Home Blog

Housing Loan EMI Calculator 2026: Plan your dream home with confidence

Buying a home in 2026 is one of the most significant financial decisions an Indian family will make. Property prices have risen sharply across cities, driven by infrastructure expansion, urbanisation, and post-pandemic demand recovery. In metros like Mumbai, Bengaluru, and Pune, average residential prices have climbed 15โ€“25% over the last three years alone. For most buyers, bridging the gap between savings and property cost means taking a home loan, and that is where careful, upfront planning becomes non-negotiable.

Before you approach a lender, before you shortlist a property, even before you set a budget, run the numbers. A housing loan EMI calculator is a free, instant tool that translates complex financial variables into a single, actionable monthly figure. Understanding your EMI in advance can prevent over-borrowing, protect your monthly cash flow, and help you negotiate better terms with lenders.

What is a Housing Loan EMI Calculator?

EMI stands for Equated Monthly Instalment – the fixed amount you pay your lender every month until the loan is fully repaid. An EMI has two components: the principal (the borrowed amount being repaid) and the interest (the lender’s charge for extending credit). In the early months of a loan, a larger share of your EMI goes toward interest. As the loan matures, the principal repayment increases – this is called an amortisation schedule.

A housing loan EMI calculator uses the standard EMI formula to compute your monthly outgo instantly:

EMI = [P ร— R ร— (1 + R)^N] / [(1 + R)^N โ€“ 1]

Where P = Principal loan amount, R = Monthly interest rate (Annual rate รท 12 รท 100), N = Loan tenure in months.

Rather than doing this manually, the online calculator handles everything instantly – which means you can test multiple scenarios in minutes.

Why every homebuyer needs a Housing Loan EMI Calculator

Home loan interest rates play a direct role in how much you pay every month. Even a difference of 0.5% per annum can translate into tens of thousands of rupees over a 20-year tenure. Planning your finances should never rely on rough guesses. The calculator gives you:

  • A precise monthly EMI figure, so you know exactly what to budget for.
  • Total interest payable over the full tenure – often a number that surprises first-time buyers.
  • Total repayment cost, combining both principal and interest, so you understand the true cost of the loan.
  • The ability to compare tenures side by side – see how a 15-year vs. 25-year loan changes both your EMI and your total outflow.

These insights protect you from taking on more than you can manage, and they help you walk into any lender’s office with clarity and confidence.

How the Calculator works: Step by step

Using a housing loan EMI calculator takes less than a minute. Here is what you input:

1. Loan Amount (Principal)

Start with a realistic figure. Subtract your down payment from the total property cost. Most lenders finance 75โ€“90% of the property value; the rest comes from your own savings. Avoid borrowing more than necessary – every additional lakh adds to your monthly commitment.

2. Interest Rate

Enter the rate you expect to be offered, or the prevailing rate from your bank’s website. Home loan rates in India currently range from approximately 7% to 10% p.a. depending on the lender, your credit profile, and whether the rate is fixed or floating. Try multiple rates – this shows you the impact of even a small rate difference on your EMI.

3. Loan Tenure

Choose a repayment period, typically between 5 and 30 years. A longer tenure reduces your monthly EMI but significantly increases the total interest paid. A shorter tenure costs more each month but saves you substantially on interest. The calculator makes this trade-off visible immediately.

Once you enter these three inputs, the calculator instantly displays your monthly EMI, total interest outgo, and aggregate repayment amount. Use it multiple times – with different loan amounts, rates, and tenures – to map out scenarios and find the right balance.

EMI reference: Sample figures at 8.5% p.a.

The table below gives a quick reference for estimated EMIs at a rate of 8.5% p.a. (approximate average market rate). Your actual EMI will vary based on the lender’s offered rate and your credit profile.

Loan AmountTenure (Years)Approx. EMI @ 8.5% p.a.
Rs. 30 Lakh10Rs. 37,190
Rs. 30 Lakh20Rs. 26,035
Rs. 50 Lakh20Rs. 43,391
Rs. 75 Lakh25Rs. 60,302

Even a tenure difference of 10 years on a Rs. 30 lakh loan reduces your EMI by over Rs. 11,000 – but adds several lakhs in total interest. The calculator makes this visible so you can decide consciously.

Benefits of using the Calculator before applying

Benefit AreaWhat You Gain
Cost ClarityUnderstand the full loan cost before signing anything
FlexibilityTest different interest rates, loan amounts, and tenures
ConfidenceMake decisions based on real numbers, not rough estimates
BudgetingPlan your EMI comfortably within your monthly income
Risk AwarenessSpot over-borrowing risks before you commit

Using the calculator more than once is a sound habit. Try it with various loan amounts, rates, and tenures. Each variation offers a new perspective on affordability and helps you find the right balance between the amount you want to borrow and the EMI you can comfortably sustain.

Key factors that affect your home loan EMI

Credit Score

Your CIBIL score is one of the most influential factors in determining your interest rate. Borrowers with scores above 750 typically receive preferential rates, while those below 650 may find it difficult to secure approval at all. Even a 0.25% reduction in your rate due to a strong credit score can save lakhs over a 20-year tenure.

Fixed vs. Floating Interest Rate

A fixed rate remains constant throughout the tenure, giving payment certainty. A floating rate is linked to the RBI repo rate and market benchmarks (such as the lender’s MCLR or RLLR), and can go up or down. In a falling rate environment, floating rate loans benefit borrowers; in a rising rate environment, fixed rates offer protection. Run EMI calculations for both scenarios before deciding.

Down Payment Percentage

The more you pay upfront, the less you borrow – and the lower your EMI. If you can stretch your down payment from 10% to 20% of the property value, your EMI and total interest burden reduce significantly. Use the calculator to see exactly how much difference an extra Rs. 5 lakh in down payment makes.

Prepayments and Part-Payments

Most floating-rate home loans in India allow prepayment without penalty (as per RBI guidelines). Making even one or two lump-sum prepayments during the loan tenure – say, from a bonus or matured investment – can reduce your outstanding principal significantly and cut years off your loan. Many calculators allow you to model this scenario.

Practical tips to reduce your home loan EMI

  • Improve your credit score before applying. A score above 750 – ideally closer to 800 – positions you for the lender’s best rates. Pay off existing credit card dues and avoid multiple loan applications in a short period.
  • Opt for a longer tenure if immediate cash flow is a concern, but review it every 3โ€“5 years. As your income grows, consider switching to a shorter tenure or making prepayments to reduce the interest burden.
  • Compare lenders, not just rates. Processing fees, prepayment charges, insurance bundling, and customer service quality all matter. The cheapest rate with the poorest service can cost more in the long run.
  • Check whether you qualify for any government subsidy. Under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY), eligible first-time homebuyers can receive an interest subsidy of up to 6.5% p.a. on a portion of their loan, which can lower the effective EMI considerably.
  • Use the EMI calculator for ongoing planning. Your financial situation changes – income rises, expenses shift, and interest rates move. Revisiting your numbers every year keeps you in control.

Standard home loan eligibility criteria in India

While eligibility criteria vary slightly across lenders, the following are the general benchmarks most major housing finance companies apply:

  • Nationality: Indian citizen residing in India.
  • Employment type: Salaried, self-employed professional, or self-employed non-professional.
  • Age: Typically between 23 and 67 years for salaried applicants; up to 70 years for self-employed applicants at loan maturity.
  • CIBIL Score: 725 or above is the usual minimum threshold; scores above 750 attract better rates.
  • Income: Sufficient net monthly income to support the proposed EMI, typically assessed using a fixed obligation to income ratio (FOIR) of 40โ€“50%.

Documents required for home loan approval

Having your documents ready before applying speeds up processing significantly. Most lenders require the following:

Document TypeDetails
KYC DocumentsIdentity proof and address proof
Income ProofSalary slips (salaried) or P&L statement (self-employed)
Bank StatementsLast 6 months of account activity
Business ProofRequired for self-employed applicants only

Many lenders today offer doorstep document pickup, reducing the need for branch visits. Digital verification through DigiLocker and Aadhaar e-KYC has further streamlined the process at several banks and housing finance companies.

How to apply for a home loan: A step-by-step overview

Once you have used the housing loan EMI calculator and identified an affordable loan amount, the application process at most lenders follows these steps:

  • Step 1 – Research and compare lenders: Look at interest rates, processing fees, prepayment norms, customer reviews, and loan-to-value ratio offered.
  • Step 2 – Check your eligibility: Use the lender’s online eligibility calculator (separate from the EMI calculator) to get a preliminary sense of how much you qualify for.
  • Step 3 – Gather your documents: Compile KYC, income proof, bank statements, and property documents in advance.
  • Step 4 – Submit your application: Most lenders offer online application portals. Fill in your personal, income, and loan details, then upload documents and submit.
  • Step 5 – OTP verification and processing: Verify your identity digitally. The lender will then assess your application, run a credit check, and verify your documents.
  • Step 6 – Sanction and disbursement: Upon approval, you will receive a sanction letter detailing your loan amount, rate, tenure, and terms. After you accept and the property documents are verified, the loan is disbursed.

Many lenders now offer conditional approval within 24โ€“48 hours of complete document submission, making the process significantly faster than it was even five years ago.

