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Narendra Modi and democracy: How Chief Minister of a state was grilled for hours and he followed the rule of the land

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is often called a ‘fascist’ by his detractors. I use the word detractors mildly. He has been demonised as the one who has zero respect for democracy and the rule of the land.

I have spent the major part of my life in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. Rather, Modi’s Gujarat. I say that because my first tryst with a major political event was the then Gujarat CM Keshubhai Patel’s resignation amid allegations of corruption abuse of power followed by Narendra Modi being made the chief minister of the state. I very clearly remember when the riots broke out in Gujarat after the train returning from Ayodhya was set on fire by a mob. Almost 60 people, including women and children, were burnt alive in what can only be termed as an act of terror.

Now, Gujarat has a history of communal violence. It was under Congress’ Madhavsinh Solanki rule that Gujarat witnessed one of the worst communal riots in the 80s. Solanki introduced how to divide votes as per his ‘KHAM’ (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, Muslim) vote bank. That it was under him the likes of don Latif thrived in Gujarat. Did you know Latif won in five municipal wards in local body elections of Ahmedabad in 1986-87? He was in jail at that time. Congress’ Amarsinh Choudhary was the chief minister of Gujarat at that time.

In Gujarat, prior to 2002, communal riots (skirmishes, as today’s mainstream media, would say) would break out at the smallest thing, like cutting of strings on Uttarayan or Rath Yatra procession. These would usually take place in communally sensitive areas like the old city. The Ahmedabad on the west of the Sabarmati river would be usually peaceful. So when someone told me back then on 27th February 2002 that ‘riots’ have broken in the old city, I was like, meh. It was only when I saw smoke rise from the roof of my house (I live on the west of Sabarmati), that is when it struck me that this was not just ‘any other riot’.

About a kilometre from my house, right outside a temple, a city transport bus was set on fire. Again, let me reiterate, this was the first time I witnessed riots and not just read it in newspapers. Gujarati newspapers, that were not quite fond of Narendra Modi, would publish pages and pages filled with charred bodies. This, obviously, fanned more communal tension. No one held the media responsible back then, just as no one does it now.

One of the most prominent cases from the 2002 riots was the death of Ehsan Jafri, a Congress leader and former MP who lived in Gulbarga society in Chamanpura, Ahmedabad. On 28th February 2002, a rioting mob burnt down the society where about 35 people, including Jafri, lost their lives. His wife, Zakia Jafri named everyone from police to the then Gujarat Chief Minister as one of the accused in his death.

Supreme Court-monitored SIT was formed to look into the allegations and as part of the process in March 2010, a sitting chief minister of the state was grilled by the SIT for hours.

As lawyer Kartikeya Tanna said, as one of the accused in that particular case chief minister Narendra Modi went to the SIT office and sat for 9 hours and answered every question he was asked. He did not have an attorney present and took his own water bottle with him for the questioning. He even refused the tea that was offered.

Compared to that, there are massive allegations of post-poll violence in West Bengal where various committees, as well as the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), have found gross violations of human rights. Many people have come forward and accused the workers of the ruling party, TMC, of carrying out crimes like looting, rapes and murders. Many were victims only because of their political ideology where they supported the BJP.

It is shocking how the chief minister of that state, whose party cadres are accused of carrying out large-scale political violence, is not made accountable. No questions asked. In fact, in a certain section of media, people leaving the state fearing persecution is celebrated and encouraged as ‘purge’.

Chief Ministers of two states, twenty years apart, and we can all see who respected democracy.

PepsiCo India sets up its largest greenfield food plant in Mathura in Uttar Pradesh, a year after wrapping up business in Kerala

PepsiCo India has chosen Uttar Pradesh to set up its largest greenfield foods plant to manufacture potato chips. UP CM Yogi Adityanath on Wednesday (September 15) inaugurated the leading global food and beverage company’s largest greenfield foods plant worth Rs 814 crore in Kosi Kalan in Mathura.

