianity in Jharkhand?

In 1873, Archbishop Stains from Kolkata baptised 28 individuals from six Munda families in Khuntpani (also spelt Khutpani/Khuntpani). Khuntpani is now part of the West Singhbhum district in Jharkhand. A commemorative stone engraved with the names of these first converts still exists. To mark the day, a “pilgrimage fair” is organised annually on 8th November, attracting Christian converts from Jharkhand and neighbouring states in significant numbers. Roman Catholic devotees from foreign countries also visit the fair.

Santhal Pargana – From the first Christian conversions to present-day Muslim infiltration

Khuntpani is part of the Chotanagpur region, which has been significantly affected by the Christian missionary conversion mafia in Santhal Pargana. The influence is so pervasive that electing representatives from the ST community who have converted to Christianity has become common in the region.

The region is also under scrutiny for demographic changes caused by Bangladeshi-Rohingya Muslim infiltration. Sarna (tribal sacred sites) are vanishing, replaced by mosques and mazars. Tribals are losing not only their land and employment but also their daughters. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has expressed concern over these issues in many rallies.

The promise to curb infiltration and introduce the Sarna code

In light of this dire situation, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has pledged that if the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) gains power in the state, it will not only stop infiltration but also enact laws to reclaim land occupied or fraudulently acquired by infiltrators. Apart from infiltration, the Sarna Dharma Code has become a prominent issue in these elections.

Source: OpIndia Hindi

What is the Sarna Dharma Code?

As of now, Indian law recognises six religious communities: Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist, and Jain. The Congress-HMM alliance, which denies concerns about infiltration, has promised to implement the Sarna Tribal Religious Code.

In November 2020, the INDIA coalition government convened a one-day special session of the Jharkhand Assembly to unanimously pass a proposal to include ‘Sarna’ as a separate religion in the 2021 Census. Despite questioning the government’s intentions, the BJP supported this proposal. Subsequently, Chief Minister Hemant Soren wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, reiterating the demand.

While releasing its manifesto for the Jharkhand elections, Union Home Minister Amit Shah stated that the BJP would consider the Sarna Code and make appropriate decisions. Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the BJP’s election in-charge for Jharkhand, reiterated this stance on several occasions. Assam Chief Minister and election co-incharge Himanta Biswa Sarma went further, promising that the party would implement the Sarna Code if it forms the government.

The Sarna Code recognises tribal society as a distinct religious group. While the BJP has not publicly opposed it, its stance in this election appears softer compared to the RSS’s ideology, which considers tribal society part of Hinduism. The RSS, through organisations like the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, operates in tribal areas with this belief. Sandeep Oraon, regional coordinator (Bihar-Jharkhand) of the RSS-affiliated Tribal Security Forum, claims that implementing the Sarna Code would create several problems at various levels.

The Sarna Code will not address the issue of Christian conversion engulfing tribal society. From 1871 to 1951, tribal societies were recognised as a separate religious group in the Census, yet Christian conversions persisted, beginning in 1873 in Khuntpani, as discussed earlier.

Can the Sarna Code counter Christian conversions?

Similar to Khuntpani, Madku Dweep in Chhattisgarh’s Mungeli district also hosts religious fairs promoting Christianity. Surrounded by the waters of the Shivnath River, the island is believed to be the site where Rishi Mandukya composed the ‘Mundaka Upanishad’, which inspired the motto ‘Satyamev Jayate’.

Reaching this island is challenging. In September 2022, I crossed the river by boat to visit it. However, I was shocked to see a platform with a cross on this deserted island. The largest annual gathering here is a week-long Christian fair held every February since 1909.

Kharkona’s story mirrors Khuntpani

Chhattisgarh’s Jashpur district is a major hub of Christian conversion activities. The country’s largest church is located in Kunkuri, within Jashpur district. The conversion of tribal society in this region began even when Sarna was recognised as a separate identity under British rule.

In the Manera block of Jashpur district lies a village called Kharkona. Upon entering the village, visitors are greeted by a Cross Square. A plaque near the church lists the names of 56 individuals baptised on 21st November 1906. In this village, I also visited ‘Sahib Kona’, which hosts annual events for converted Hindus.

The devastating impact of Christian conversion is evident in Jashpur. According to government records, one in every four people in the district identifies as Christian. This demographic shift occurred despite the significant influence of a royal family recognised for its efforts to counter missionary conspiracies and facilitate the return of converted Hindus (especially tribals) to their ancestral faith.

Clement Lakra’s 30-year fight for Sarna recognition

The fight for Sarna recognition predates the 24-year-old state of Jharkhand. It has spanned over 30 years, symbolised by the struggle of 58-year-old Clement Lakra. During my 2022 visit to Clement’s home in Duldula, Chhattisgarh, he shared:

“My father was deceived. He was made a fool. The day I understood this, I lost my faith in Christianity. I vowed to reclaim the Sarna faith that they (the Catholic institution) desecrated and return to my ancestors’ religion. Let’s see how long I can fight them.”

Clement, a father of two daughters, resides in Duldula within Chhattisgarh’s Kunkuri Assembly constituency. His wife, Sushma Lakra, is the sarpanch of Duldula. Photographs on the walls of their home indicate the family had converted to Christianity, while documents scattered on a corner table narrate the hardships they endured post-conversion.