Start with a number you can trust

Planning is the single most important step in buying a home. It is not the property search, not the loan application – it is the financial clarity you build before either of those. A housing loan EMI calculator turns what feels like an overwhelming decision into a manageable plan. It shows you exactly what a home will cost you every month, how much interest you will pay over the life of the loan, and whether your income can comfortably support the commitment.

Use it before you fix a budget. Use it before you walk into a bank. Use it every time interest rates change or your income grows. The few minutes you spend with a calculator today could save you from years of financial strain tomorrow.

Ready to take the first step? You can use a housing loan EMI calculator to instantly estimate your monthly payments and explore home loan options with competitive interest rates, flexible tenures of up to 32 years, loan amounts up to Rs. 15 crore*, and fast approvals – all in one place.

*Terms and conditions apply. Interest rates and eligibility criteria are subject to change at the lender’s discretion.

From hailing terrorist Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale to legitimising the idea of Khalistan: Meet Gunisha Kaur, the pro-Khalistani and anti-India ‘physician’ who has been appointed to the USCIRF

On Thursday (21st May), US Senator Chuck Schumer announced the appointment of a Khalistani named Gunisha Kaur to the United Statesย Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), which has aย notorious historyย of spreading canards about India and its internal affairs.

A ‘physician’ by occupation and alleged specialist in human rights research, Kaur is being presented as the ‘first Sikh’ (while concealing her anti-India and pro-Khalistani stance) to be appointed to the Commission. She will serve as one of the 9 Commissioners of USCIRF for a period of 2 years.

โ€œI am confident that she will bring her deep medical, academic, research, religious and leadership expertise to her service on the Commission,” Senator Chuck Schumer said in a statement.

Pro-Khalistani propaganda

Gunisha Kaur has been involved in peddling pro-Khalistani propaganda since at least 2009, under the guise of highlighting atrocities committed by the Congress party workers against Sikhs during the 1984 riots. To this effect, she published a book titledLost in History: 1984 Reconstructed.’

In the book, Kaur had described terrorist Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale as “a charismatic and influential leader of the Sikhs in the 1970s and early 1980s.” She also referred to him as a ‘religious leader‘, who was supposedly being framed as an extremist and secessionist by the Indian government.

In the book, the new USCIRF commissioner attributed anti-Hindu attacks, committed by Khalistanis under the supervision of Bhindranwale, to the Indian government.

Excerpt from the book ‘Lost in History: 1984 Reconstructed

During this time, acts of violence that occurred against Hindus, whether staged by the government or perpetrated by independent parties, were generally attributed to Jarnail Singh,” Gunisha Kaur had claimed.

Further in her book, she alleged that the Indian government somehow ‘vilified’ Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale to gain political support
of the Hindu population of northern India.

To shield the terrorist, Kaur wrote, “The charges against Jarnail Singh were minor – the most serious among them accused him of giving inflammatory speeches. This gives us a sneak peek into her radical mindset that rationalises a terrorist in every way possible.

Screengrab of her article in Huffpost

In June 2013, Gunisha Kaur published an article (archive) along the same lines on the Huffington Post Contributor platform. The website says, “Contributors control their own work and post freely to our site.”

Interestingly, the caption of the article’s featured image describes terrorist Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale as ‘Sant’ (saint) and ‘Sikh leader.’ At the same time, Khalistan has been referred to as “the name given for an envisioned independent Sikh state.”

Gunisha Kaur and her anti-India rhetoric

Fast forward to December 2020, the new Commissioner of USCIRF was busy peddling an anti-India narrative in foreign leftist publications like the Cable News Network (CNN). Gunisha Kaur co-authored an article (archive) falsely alleging that the 3 farm laws, which were enacted by the Modi government, somehow ‘hurt small farmers and benefit large corporations’.

Besides exaggerated accounts of ‘police brutality’, the agenda of the creation of Khalistan was rationalised as ‘a segment of Sikhs in Punjab engaged in a years-long armed uprising for self-determination.’ In an article supposedly meant to highlight farmers’ distress, the propagandist Gunisha Kaur managed to sneak in Khalistani propaganda.

Realising the inadequacies in the existing Agricultural Produce Market Committee (APMC)acts of various states to offer a proper marketing mechanism for the farmers to sell their produce, the Narendra Modi government in 2014 had announced a unified National Agriculture Market (NAM).

Screengrab of the article published by CNN

NAM is a pan-India electronic trading portal that seeks to connect existing APMCs and other market yards to create a unified national market for agricultural commodities. Continuing the reform agenda, the Modi government introduced three farm laws to promote easier trade in farm produce and to provide a competitive market for producers outside the existing APMC system.

The three bills introduced by the Modi government were โ€“ The Farmers Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, 2020, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill, 2020, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Bill, 2020. They were later withdrawn to ensure internal stability.

3 years later, in December 2023, Gunisha Kaur co-authored a malicious piece in The Time magazine in an attempt to tarnish the global image of India. The vicious article was titled, ‘Why India Is Targeting Sikhs At Home and Around the World.’

She peddled lies to propagate the Khalistani claims that the Indian government supposedly commits atrocities against Sikhs living abroad. Kaur reiterated the unfounded claims of India’s involvement in the assassination of the terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar.

Screengrab of the article published in Time Magazine

Interestingly, Nijjar, who ran terrorist camps as per The Globe and Mail, was referred to as just ‘a Canadian citizen’ by the new USCIRF Commissioner. Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a wanted terrorist in India who runs the banned ‘Sikhs for Justice’ outfit, was also described as ‘a Sikh activist and American citizen.’

While batting for Khalistan, Gunish Kaur wrote, “Why does Modiโ€™s government feel so threatened by calls for Sikh self-determination that they would risk relations with world superpowers like the U.S. and Canada?

She did not fail to eulogise terrorist Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale here as well by referring him again as a ‘charismatic Sikh leader from a religious seminary.’

With a seasoned Khalistani cheerleader now appointed to the USCIRF, India can expect more anti-India rhetoric, interference in its internal affairs and attempt to malign its image as one of the fastest growing nations in the world.

Congress hypocrisy exposed: Congress-backed Kerala govt appoints CEO Ratan Kelkar to CM’s Office days after Rahul Gandhi’s ‘reward for theft’ charge over Manoj Agarwal’s appointment

Politics often has a short memory. But sometimes events unfold so quickly that a political attack returns to confront its author before the narrative has even settled. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi may now be facing one such uncomfortable moment.

In a significant bureaucratic development in Kerala, senior IAS officer Ratan U Kelkar, currently serving as the stateโ€™s Chief Electoral Officer (CEO), has been appointed secretary to Chief Minister V D Satheesan. The 2003-batch Kerala cadre officer has held several important administrative positions in the state and will now occupy one of the most influential positions within the Chief Ministerโ€™s Office.

On the surface, the appointment appears to be a routine administrative decision. Senior bureaucrats are often moved across departments and later entrusted with key responsibilities in governments. Yet what makes Kelkarโ€™s appointment politically explosive is not the move itself, but the context surrounding it.

Just ten days ago, Rahul Gandhi launched a blistering attack after former West Bengal Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Agarwal was appointed Chief Secretary by the newly formed BJP government in the state.

Reacting sharply, Gandhi had alleged that the BJP and the Election Commission were operating a โ€œchor bazaarโ€ (market of thieves), declaring on social media:ย โ€œThe bigger the theft, the bigger the reward.โ€

The remark was not merely criticism of a bureaucratic reshuffle. It carried a far more serious implication โ€” that a senior election official had allegedly been โ€œrewardedโ€ for facilitating electoral wrongdoing. Congress leaders and the broader opposition ecosystem amplified similar claims, portraying the appointment as evidence that electoral neutrality had been compromised.

The Trinamool Congress also joined the chorus. Party leaders argued that Agarwalโ€™s appointment cast doubt over the integrity of the recently concluded assembly elections. Some went as far as alleging that the Election Commission had effectively aided the BJP.

Yet several facts complicated that narrative.

Manoj Agarwal had originally been selected as West Bengalโ€™s Chief Electoral Officer from a panel sent by the Mamata Banerjee-led government itself. Under his supervision, elections were conducted without major controversy, and reports indicated that he had received praise from election authorities for overseeing the process smoothly.

The accusations therefore rested largely on insinuation rather than demonstrable evidence.

Now comes the obvious question.

If Rahul Gandhiโ€™s principle is that a Chief Electoral Officer moving into a government role amounts to a suspicious โ€œreward,โ€ does the same logic apply in Kerala?

Kelkarโ€™s appointment presents an awkward contradiction.

The Congress-backed alliance, having formed the government in Kerala, has chosen to elevate the sitting Chief Electoral Officer directly into the Chief Ministerโ€™s office. If the benchmark established by Gandhi and his allies is applied consistently, critics can now ask whether Kelkar too was being โ€œrewarded.โ€

Of course, Congress supporters would likely argue that no such comparison exists and that Kelkarโ€™s appointment is simply a normal bureaucratic decision based on experience and administrative competence.

But that response itself exposes the core problem.

If Kelkarโ€™s appointment can be explained through routine administrative logic, then the same reasoning could equally apply to Manoj Agarwalโ€™s case in West Bengal.

Bureaucrats in India frequently transition between electoral responsibilities and executive roles. The civil services system is built around such movement. Election officers are not independent political actors operating outside the administrative framework forever; they remain career bureaucrats who eventually return to government responsibilities.