It may be noted that the company had taken an exit route from Kerala due to labour issues with its in Kanjikode Palakkad in March last year. It was a carbonated soft drinks and packaged drinking water bottling plant operated by franchisee Varun Beverages.

The Mathura plant, according to the firm, will produce Lay’s potato chips and will be the company’s first ‘Make and Move’ factory. “The state-of-the-art plant aligns with the UP government’s industrialisation-led growth agenda,” the company’s press communiqué said. ‘Make and move’ factory means the products manufactured in the plant are sold directly to distributors from the plant, instead of dispatching them to a mother warehouse managed by a third party.

According to reports, the PepsiCo factory at Kosi Kalan, Mathura, spanning over 29 acres of land, would acquire 150,000 tonnes of locally grown potatoes for a total investment of Rs 814 crore, benefiting over 5,000 farmers and providing 1,500 direct and indirect job opportunities. The company stated that at least 30 per cent of their employees at the plant will be women.

The company has said that for a better supply chain, the company will also build a state-of-the-art cold storage warehouse in Uttar Pradesh. According to PepsiCo, the cold storage method would significantly extend the shelf life of potatoes.

Ahmed ElSheikh, President, PepsiCo India, said, “The launch of our new foods plant in Kosi Kalan, Mathura is in line with the spirit of Atmanirbhar Bharat. Commissioning of the foods plant marks PepsiCo’s single largest investment of Rs 814 crore in the country. The support of the UP government and the local administration has been instrumental in the commissioning of our state-of-the-art manufacturing facility in less than two years. We are proud to strengthen our ’Unnati Ki Sajhedhari’ with the State of Uttar Pradesh.” ElSheikh added the facility was ready in less than two years, despite the pandemic.

Yogi Adityanath, who virtually presided over the inaugural ceremony from Lucknow, stated that the PepsiCo facility was an example of a state-private sector partnership for the benefit of farmers.

“The state government framed the policies, while the private investor has taken it further by setting up the plant. This will ultimately benefit the state farmers and they will get lucrative prices for their farm produce,” he asserted.

“UP is the country’s top food grain producer and it has abundant water resources. The state has the largest consumer market of 240 million people with a favourable investment climate,” he CM said, advising PepsiCo to help farmers with advanced potato seeds for mutual benefits.

PepsiCo India exits Kerala over labour protest

PepsiCo India unit located at Kanjikode Palakkad, Kerala, operated by franchisee Varun Beverages Ltd, had been in a lockout from March 22, 2021, over various labour protests. “M/s Varun Beverages Ltd manufacturing carbonated soft drinks and packaged drinking water, is intended to be closed down under section 25-O of the Industrial dispute Act 1947 (Act 14 of 1947) and necessary application is filed to the Government, of Kerala on 22.09.2020 stating clearly the reasons for the intended closure,” the closure notice, dated September 22, stated.

TMC MP Nusrat Jahan names her newly born son Yishaan J Dasgupta, birth certificate mentions Debashish aka Yash Dasgupta as his father

TMC MP Nusrat Jahan has named her newborn baby boy Yishaan J Dasgupta, according to the birth registration certificate document issued by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation. As per the details out in the public domain, Debashish Dasgupta, which is the formal name of actor Yash Dasgupta, has been mentioned as the child’s father in the birth certificate. The actor and politician welcomed her baby boy on August 26, 2021.

Image credit: Patrika

This birth certificate confirms the speculations that Nusrat’s estranged husband Nikhil Jain is not the father of the child, and Yash Dasgupta is the actual father.

According to reports, the Bengali actress and the Lok Sabha MP from Basirhat, Nusrat Jahan Ruhi was hospitalised at Kolkata’s Neotia Hospital on August 25, 2021. Nusrat was driven to the hospital by Yash Dasgupta, who had later confirmed that Nusrat and her baby are doing fine. “For those who have been enquiring about Nusrat’s health, the mother and child are healthy and doing well,” Yash Dasgupta said.