Clement’s approximately 10 acres of land is now occupied by a Catholic institution. This land houses a church, a school, residences for priests and nuns, and farmland cultivated by members of the institution. Clement’s father, Bhade alias Vashil Oraon, lost this land in exchange for converting to Christianity.

Despite winning a legal battle against the Catholic institution, Clement has yet to reclaim the land. Instead, Catholic officials and their allies harass his family, obstructing development work in Duldula Panchayat. They have pressured his wife to convince Clement to withdraw the case. Recalling one incident, Clement said, “In February 2022, a meeting was held in the church. I was told that if I didn’t withdraw the case, I’d be ostracised from society. They even threatened that no one would marry my daughters.”

Christian missionaries seize opportunities even in disasters

An organisation called Unfolding Word works on the mission of translating the Bible into every language. Its CEO, David Reeves, made shocking revelations in 2021. He disclosed that around 100,000 people were converted to Christianity during the Covid-19 pandemic. Each church was tasked with organising prayers in ten villages. During the pandemic, when physical gatherings were restricted, prayers were disseminated via phone calls and WhatsApp.

According to Reeves, the number of churches built in India during the pandemic surpassed the total constructed in the preceding 25 years. One such church was observed in Jashpur’s Girang on forest department land. This church, constructed in an inaccessible area with no pathway, was eventually closed after protests halted its construction. Abhishek Gupta, affiliated with the BJP’s youth wing, told OpIndia, “Christian missionaries engage in land jihad in this manner. Wherever they find vacant land, they plant a cross and build a church. Over time, they conspire with the administration to construct access pathways, and soon prayers begin. Later, no matter how much one protests, the administration refuses to remove the encroachment.”

This church was being constructed during Covid-19 pandemic and the construction was stopped after protests. (Image: OpIndia Hindi)

Can the Sarna Code stop the Joshua Project?

The Joshua Project, a US-based organisation established in 1995, claims to work under the biblical directive to convert and baptise people globally. According to reports, the organisation builds churches on tribal lands in states like Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Odisha. In 2011–12, these four states had approximately 12,000 churches, which have now grown to over 25,000. This expansion has occurred despite laws prohibiting outsiders from purchasing tribal land.

After converting tribals to Christianity, missionaries often ask them to cut down Sarna trees, which hold sacred value for tribal communities. The impact of Christian conversions is so extensive that entire villages have been converted. In some cases, only a few Hindu families remain. Outside villages where missionaries have succeeded, crosses are erected as a symbol of dominance.

When Christian population surpasses majority mark in any village, a cross like this gets placed in the village.

The Joshua Project’s activities extend beyond tribal communities. It has collected data on India’s 2,272 castes and tribes. The organisation reports that it has yet to reach 2,041 of these groups but has already influenced 103. Among these, some groups have seen significant Christian conversions, with 10%–100% of their populations converted in several cases.

‘Roti-beti-maati’ and the BJP’s election campaign

Centred around ‘roti-beti-maati’, the BJP has brought the dual threat of infiltrators and Christian missionaries to the forefront of its election campaign. Discussions now revolve around the legitimate and illegitimate methods used by churches to expand their presence across villages. To ensure that converted individuals from tribal communities retain their reservation benefits, many are being classified as crypto-Christians.

Even the Madras High Court has flagged this issue. In a case involving Catholic priest George Ponnaiah from Kanyakumari, Justice G.R. Swaminathan noted significant demographic shifts in the region. Referring to Kanyakumari’s religious composition, the judge observed:

“There has been a noticeable demographic shift in Kanyakumari’s religious composition. Since 1980, Hindus have ceased to be the majority in the district. However, the 2011 Census still identifies Hindus as the largest religious group at 48.5%, which might not reflect the ground reality. A significant number of Scheduled Castes have converted to Christianity but continue to identify as Hindus to retain reservation benefits.”

The need for political and societal action

This trap is not a recent phenomenon, nor is it limited to Jharkhand alone. It has deeper roots and a wider impact, threatening tribal and Hindu communities across India. While strict anti-conversion laws may act as a deterrent, they are not enough to counter this menace comprehensively. Hindu society cannot afford to remain complacent, relying solely on political parties, organisations, or a few families to fight against Christian missionaries.

To rescue Hindus from this vicious cycle, political and administrative willpower is crucial. Equally important is for every Hindu to remain aware and vocal about the demographic changes unfolding in their surroundings. Unfortunately, in independent India, neither politics has consistently demonstrated such resolve, nor has Hindu society compelled collective action on these issues.

Political forces often exploit tribal identity issues, such as the Sarna Code, to divide Hindus while inadvertently aiding missionary activities. When the proposal to recognise Sarna as a separate religion was brought to the Jharkhand Assembly, the BJP expressed concerns about the potential divisions it could cause. Now, the BJP must focus on measures to counter missionary activities permanently.

The party needs to adopt the same level of aggression against Christian conversions as it demonstrates against infiltration. If this issue is not addressed promptly, the ongoing demographic battle will further weaken Hindus on the ground—weakening the foundation of the larger vision of ‘Akhand Bharat’.

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