The issue therefore is not necessarily the appointment itself.

The issue is selective outrage.

Rahul Gandhiโ€™s criticism transformed a bureaucratic decision into alleged evidence of electoral manipulation without publicly presenting concrete proof. Such rhetoric may energise supporters and create dramatic headlines, but it also creates standards that become difficult to sustain consistently.

Political discourse in India increasingly suffers from a phenomenon where allegations become substitutes for evidence. Terms such as โ€œdemocracy under threat,โ€ โ€œinstitutional capture,โ€ and now โ€œreward for theftโ€ are deployed with increasing frequency. The problem arises when these phrases are selectively invoked depending on who benefits politically.

Because once the same circumstances emerge within oneโ€™s own political ecosystem, the narrative begins to collapse under its own weight.

Kelkarโ€™s appointment has therefore created more than just an administrative reshuffle in Kerala. It has opened a mirror before Congress and Rahul Gandhi.

The question now is straightforward: was the allegation against Manoj Agarwal based on principle or politics?

If it was principle, consistency demands uncomfortable answers.

If it was politics, then the charge of โ€œreward for theftโ€ increasingly looks less like an evidence-based accusation and more like a convenient slogan aimed at shaping public perception after electoral defeats.

The contradiction becomes even more significant because this controversy is not merely about one bureaucratic appointment. It touches upon a larger pattern in contemporary political discourse. In recent years, repeated attacks on the Election Commission have increasingly become a recurring feature of Congressโ€™s political messaging after electoral setbacks. Allegations of institutional bias, claims of democratic subversion, and assertions that the EC is operating in concert with the BJP have frequently surfaced whenever election outcomes have gone against the party.

Critics argue that such a strategy serves a clear political purpose. Rather than compelling introspection over organisational failures, weak state leadership, campaign shortcomings, or a disconnect with voters, the focus shifts outward. Accountability for electoral defeats can be deflected and a larger narrative can be constructed where the Centre, the Election Commission, and institutions of the state are portrayed as conspiring against democracy itself. The political utility of such a narrative is evident: supporters are given an external explanation for defeats rather than being forced to confront uncomfortable questions within the party structure.

The โ€œreward for theftโ€ allegation directed at Manoj Agarwal appeared to fit into this broader pattern. The charge carried a serious implication, that an election official had allegedly facilitated wrongdoing and was subsequently compensated for it. Yet no substantive evidence was publicly presented to establish such a claim. The accusation relied heavily on political insinuation and perception.

This is precisely why Ratan Kelkarโ€™s appointment in Kerala places Congress in an uncomfortable position. If a Chief Electoral Officer moving into a key government role is automatically to be viewed as evidence of institutional compromise, then the same standard should logically apply irrespective of whether the appointment is made by the BJP or a Congress-backed government. If, however, Kelkarโ€™s appointment is viewed as a routine administrative decision based on seniority and experience, then the question naturally arises: why was a similar standard not extended in West Bengal?

Ultimately, the issue is not about Ratan Kelkar or Manoj Agarwal. Bureaucrats routinely transition between election-related and executive responsibilities as part of Indiaโ€™s administrative framework. The real issue is whether allegations against constitutional institutions are being raised on the basis of evidence and principle, or whether they are becoming political instruments deployed selectively after unfavourable electoral outcomes. Repeatedly attacking institutions without substantiating claims may yield short-term political gains, but it also risks gradually eroding public trust in the very democratic structures that political parties claim to protect.

Was husband’s cancer the only reason for Tulsi Gabbard’s resignation? Read how she fell out with Trump over the Iran war, Venezuela operation and other issues

On Friday, 22nd May, US Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard announced her resignation from one of the most sensitive national security positions in the United States government. Gabbard said her resignation would take effect on 30th June.

In a statement posted on X, Gabbard revealed that her husband, Abraham Williams, had been diagnosed with an extremely rare form of bone cancer. She said she was stepping away from public office to focus entirely on caring for him and supporting her family during the difficult period.

In her resignation letter to US President Donald Trump, Gabbard thanked him for the opportunity to serve in the administration and said she was proud of the work done during her tenure.

The White House later confirmed that Gabbardโ€™s deputy, Aaron Lukas, would serve as acting Director of National Intelligence until a permanent replacement is announced.

Trumpโ€™s response on Truth Social

Gabbard, an Army veteran, former Congresswoman and former presidential candidate, had taken charge as DNI in early 2025 after joining the Trump administration. Her appointment had drawn massive attention because of her past criticism of US foreign interventions, especially wars in the Middle East.

Speculation grows over alleged fallout with the White House

Although Gabbard clearly stated that her husbandโ€™s health condition was the reason behind her resignation, there are some speculations of an alleged fallout with the White House, as there were growing tensions between her and parts of the Trump administration.

For months, there had been reports suggesting that Gabbard had increasingly found herself isolated within sections of Trumpโ€™s national security team because of her opposition to regime-change wars and military escalation against countries like Iran and Venezuela.

Several reports claimed that some senior officials in the administration were uncomfortable with Gabbardโ€™s non-interventionist views, especially at a time when the White House was taking a more aggressive posture toward Iran and other geopolitical flashpoints.

Questions around her position became even stronger after reports emerged that she had been sidelined from sensitive discussions related to Venezuela and had publicly differed from Trump on Iranโ€™s nuclear programme.

Even then, Trump publicly defended her at multiple moments. During one interaction with reporters, Trump said, โ€œSheโ€™s a little bit different in her thought process than me, but that doesnโ€™t make somebody not available to serve.โ€ Still, speculation about internal tensions never fully disappeared.

Tulsi Gabbardโ€™s disagreement with Trump over Iran and nuclear weapons

One of the biggest areas of disagreement between Gabbard and Trump emerged over Iran and the question of whether Tehran was actively building nuclear weapons.

In March 2025, Gabbard testified before Congress that the US intelligence community believed Iran was not actively developing a nuclear bomb. According to her assessment, Iranโ€™s Supreme Leader had not authorised the revival of the countryโ€™s nuclear weapons programme, which US intelligence agencies believed had remained suspended since 2003.

During her testimony, Gabbard stated, โ€œThe intelligence community continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon.โ€ At the same time, she warned that Iran possessed an โ€œunprecedentedโ€ stockpile of enriched uranium and that public discussions around nuclear weapons inside Iran had increased significantly in recent years.

Three months later, Trump publicly rejected her assessment while speaking to reporters aboard Air Force One. โ€œI donโ€™t care what she said,โ€ Trump remarked bluntly. โ€œI think they were very close to having one.โ€

The public contradiction created headlines across the United States because it was unusual for a president to openly dismiss the conclusions of his own intelligence chief on such a sensitive issue. The disagreement became even more politically explosive after the United States and Israel intensified military operations connected to Iranโ€™s nuclear infrastructure.

At a Senate Intelligence Committee hearing after the conflict escalated, Gabbard submitted a written statement saying there had been โ€œno effortsโ€ by Iran to restart its nuclear-enrichment programme following attacks on several nuclear facilities. However, she reportedly chose not to read that section aloud during the hearing.

Later, according to a report by CNN, US intelligence assessments still believed Iran was not actively pursuing a nuclear weapon and remained years away from developing one. Israel, however, maintained that Iran was approaching a critical stage in its nuclear capability development.

Gabbardโ€™s warning about nuclear war

The tensions surrounding Gabbardโ€™s views became more visible in June 2025 when she released a video warning about the dangers of nuclear conflict. The video included footage from her visit to Hiroshima, one of the Japanese cities devastated by atomic bombing during World War II. It also showed simulated scenes of nuclear destruction, including visuals resembling an attack on the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco.

In the video, Gabbard warned that the world was moving dangerously close to catastrophe. โ€œAs we stand here today, closer to the brink of nuclear annihilation than ever before, political elite warmongers are carelessly fomenting tensions between nuclear powers,โ€ she said.

The timing of the video surprised many inside the administration because it was released during intense internal discussions over military options involving Iran. Gabbard’s long-standing opposition to military interventions had always been central to her political identity. Even before joining the Trump administration, Gabbard had frequently criticised what she called โ€œregime-change warsโ€ carried out by the United States in different parts of the world.

Reports say Gabbard was sidelined during the Venezuela operation

Another controversy surrounding Gabbard involved reports that she had been excluded from planning discussions related to an operation which captured Venezuelan President Nicolรกs Maduro.

According to multiple reports, senior White House officials had limited the number of people informed about the operation, and Gabbard was kept outside the core planning group despite serving as the countryโ€™s top intelligence official.

At the time, Trumpโ€™s national security team was discussing military and intelligence options linked to Venezuela, including operations involving intelligence gathering around Caracas.

Reports claimed that while final discussions were taking place in Washington, Gabbard was in Hawaii and was unaware of many operational details.

One senior administration official said Trump wanted to keep the circle very small and believed Gabbard โ€œdidnโ€™t need to knowโ€ the full details. Secretary of State Marco Rubio was also among officials who preferred that Gabbard remain outside the inner discussions.

Still, administration officials publicly denied that there was any major division inside the national security team. Vice President JD Vance dismissed reports of deliberate exclusion and said the operation had simply been restricted to a small group of cabinet-level officials.

Gabbard had long opposed American intervention in Venezuela. Back in 2019, she publicly wrote, โ€œThe United States needs to stay out of Venezuela. Let the Venezuelan people determine their future.โ€ Her past criticism of interventionist policies reportedly made some officials uneasy as the administration explored aggressive options against Maduroโ€™s government.

Exit of a close ally added to speculation

Questions about internal disagreements inside the administration had already intensified earlier this year after Joe Kent, one of Gabbardโ€™s close allies and the Director of the National Counterterrorism Centre, abruptly resigned in March.

Kentโ€™s departure was widely viewed as one of the first public signs of internal discomfort within parts of the administration over Americaโ€™s handling of the Iran conflict.

The resignation also renewed attention on Gabbardโ€™s earlier criticisms of US military involvement in the Middle East.

A controversial but influential tenure

Tulsi Gabbardโ€™s tenure as Director of National Intelligence remained controversial from beginning to end. Supporters viewed her as an independent-minded leader willing to challenge Washingtonโ€™s foreign policy establishment. Critics, meanwhile, often accused her of taking positions that clashed with traditional US strategic thinking.

In 2019, in a speech criticising Trump, Gabbard had announced, “These powerful politicians dishonour the sacrifices made by everyone of my brothers and sisters in uniform, and their families. They pay the price for these wars. In fact, every American pays the price for these wars. These wars have cost us trillions of dollars since 9/11. Every dollar that we spend on regime change wars, the new cold wars, and this nuclear arms race is a dollar that comes out of our pockets, dollars that should be used to address the very urgent and real needs of our people and communities right here at home.”

Despite the controversies, Gabbard remained one of the most recognisable faces in Trumpโ€™s national security setup over the past year and a half.

Her resignation now leaves a major vacancy at the top of Americaโ€™s intelligence structure at a time when the United States is dealing with rising tensions involving Iran, Russia, China and several global conflict zones.

For now, Gabbard says her focus is no longer politics or intelligence operations, but her family. โ€œMy priority now is to be fully present for Abraham and our loved ones during this difficult time,โ€ she said in her statement announcing her resignation.

From the dark web to Hamas: How Gujarat police busted a โ‚น226-crore crypto-terror network tracking Mohsin Mulani to Dubai-based kingpin Zubair Popatia

A joint operation by the Cyber Centre of Excellence (CCoE) and CID Crime teams of Gujarat Police has uncovered an international cryptocurrency and terror funding network worth nearly โ‚น226 crore. According to investigators, the group was not only involved in financial crimes but was also connected to drug trafficking, human trafficking, gold smuggling and funding activities linked to global terror groups, including networks affecting India.

The operation began during continuous monitoring of the dark web by the technical team of the Cyber Centre of Excellence. During blockchain analysis, investigators noticed an Indian IP address receiving digital funds directly from โ€œartemislabs.ccโ€ (Artemis Lab), which agencies identified as a major illegal drug marketplace operating on the dark web.

After tracing the transactions and crypto links, investigators reached Ahmedabadโ€™s Danilimda area. The suspicious crypto wallet was found to belong to Mohsin Sadiq Mulani, a resident of Ahmedabad. Further checking of his digital activities and transaction history exposed nine more linked wallets spread across different parts of India.

The operation lasted nearly four-and-a-half months and was carried out under the supervision of Gujarat DGP Dr. K. Lakshmi Narayana Rao and DIG Bipin Ahir. Gujarat Police formed 10 field teams and three technical intelligence units, led by Cyber Centre SP Dr. Rajdeepsinh Jhala along with officers Sanjay Keshwala and Vivek Bheda, to track the network and arrest those involved.

The investigation reveals Hamas connection

One of the biggest findings during the investigation was the link between the crypto wallets and Hamas, the Gaza-based militant group.

Police said the seized crypto accounts were connected to financial channels linked with Hamas and an organisation identified as โ€œAl-Qahira.โ€ Investigators found that some of the crypto accounts under the scanner had already been blacklisted by Israel in 2025 through court orders. Those accounts were suspected of sending funds to Hamas through Turkey.

The investigation found that money from the same banned accounts was reaching wallets connected to the main accused, Mohammad Zubair Popatia, who is currently believed to be staying in Dubai.

As investigators followed the money trail further, they found that Zubairโ€™s wallets had transactions linked to other globally blacklisted networks as well. These included Yemenโ€™s Houthi militants (Ansar Allah), Iranโ€™s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Quds Force (IRGC-QF) and Garantex, a banned Russian cryptocurrency exchange.

Police said Zubair allegedly moved these funds into India, layered the transactions across several wallets and later converted them into cash through local hawala channels.

Use of Monero and hidden crypto transactions

Investigators said the syndicate avoided using common cryptocurrencies and instead relied heavily on Monero, a privacy-focused cryptocurrency known for hiding transaction details. Unlike many regular cryptocurrencies, where transfers can often be tracked, Monero hides information related to senders, receivers and transaction amounts.

Police seized two special Monero privacy wallets during the operation. Initial examination reportedly showed suspicious transactions worth more than โ‚น193 crore, which investigators believe may have been misused. Officials said this made tracking the money trail more difficult and helped the network stay hidden for a long time.

Nearly 40% money came from โ€˜Dirty Cryptoโ€™

Senior cybercrime officials said around 30-40% of the total โ‚น226 crore turnover came from what investigators called โ€œdirty cryptoโ€ money linked to drug trade, smuggling activities and terror funding.

The remaining money was moved into the system through peer-to-peer (P2P) trading, futures trading and traditional cash movement channels such as hawala and Gujaratโ€™s angadiya network. Police also found that the group was involved in online fraud and cyber scams targeting ordinary people.

Investigators discovered that bank accounts used by the accused to convert cryptocurrency into cash were linked to 935 cyber fraud FIRs registered on the National Cyber Crime Reporting Portal (NCCRP). Officials said this indicated that money stolen through cyber frauds was also being mixed into the larger international network linked with drugs and terror financing.

The entire network started after covid

According to the investigation, the foundation of this network was laid during the period after Covid-19 pandemic. Police said Mohammad Zubair Popatia, Salman Ansari and Mohsin Mulani came together while they were in India and planned to enter the UK drug market using cryptocurrency payments and the USDT stablecoin.

Over time, the trio reportedly built a network stretching from Ahmedabad and Mumbai to Dubai and London.

Investigators said Mohsin Mulani handled drug orders from British customers through encrypted Telegram channels and dark web forums while operating from Ahmedabad. The order details were then passed to Dubai-based kingpin Zubair Popatia and Salman Ansari, who managed logistics in the UK.

Drugs were reportedly delivered to customers through courier systems and Royal Parcel Services in the UK, while payments were collected through crypto wallets.

Salman Ansari continued running a network from UK jail

Another major revelation was linked to Salman Ansari. According to investigators, a British court sentenced him to six years in prison in October 2024 in a drug smuggling and money laundering case. However, Gujarat Police said digital evidence and intelligence reports show that Ansari continued running the international network from inside a high-security prison in the UK until March 2026.

Investigators claim he remained active through Telegram and other communication methods while coordinating operations. Police also found that money earned from the UK drug market was brought to India through international hawala channels and Gujaratโ€™s traditional angadiya network.

This cash was reportedly received by Mohsin Mulani in Ahmedabad and later handed over to Ghulam Sadiq Ansari, Salmanโ€™s father. Investigators described Ghulam Sadiq as the local โ€œcash anchorโ€ for the syndicate. Police said he invested the money into properties and legitimate businesses to hide its source.

Older foreign funding routes also under investigation

The Cyber Centre of Excellence also found that before the rise of cryptocurrency use, the accused were allegedly receiving money from abroad through Money Transfer Service Scheme (MTSS) platforms such as Western Union. Police are now examining transactions from 2016 to 2021.

Investigators have identified transfers worth more than โ‚น80 lakh coming from nearly nine countries, and this financial trail is still under investigation.

A total of 9 accused arrested, main kingpin in Dubai

So far, Gujarat Police have arrested nine accused in the operation. Those arrested include Ahmedabad residents Mohammad Sadiq Mulani, Aijaz Aslam Khan Pathan, Mohammad Zaid Siddiqui, Naved Ayub Khan Pathan, Faiz Ahmed Chishti, Salman Habib Khan Pathan and Ghulam Sadiq Ansari.

Apart from them, Zeeshan Siraj Motiwala from Mumbai and Lovepreet Singh from Karnal, Haryana, have also been arrested. Police have registered cases under Sections 111 (Organised Crime), 153 and 61 of the IPC, along with serious provisions of the Information Technology Act, 2008, citing threats to national security and links to terror conspiracy activities.

Meanwhile, authorities have started the extradition process to bring the main accused Mohammad Zubair Popatia back to India from Dubai. Police and central agencies are also moving ahead with legal steps to seize luxury properties, benami assets and bank accounts linked to the network. Investigators believe more arrests may happen in the coming days as the probe expands further.

Leaders receiving notices, MLAs skipping meetings, councillors resigning en masse: Is the TMC beginning to crumble after its defeat in Bengal?

While the landslide electoral victory in the recent West Bengal Assembly elections has strengthened the BJP, the TMC seems to be struggling with internal discord. After facing a humiliating defeat by the BJP, it is clear that all is not well within the TMC cadres.

In politics, an electoral defeat not only brings a reduced number of seats but also tests the morale of a party’s leadership and workers. This is what appears to be happening in West Bengal after the recent electoral reshuffle. Discord within the TMC is slowly coming to the surface. If one observes the events that transpired after the assembly elections, it seems that Mamata Banerjee’s party is slipping into a phase where the electoral setback is turning into a crisis for the TMC’s organisation.

Following the election results, when the TMC protested against the new government in the assembly premises over post-election violence, bulldozer action, and street vendors, an uneasy picture emerged within the party. Out of 80 TMC MLAs, only 36 MLAs, which is less than half, attended the protest.

This is not just a matter of the absence of a few MLAs, but the larger political message that their absence sent out. When a party sits in the opposition, its first major demonstration is considered a test of its morale and unity. The absence of more than half of the party’s MLAs in its first major protest shows that the discontent within the party is now becoming apparent.

This is not the only signal. Earlier, on May 19th, around 15 MLAs of the TMC had skipped a crucial meeting in Kalighat, which was attended by Mamata Banerjee and Abhishek Banerjee. Even among those MLAs who attended the meeting, several questioned the politics of closed-door meetings. Reports indicate that during the meeting, some MLAs clearly stated that public trust will not be restored through mere meetings and strategy discussions and that ground-level action and introspection were needed.

Interestingly, some TMC MLAs from Kolkata and Howrah reportedly posed direct questions to the party’s top brass regarding Jahangir Khan’s withdrawal from the Falta election. A candidate’s withdrawal just two days before the vote was a significant issue in itself, but the party leadership made it even more difficult by not taking any action. Because the Falta assembly seat falls within Abhishek Banerjee’s Diamond Harbour Lok Sabha constituency, questions were also raised about Abhishek Banerjee’s leadership.

For a long time, the party had held the belief that Abhishek Banerjee was the future of the organisation. However, for the first time since the electoral defeat, discussions have begun within the party about his decisions and leadership abilities. These questions started emerging immediately after the electoral defeat. The TMC has issued show-cause notices to five of its spokespersons for allegedly making anti-party statements.

This move itself suggests that the party leadership is uneasy with the voices rising within it. In any political party, when questions arise after a defeat, and they are answered with action rather than dialogue, it is often seen as a sign of internal unease.

If the issue was limited to the displeasure of MLAs, it could still be considered a normal electoral reaction. But in this case, the TMC’s lowest and most important unit, the local bodies, has increased its tension. In the Kanchrapara Municipality of North 24 Parganas, 15 out of 24 councillors, and in the Halishahar Municipality, 16 out of 23 councillors, resigned en masse.

There are speculations in the political circles that the BJP’s growing position in Bengal could further fuel this discontent. The history of Bengal’s politics shows that after a change of power, defection also intensifies. Just as leaders of the Left parties once joined the TMC, it’s not unlikely that new ambitions for a political future will emerge within the TMC as well.

However, we can’t assume today that the TMC is going to collapse tomorrow. But it’s also true that crises in politics don’t come suddenly; their signs appear beforehand. Declining attendance at meetings, questions about leadership, mass resignations, and disciplinary action against party spokespersons are all signs that often precede major political changes.

West Bengal politics currently appears to be at a turning point. The BJP is exuding confidence after its historic victory, while the TMC appears to be teetering between introspection and discontent. The coming months will reveal whether this is merely a temporary setback after defeat or the beginning of a major power shift in Bengal politics.


(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

The Bhojshala verdict: A long-awaited recognition of history, heritage and Hindu worship rights

Justices Vijay Kumar Shukla and Alok Awasthi delivered a historic 242-page judgement in Writ Petition No. 10497 of 2022 and related matters on May 15, 2026, in the quiet courtroom of the Madhya Pradesh High Court in Indore. The suit, which was filed by the Hindu Front for Justice (Regd. Trust No. 976) through its president, Ms Ranjana Agnihotri, aimed to return the Bhojshala-Kamal Maula complex in the Dhar district to its original state.

The court ruled unequivocally that the site is a protected monument under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains (AMASR) Act of 1958, but its fundamental religious identity is that of Bhojshala, a Sanskrit learning centre and temple dedicated to Goddess Vagdevi (Saraswati).

The Archaeological Survey of India’s (ASI) 7 April 2003 order, which limited Hindu worship rights and allowed Muslim services on Fridays, was decisively quashed by the bench. The decision was based on meticulous evidence, including centuries-old historical writings, architectural hints, inscriptions, and the ASI’s own thorough scientific investigation. It was a moment when the law finally reflected what generations had long understood in their hearts about this sacred Parmar era shrine, and for many Hindus, it felt like a peaceful return home.

Bhojshala: The enduring legacy of Raja Bhoj

One must go back to the eleventh century in order to fully understand the verdict. The famous ruler of the Parmar dynasty of Malwa, Raja Bhoj (c.1010-1055), was a polymath king who was a poet, scholar, engineer, and devoted supporter of education. Grammar, philosophy, literature, and the devotion of Goddess Saraswati (also known as Vagdevi, the goddess of speech and wisdom) flourished side by side in Bhojshala, which he founded as a splendid centre of Sanskrit education. ย 

A clear picture of a temple complex where students and devotees congregated to learn and pray is painted by contemporary texts, inscriptions, and subsequent historical records. A sacred area devoted to the goddess of wisdom is suggested by the architectural design, literary allusions, and themes. The core character of Bhojshala persisted in local memory, folklore, and academic records even during mediaeval upheavals, such as the time under Alauddin Khilji when portions of the building were utilised again.  

The British era authorities acknowledged its heritage worth by the early 20th century. First safeguarded by the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act of 1904, it was subsequently placed under ASI custody under the 1958 Act. The site’s dual name, Bhojshala-Kamal Maula, represents centuries of complex history, but the court’s careful investigation made it clear that Hinduism was the site’s principal and original feature.

The dispute and the flawed ASI order

Competing claims to religious practice led to the contemporary dispute.  Hindus wanted unrestricted access to worship and traditional education based on historical continuity. The nearby mosque and a 1935 proclamation from the former monarch of Dhar allowing namaz were cited by the Muslim community. The ASI’s administrative order on April 7, 2003, which established a rota system with Friday prayers for Muslims and restricted puja days for Hindus, was the turning point.

Petitioners stated that this order was arbitrary since it limited their fundamental rights under Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution (freedom of religion and the right to conduct religious matters) and overlooked significant historical evidence. Technical concerns were raised by the other side, which argued that a civil lawsuit would be the best course of action due to the disputed facts. However, the High Court asserted writ jurisdiction based on well-established precedents and the public significance of the matter. The judges pointed out that when the ASI itself has the knowledge to reveal the site’s actual character, heritage issues of this kind cannot be left in limbo.

Court’s rigorous, evidence centric reasoning

The bench used a thorough, evidence-based approach, largely relying on the Supreme Court’s 2019 Ayodhya decision (M. Siddiq v. Mahant Suresh Das). From that historic case, they extracted ten fundamental principles and applied them precisely. Courts must consider the weight of the evidence rather than strict title suits in disputes involving the religious character of historical places, particularly when the state (via the ASI) has already carried out scientific examinations.

The court examined historical writings from the Parmar period, which repeatedly identified Bhojshala as a Saraswati temple and a seat of learning. Evidence from architecture and epigraphy, such as pillars, motifs, and structural alignments, clearly indicated the presence of pre existing temple features. The ASI’s significant scientific survey report, which was produced in response to previous court orders, was the actual game changer. Ten volumes of thousands of pages contained excavations, ground penetrating radar scans, and thorough documentation of more than 150 Sanskrit inscriptions and 94 sculptures.

Hindu symbols like Om and Swastika, temple architecture parts reused in later projects, and inscriptions expressly honouring Saraswati are among the most notable discoveries. The court considered one inscription that reads ‘Om Sarasvatyai Namah’ to be particularly significant. The temple’s ancient presence and ongoing cultural importance were supported by a compelling archaeological narrative that included these details, which were not selected at random.

Key legal nuances that escape the naked eye

The court’s finding regarding the persistence of Hindu worship is among the most significant but subtle judgements in the ruling. The bench stated unequivocally that despite centuries of interruption and legal limitations, ‘the continuity of Hindu worship at Bhojshala was never extinguished.’ This nuance is essential. Legally speaking, this means the petitioners did not have to demonstrate uninterrupted physical possession in the modern sense. It was sufficient to have persisting local customs, occasional availability, and the site’s long-standing relationship with Goddess Saraswati in Hindu culture.

The judges emphasised the state’s constitutional obligation under Articles 25 and 26 as well as Article 49, which protects monuments of national significance. They explained that worship rights are inextricably linked to the site’s inherent religious character, even if the ASI retains complete responsibility for conservation under the AMASR Act. The 2003 order was struck down because it was an administrative order that went against the overwhelming body of evidence; it unjustly curtailed Hindu rights and allowed actions that were inconsistent with the monument’s known history.  

The court also skilfully handled the Places of Worship Act, 1991, pointing out that it was still able to determine the site’s character for the current petitions notwithstanding ongoing constitutional challenges elsewhere. In its operative section, it granted the Hindu writ petitions, dismissed the opposing ones, and defined the disputed area’s religious status as ‘Bhojshala with a temple of Goddess Vagdevi.’ The ASI was instructed to provide Hindus with access to education and places of worship, but Muslims might request alternative land from the state government if they so desired.

The ASI’s prompt compliance order of 16th May 2026

In keeping with the spirit of judicial-executive harmony, the ASI advanced remarkably quickly. The compliance order, signed by the Director (Monument) and Subramanyam on behalf of the Director General, was issued on May 16, 2026, barely one day after the court’s decision. ย 

The order cites the High Court’s principal findings as follows:

i) Knowing that Bhojshala was a temple devoted to the worship of Goddess Vagdevi (Saraswati) and a center for learning and research on Sanskrit language, grammar, and literature, the Hindu community will have unrestricted access to the Bhojshala Complex in relation to the ancient practice of learning and worshipping Goddess Saraswati.

ii) Because the Bhojshala Complex is still a protected site under the AMASR Act 1958, the Superintending Archaeologist will determine the time of access for visitors/Hindu devotees together with the District government.

iii) The Superintending Archaeologist, in cooperation with the District administration, shall assess the acceptable activities of the Hindu community for study and worship, while ensuring the conservation and protection of the monument under the terms of the AMASR Act 1958.

All prior orders made in this regard will be superseded by this one.

Copies were sent to the Chief Secretary of Madhya Pradesh, the District Collector of Dhar, and senior ASI officials, directing prompt execution while focusing on conservation.

Restoring balance

It established the monument’s religious nature, a well known concept in Indian cultural jurisprudence, rather than granting title or ownership, which would fit in a civil lawsuit. The court made the judgement nearly infallible on merits by grounding its decision on the ASI’s own expert findings and uncontested historical records.

The lesson is straightforward but significant for the general public, administrative systems cannot take precedence over historical and archaeological facts. The emphasis now switches to actual application, creating visitor guidelines that respect both preservation and devotion. 

Conclusion

The ASI’s prompt compliance order the next day, which followed the Bhojshala judgement of May 15, 2026, is a potent example of the victory of evidence over expediency. It reiterates that protected monuments are living treasures of India’s civilizational continuity rather than blank slates for political compromise. The High Court has found a constitutionally sound balance that respects both religious freedom and heritage by acknowledging the site’s genuine character as a temple of Goddess Vagdevi, Saraswati, while maintaining its status under the AMASR Act.

Images of devotees silently praying at Bhojshala in the days following the judgement revealed something more profound than a legal triumph. There was a distinct sense of quiet joy, the gentle pride of a community having its long-suppressed cultural memory validated by the High Court. The goddess whose temple had once lighted minds under Raja Bhoj could once again welcome knowledge seekers without artificial obstacles, providing emotional closure to many Hindus.

To maintain calm in Dhar, security was suitably enhanced, demonstrating the administration’s commitment to a seamless transition.

In an era where history is frequently weaponised, the Madhya Pradesh High Court has demonstrated that thorough analysis and sound law can instead serve as tools for truth and reconciliation. The 242-page judgment and the ASI’s quick follow-up reflect a new beginning, one in which India’s heritage is protected while its deepest spiritual roots are acknowledged.

Cockroach Janta Party Wikipedia page edited by a Pakistani? After allegations of gaining followers from Pakistan and Bangladesh, ‘South Asian’ page author under scanner

Weeks after the Congress party expressed joy over India beginning to โ€˜stir upโ€™ as industrial workers protest in Noida turned violent, the anti-BJP political parties have found a new hope for stoking a Nepal or Bangladesh-like Gen-Z โ€˜revolutionโ€™. This so-called โ€˜revolutionโ€™, Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) registered a sudden online rise, however, it turns out that from Instagram to Wikipedia, Pakistani and Bangladeshi people and bots form a significant number of CJPโ€™s โ€˜cockroaches’.

Created on 16th May 2026, as a satirical response to Chief Justice of India (CJI) Surya Kantโ€™s courtroom remarks about jobless youth, lawyers, journalists and RTI activists, the Cockroach Janta Party now has its own Wikipedia page.

The Wikipedia page (English) of the Cockroach Janta Party, however, has one of its contributing authors alleged to be a Pakistani. The page was heavily edited by one Salim Bin Yousuf, who, according to his Wikipedia author page, is from โ€œKashmir, South Asiaโ€.

It is widely known that many Pakistanis use the โ€˜South Asiaโ€™ cover to either hide their nationality to escape embarrassment or to pose as Indians, particularly when meddling in Indiaโ€™s internal socio-political matters. OpIndia reported during Noida violence about Pakistani X users creating accounts with Indian, especially, Hindu names with their location set as โ€˜South Asiaโ€™, to pose as Indians and stir unrest.

The trajectory of Pakistanis pretending to be Indians by hiding behind the โ€˜South Asiaโ€™ veneer, and weaponise social media to pick issues, exploit faultlines, influence opinions and instigate violence in India, has fuelled speculations that Salim Bin Yousuf might be resident of the Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir.

However, there also is a possibility that Yousuf is from the Indiaโ€™s Kashmir and subscribes to a pro-separatist ideology.

Yousuf is currently partially blocked and his name no longer appears in Cockroach Janta Partyโ€™s revision history. As per the  CJPโ€™s Talk page, Salim Bin Yousuf and other editors had discussion over frequently changing the CJP logo on 21st May.

Previously, many pages and edits made by Salim Bin Yousuf have been nominated for deletion. These include pages and edits on several Indian Kashmiris, Government Dental College Srinagar, Shri Maharaja Hari Singh Hospital as well as several noted Pakistani figures.

Cockroach Janta Party and its Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Turkish Instagram followers: Will those sitting outside India bring the โ€˜revolutionโ€™ I.N.D.I. bloc couldnโ€™t?

The Cockroach Janta Party is receiving immense support from the anti-BJP political parties, who are often desperate to clutch at straws, former CMs, sitting MPs like Mahua Moitra. It is not surprising that the anti-BJP parties want to ride along a so-called โ€˜movementโ€™ touted as โ€˜anti-establishmentโ€™. However, things become problematic when allegations of Indiaโ€™s hostile neighbourโ€™s involvement in backing such a โ€˜movementโ€™ emerge.

Several social media users have posted screenshots and recordings to point out that the meteoric surge in the number of Instagram followers of the Cockroach Janta Party is not fully organic. Amidst the chatter, the CJP founder, Abhijeet Dipke has denied this and claimed that 94% of the followers are from India.

Many people have claimed that Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Turkish accounts form a significant number of the Cockroach Janta Partyโ€™s 20 million followers.

Cockroach Janta Party: From satirical response to CJI Surya Kantโ€™s โ€˜cockroachโ€™ remark to yet another anti-BJP experiment

Formed on 16th May 2026, a day after CJI Surya Kant remark referring to certain โ€œjoblessโ€ youth entering professions like law, journalism and activism as โ€œcockroachesโ€ and โ€œparasitesโ€ attacking the system, the Cockroach Janta Party initially appeared to be satirical response.

The CJPโ€™s Instagram handle began gaining traction and stirred a discussion on X as well. However, the mask of being โ€˜unbiasedโ€™ fell off soon as the founder of the Cockroach Janta Party, Abhijeet Dipke, unravelled the anti-BJP agenda of his online stunt.

The website of the Cockroach Janta Party says that the platform exists for young people who are called โ€œlazy, chronically online, and most recently, cockroachesโ€. Its membership criteria include being โ€œunemployedโ€, โ€œlazyโ€, โ€œchronically onlineโ€ and able to โ€œrant professionallyโ€.

Clearly, Dipke picked terms that the target audience, the Gen-Z, could relate to and find โ€˜coolโ€™.

What intrigued many was why did a so-called movement pivoted from being a satirical response to the CJI, a non-political personโ€™s remarks to boasting about winning a self-imposed Instagram followers competition with the BJP and now becoming a full-fledged anti-BJP political echo-chamber.

The answer to this lies in the political background of the CJPโ€™s founder, Abhijeet Dipke, who currently resides in the US and studies at Boston University. While Dipke tried hard to appear apolitical and โ€˜angryโ€™ gen-z, he is directly linked to the Aam Aadmi Partyโ€™s election and social media campaigns.

During the 2020 Delhi Assembly elections, one media report described him as a 23-year-old from Pune who was behind AAPโ€™s social media transformation. The report said AAP was using catchy one-liners, parody videos, short clips and memes to promote Arvind Kejriwal and attack the BJP and Congress.

Abhijeet Dipke was quoted explaining how political messaging had to be simplified for millennials and first-time voters through memes and videos. The report also stated that he reported to AAP IT media head Ankit Lal.

In August 2019, the Legal Rights Observatory filed a complaint against then AAP Pune leader Abhijeet Dipke for โ€œspreading lies of Indian atrocity in Kashmir and provoking “hurriyat like separatism” among Kashmirisโ€. It was alleged that Dipke was peddling seditious propaganda after the Modi government scrapped Article 370.

โ€œA person named Abhijeet Dipke who is AAP’s social media coordinator with a verified Twitter account is openly spreading FAKE NEWS of Indian oppression and atrocities in Kashmir. His sample tweet links are given below,โ€ the LROโ€™s complaint to Pune Police stated.

In conversation with The Statesman, LROโ€™s Vijay Joshi confirmed that the legal advocacy group had filed a complaint against Abhijeet Dipke back in 2019. Joshi said that despite assurances and follow-ups for years, the police did not register an FIR against Dipke.

โ€œI kept following up on the matter, but even after six years, no FIR has been filed,โ€ Joshi said.

Unsurprisingly, Dipke is also a supporter of 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused Umar Khalid and has lamented his prolonged incarceration without trial, suggesting that somehow Khalid has been deliberately made to rot in jail. However, OpIndia hasย reportedย earlier that out of the 14 adjournments in 2023 and 2024, 7 delays and adjournments were sought by Umar Khalid himself.ย Contrary to the โ€˜injusticeโ€™ narrative, it is the alleged failedย forum shoppingย attempts of the accusedโ€™s lawyer that has Khalid rotting in jail for so long.

Dipke has been a part of AAPโ€™s โ€˜war roomโ€™ and has consistently held an anti-BJP political line.

OpIndia analysed earlier how, beyond the comedic surface, the CJP systematically advances opposition stances, targeting the judiciary, Election Commission, corporate interests, media, and political defectors, thus disguising partisan messaging as satire. It has been seen in the recent past how Pakistan has been sympathetic to Congress and other anti-BJP parties, and now, with the latest Opposition fad ‘Cockroach Janta Party’ reportedly finding supporters in Indiaโ€™s hostile neighbour, it indicates that the CJP is nothing but an anti-BJP experiment with a โ€˜coolโ€™ and โ€˜Gen-Z-appealingโ€™ PR. Another seasonal ‘trending’ idea that the Opposition has desperately latched on to, in their frantic hopes to dent the BJP’s political dominance.

Gujarat didn’t just lead India’s solar revolution, it wrote the rulebook: Read how the state is the star in renewable energy story

Long before solar energy became a national priority, Gujarat had begun laying the foundation for India’s renewable energy growth. In the late 1970s, when India was still heavily dependent on conventional power and struggling with energy shortages, Gujarat began experimenting with renewable energy technologies through the Gujarat Energy Development Agency (GEDA). But the turning point came in 2009, when then CM Narendra Modi launched India’s first dedicated solar policy. At that time, solar energy was still expensive and limited, and India’s solar capacity was extremely small; most states focused on coal and thermal power to meet daily needs. But Gujarat saw solar as both an energy solution and an economic opportunity. The state offered guaranteed power purchase agreements, investor-friendly policies, land support, and fast approvals. This created confidence among private investors and helped Gujarat begin experimenting before the rest of the country.

What followed was not just a policy success story. It was a proof of concept that rewired the way India thought about energy. Gujarat’s model, built on guaranteed tariffs, private investment, and sheer political will, became the quiet blueprint for India’s audacious 100 GW solar ambition. One state’s bold bet didn’t just pay off. It changed the national trajectory. In this article, we will explore how Gujarat’s solar model inspired India.

Why Gujarat acted firstย 

To understand why Gujarat moved first in solar, we need to understand how broken its energy system was just a few years ago. When Narendra Modi became the chief minister of Gujarat in October 2001, he found the stateโ€™s power situation grim. During 2000-01, the Gujarat State Electricity Board posted a loss of Rs. 2246 crore on revenue of just Rs. 6280 crore. Transmission and distribution losses stood at a staggering 35.27 per cent, and load shedding was frequent, indicating the state’s condition before Narendra Modi became the CM. Power shortages in Gujarat were particularly severe through the mid-2000s, driven by fast economic growth on the demand side and chronic coal shortages and plant outages on the supply side.ย For a state with one of India’s most industrialised economies, home to textiles, chemicals, petrochemicals and ceramics, but with unreliable power, wasnโ€™t just an inconvenience. It was a direct threat to growth. ย 

Like much of India, Gujarat was also dependent on cheap coal for decades to power its industries and fast-expanding cities. But the dependency was becoming a trap. Coal production targets were being missed year after year.

Imported coal was expensive, and plants were sitting idle for lack of fuel. Power outages due to a coal shortage had become a major concern for industries, which feared production setbacks. At first, Modiโ€™s government attempted to fix the grid. In May 2003, the Gujarat government passed the Gujarat Electricity Industry Reform and Reorganisation Act, which divided the state electricity board into a holding company, a generation company, a transmission company, and four distribution companies. Along with this, the Gujarat government brought the Jyoti Gram Yojana scheme. It was launched to improve the electricity supply in villages. Before this scheme, all the farms, houses, shops, and villages received their supplies from the same line.

Under this scheme, the Gujarat government divided the electricity feeder lines into two parts, one for agricultural use and another for households, schools, shops, and villages. Earlier, villages suffered from poor-quality electricity, frequent power cuts, and widespread electricity theft because everything was connected to the same line. But after the scheme, Gujarat ensured that villages received more regular and reliable electricity, while farmers had power at fixed, predictable times. The reform also helped the government reduce power theft, track electricity usage more efficiently and improve the financial condition of the stateโ€™s power sector.

The 2009 solar policy that changed everything

After stabilising the electricity system, Gujarat began seeking a long-term solution to its growing needs. The state realised that it depended heavily on coal and conventional power sources, which were insufficient to meet its needs. As coal wasnโ€™t reliable, either economically or sustainably, for the future. Gujarat also had a natural advantage in its vast stretches of barren land, high solar radiation, and more than 300 sunny days every year. Instead of viewing solar energy solely as an environmental initiative, the state saw it as an opportunity for economic growth, industrial expansion, and energy security.

In 2009, Gujarat became the first state to launch a full-fledged comprehensive solar power policy. At that time, solar was still considered risky and expensive. The policy aimed to attract private investment by offering guaranteed long-term power purchase agreements, fixed tariffs, land support and faster approvals. The government assured companies that if they invested in solar power generation, the state would purchase electricity at pre-decided rates, reducing uncertainty for investors.

This policy immediately changed Gujaratโ€™s position in Indiaโ€™s energy sector. Private companies started investing in large-scale solar projects, and Gujarat quickly emerged as the countryโ€™s leading solar state. The policy also laid the foundation for several pioneering projects, including the Charanka Solar Park, rooftop solar schemes in Gandhinagar and the world-famous canal-top solar project over the Narmada canals. Many of these ideas later became templates for Indiaโ€™s larger National Solar Mission and renewable energy expansion.

Charanka Solar Park: Indiaโ€™s first mega solar experiment

The biggest symbol of Gujaratโ€™s solar ambitions was the Charanka Solar Park. It was located in Charanka village, Patan district, near the India-Pakistan border. This project was launched in 2010 and inaugurated by then CM Narendra Modi. Charanka Solar Park became Asiaโ€™s largest solar park at that time. It was one of the worldโ€™s biggest projects. But why are we talking about it today? The answer lies in the details.

The project spanned thousands of acres, and the park followed a multi-developer model in which several private companies generated solar power from a single integrated location. Instead of having each company build its own roads, transmission lines, and infrastructure, the Gujarat government builds an entire ecosystem for solar developers by providing land, roads, transmission lines, and approvals. The entire ecosystem reduced the costs, attracted investment and accelerated project execution. Initially, the park generated around 214 MW of solar power, but its capacity later expanded to nearly 730 MW.

The project quickly became a national model for future mega solar parks across India, including projects in Rajasthan, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. For Gujarat, it wasnโ€™t just a solar project, but it was proof that solar energy can be produced on an industrial scale in India. The project also helped Gujarat emerge as the countryโ€™s solar leader at a time when most Indian states were still hesitant about investing heavily in renewable energy. However, while the project received global attention for its scale and innovation, criticism also emerged from local communities. Villagers later claimed that grazing lands were lost, access to water became difficult, and many promises regarding jobs and development were not fully fulfilled. These concerns would later become an important part of the debate around large-scale renewable energy projects in India.

Rooftop solar: Turning homes into power producers

Earlier, Solar energy in India mostly meant huge solar parks in empty land and big companies generating electricity. But Gujarat thought, โ€œWhy only big companies? Why canโ€™t normal buildings or houses produce electricity?” So, Gujarat launched the Rooftop Solar Scheme.

The idea was very simple: to install solar panels on the rooftops of houses, government buildings, schools, and offices. The sunlight would generate electricity directly from the rooftop. Gujarat introduced the โ€œRent-a-Roof โ€œ model. Under this model, People do not even need to buy solar panels themselves; they can rent them from companies that have installed panels on rooftops, allowing them to engage directly in energy generation without bearing the full installation cost. The government initially planned to generate around 5 MW of electricity by installing solar panels on nearly 50 government buildings and 500 private buildings. It was one of Indiaโ€™s earliest large rooftop solar experiments in Gujarat, from which the government planned similar models in Rajkot, Surat, Vadodara and Bhavnagar. Later,ย  rooftop solar became a major national policy across India. The scheme later became an important example for Indiaโ€™s broader rooftop solar expansion and influenced future national solar initiatives.

Canal-top solar: Gujaratโ€™s global solar innovationย 

While Gujarat was rapidly expanding large solar parks, the government also began exploring ways to generate solar power without using vast amounts of land. Large solar parks require large land areas, which creates problems with land acquisition and is expensive. It led to the creation of a great innovation project – the Canal-Top Solar project. Instead of installing solar panels only on the open land, Gujarat decided to install them above the Narmada canal network.

It was launched by then CM Narendra Modi in April 2012. It was the first canal-top solar plant near Chandrasan in Kadi taluka, Mehsana district. Built over 750 metres (2,460ft) of the canal, the project generated 1 Megawatt (MW) of solar power. What made the project unique was that it solved multiple problems together. These panels generate clean solar energy while reducing evaporation from canals by shading the water. The government estimated that the project could save nearly 90 lakh litres of water annually. It actually helps reduce land costs. The canal-top model also reduced the need to acquire large stretches of land for solar parks, a task that was becoming increasingly difficult and expensive. Since Gujarat already had thousands of kilometres of canals, the state believed that even partial utilisation of this network could generate thousands of megawatts of solar power while conserving both land and water.

The project quickly gained national and international attention as an example of infrastructure innovation in renewable energy. Then, Union Renewable Energy Minister Farooq Abdullah praised Gujarat for pioneering the project, while other Indian states, such as Punjab and Delhi, later explored similar canal-top solar initiatives.

Modhera and the push towards solar villagesย 

After becoming a leader in large solar parks and rooftop solar, Gujarat started promoting a new idea named โ€œsolar villagesโ€. The aim was not just for cities or industries, but for entire villages to run on solar energy. The clearest example of this was the village of Modhera in Gujarat. It was famous for its historic Sun temple. But Gujarat wanted to make it Indiaโ€™s first fully solar-powered village. To achieve this, the government installed rooftop solar panels on houses, as well as a ground-mounted solar power plant and battery storage systems.

The village was connected to a 6 MW ground-mounted solar plant with a battery energy storage system. Because of this, many houses started generating their own electricity, and villagers received cleaner power, and some households reportedly even got zero electricity bills during certain periods. The idea behind Modhera was important because Gujarat wanted to show that solar energy was not only for giant companies or mega projects, but an entire village could also become energy self-sufficient. This project became a symbol of decentralised renewable energy, rural electrification and Indiaโ€™s push towards sustainable villages. After Modheraโ€™s success, the idea of solar villages gained national attention and aligned with Indiaโ€™s broader renewable energy and sustainability goals.

Gujarat becomes Indiaโ€™s solar leader

Because of these projects, Gujarat’s aggressive push towards renewable energy quickly began to show results. While most states were investing in Coal and were hesitant to invest in solar, Gujarat moved rapidly by combining strong policy support with large-scale infrastructure development. By 2012-13, Gujarat was contributing nearly two-thirds of Indiaโ€™s total solar power generation, making it the countryโ€™s leading solar state.

Several factors helped Gujarat to move faster than others. The government offered investor-friendly policies, fixed long-term tariffs, quicker approvals and ready infrastructure for private companies. Large projects like the Charanka Solar Park, rooftop solar schemes and canal-top solar initiatives created confidence among investors and established Gujarat as Indiaโ€™s renewable energy hub. The government offered investor-friendly policies, fixed long-term tariffs, quicker approvals and ready infrastructure for private companies. As of December 2025, more than 11 lakh rooftop solar systems have been installed in Gujarat, generating 6,412 MW of power. It is the highest number in all the states. Large projects like the Charanka Solar Park, rooftop solar schemes and canal-top solar initiatives created confidence among investors and established Gujarat as Indiaโ€™s renewable energy hub.

Gujarat also focused on building a larger renewable energy ecosystem rather than treating solar energy as a standalone project. The state invested in transmission infrastructure, skilled manpower, manufacturing support, and private-sector participation. Solar energy became closely linked to Gujaratโ€™s broader industrial growth model and energy security strategy.

Many ideas first tested in Gujarat later influenced Indiaโ€™s National Solar Mission and the expansion of solar parks and rooftop solar schemes across the country. In many ways, Gujarat became the early laboratory for Indiaโ€™s solar revolution, proving that renewable energy could work at an industrial scale and attract large private investment.

What the Gujarat model teaches the rest of India

Gujaratโ€™s solar journey showed that Renewable energy depends not only on technology but also on political will, long-term stability, and policy strategy. At a time when most Indian states still viewed solar energy as impractical, Gujarat, which was aggressively interested in infrastructure, attracted private companies and created an ecosystem that made large-scale commercial solar viable. It also demonstrated that if the government provide investor confidence through fixed tariffs, faster approvals and reliable infrastructure, renewable energy can grow rapidly. The Gujarat model also highlighted the importance of experimentation and innovation. From mega solar parks and rooftop solar schemes to canal-top solar projects and solar villages like Modhera, Gujarat, continuously tested new renewable energy models before they became mainstream across India. Many of these ideas later influenced Indiaโ€™s National Solar Mission and broader renewable energy policies.

However, Gujaratโ€™s experience also revealed the limitations of large-scale green development. Projects like the Charanka Solar Park raised concerns about land acquisition, grazing rights, water access, and unfulfilled promises to local communities. This showed that renewable energy projects cannot be considered fully sustainable if local populations feel excluded from their benefits.

In many ways, Gujarat taught India two lessons simultaneously: first, that solar energy can become a powerful driver of economic growth and energy security; and second, that future renewable expansion must balance industrial ambition with environmental and social responsibility

Gujarat didnโ€™t just follow Indiaโ€™s solar revolution; it helped create it

From reforming a struggling power sector in the early 2000s to launching Indiaโ€™s first comprehensive solar policy in 2009, the state transformed itself into the countryโ€™s solar laboratory. Projects like the Charanka Solar Park, rooftop solar initiatives, canal-top solar plants and solar villages such as Modhera demonstrated that renewable energy in India could move beyond theory and work at scale.

More importantly, Gujarat changed how India viewed solar energy. It was no longer seen merely as an expensive environmental experiment but as a serious solution for energy security, industrial growth and long-term infrastructure development. Many of the ideas first tested in Gujarat later shaped Indiaโ€™s National Solar Mission and the countryโ€™s broader renewable energy expansion.

In many ways, Gujaratโ€™s solar journey became both a blueprint for how policy support and innovation can rapidly transform an energy sector. Gujarat did not simply participate in Indiaโ€™s solar revolution; it helped create it.

Land-grabbing, running extortion rackets, influencing police postings and more: Meet Santanu Sinha Biswas, former DCP of Kolkata and close aide of Mamata Banerjee, now under ED scanner

Former Kolkata DCP Santanu Sinha Biswas, who was once close to former West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee, is in the dock in connection with a fraud and extortion case. Biswas had a fall from grace after he was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) on 14th May, following 10 hours of questioning at the ED’s CGO Complex office in Salt Lake.

Subsequently, his extended tenure was terminated by Kolkata Police Commissioner Ajay Nand on Friday (22nd May), the same day when ED conducted raids at his residence located in Kandi town of Murshidabad district. The ED teams conducted raids at multiple locations, including a hotel on Roy Street in Kolkata and the house of another Kolkata Police sub-inspector.

Accused of running land-grabbing and extortion rackets

Biswas, a highly influential figure in the Kolkata Police Department, came under ED’s radar when it was examining Kasba-Golpark-based criminal Pappu’s bank accounts. Pappu was arrested by the agency on 18th May following several rounds of interrogation.ย The agency found suspicious financial transactions linked to Biswas, who has also served as officer-in-charge of Kalighat Police Station and Hare Street Police Station.

Biswas was arrested came after he evaded multiple summons issued by the ED, which his probing his connection with a criminal, Biswajit Poddar, alias Sona Pappu and the extortion and land-grabbing cases involving him. He was summoned five times by the ED, the first summoned being served on 28th April, a day before the assembly poll in Kolkata.

The agency has accused Biswas of running a land-encroachment racket, an extortion racket, leveraging his authority to influence police-in-charge postings, and intimidating local real estate builders. After the arrest of businessman Joy Kamdar from the Behala area in the southern part of Kolkata, the ED gathered more information relating to Biswas. According to the ED, Sona Pappu ran the extortion racket along with businessman Jay Kamdar and Biswas facilitated the operations of the extortion racket.

A lookout circular was issued against Biswas

On 19th April, the ED conducted raids at properties linked to Biswas, including his residence in Ballygunge and his flat located at Fern Road but he was not found at either of his houses. His two sons, Sayantan and Manish, were also summoned by the ED, but they did not appear before the agency.

The ED also conducted searches properties linked to Jay Kamdar in Behala. During the raids, several important documents were reportedly discovered by the ED officials. In a separate raid conducted on 1st April, the ED seized โ‚น1.47 crore in cash, gold and silver worth over Rs 67 lakh, and a country-made revolver.

Earlier in May, following the raids, the ED issued a lookout circular against Biswas cross airports and Border Security Force (BSF) outposts to prevent him from leaving the country.

Accused of attempting to influence voters

During the recent Assemby elections in West Bengal, Biswas was accused of trying to influence voters in favour of Mamata Banerjee and her party. In April 2026, the BJP submitted a letter to the Chief Election Officer (CEO), West Bengal stating that Biswas, Bijitaswa Routh (IC) and Rahul Amin Ali Shah (SI) of Kolkata Police made an appeal for ensuring the victory of their “guardian” Chief Minister Smt Mamata Banerjee and the ruling TMC party at the State Coference of the West Bengal Police Welfare Committee. The party requested the CEO to transfer the Biswas and other two police personnel out of the state till the conclusion of the assembly elections.

Other accusations against Biswas

Earlier, he was summoned by the EDโ€™s Delhi office in connection with an illegal coal mining case, but did not appear. He is also facing investigation in ongoing probes, including alleged irregularities in admissions under the NRI quota in private medical institutions like KPC Medical College.