Nusrat Jahan had previously declined to answer a query regarding the baby’s father. When asked about the father’s name during a press conference, the actress reportedly remarked, “It is very easy to put a black spot on the character of the person by asking vague questions as to who the father of the child is.”

Nusrat Jahan carrying Yash Dasgupta’s child, said reports

In June this year, rumours of the actress-turned-politician dating her costar Yash Dasgupta had started doing the rounds, after reports of a split between Nusrat Jahan and her husband Nikhil Jain surfaced.

Nusrat Jahan Ruhi had married Nikhil Jain two years ago. However, the relationship between the two turned sour within a year of their marriage. She had claimed that her marriage with Nikhil Jain in Turkey was not valid as per Turkish Marriage Regulation, and it was not valid in India as the interfaith marriage was not registered under the special marriage act. In the meantime, Nusrat’s closeness with actor Yash Dasgupta continued to grow as they were seen together at different parties.

Ever since the TMC MP had announced her pregnancy in a cryptic post on her Instagram account, speculations were rife regarding the father of the unborn child. However, media reports had then suggested that Nusrat Jahan carrying Yash Dasgupta’s child.

Suvendu Adhikari writes to union health ministry objecting approval of private medical college managed by scam accused TMC leader Anubrata Mondal

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BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari has shot a missive to union health minister Mansukh Mandaviya to lodge his objection if the health ministry desires to grant approval to a private medical college at Bolpur in West Bengal which is managed by Anubrata Mondal of Trinamool Congress (TMC).

Suvendu Adhikari said that Anubrata Mondal has been facing probes by various agencies for his alleged role in various scams, and therefore his private medical college should not be granted. Mondal is closely associated with Trinamool Congress chief and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee.

The college named ‘Santiniketan Medical College’ established at Bolpur in Birbhum district of West Bengal is managed by the trust named ‘SWADHIN’. Suvendu Adhikari, the leader of opposition in the West Bengal assembly, who had defeated Mamata Banerjee, has requested the ministry to take note of objections to the approval of this new private medical college.

“The Trust, ‘SWADHIN’ is operated/managed by the infamous TMC leader Anubrata Mondal. He is unscrupulous and dishonest, and is being investigated by the central agencies for his alleged role in various scams such as cattle smuggling and illegal mining,” Suvendu Adhikari has claimed in his letter.

Adhikari further claimed that Anubrata Mondal is the main sponsor of the trust and he funds it with money earned from dubious and unaccounted sources. It may be noted that Suvendu Adhikari had quite a long stay in the TMC, and he might be aware of corruption allegedly flourishing under the nose of the Mamata Banerjee and Anubrata Mondal may be the one small fry.

“It is my apprehension that this Trust is a front; a façade to launder money. So, at the inception itself the proposed college, if approved, would be connected with such strains of impropriety that it would always remain under the lens of prying eyes searching for misconduct. Would any educational institution flourish under such circumstances? That too, a Medical College, that won’t only remain confined to imparting education, but also at the same time keep serving the society in the crucial matter of public health,” the letter reads.

Suvendu Adhikari claimed that he received information that representatives of the National Medical Commission (NMC) visited the proposed medical college on 6 September 2021. He raised serious doubts if the clear picture regarding the proposed college was revealed to them.

He claimed that an amount to the tune of Rs 100 crore has been spent to set-up this proposed medical college. He said that invested money is unaccounted, that can’t be traced back to its source and it could very well be generated out of extortion or illegal mining or cattle smuggling.

Suvendu Adhikari also alleged that the deed of the land of the proposed college has been forged and the proposed college violates the most stringent term, that it doesn’t have its own hospital.

“They have made a deal with the Bolpur Sub-Divisional Hospital. They have entered into an agreement of 33 years with them. This agreement, if put under scanner would reveal that it is erroneous and has only been made because of the political clout of Anubrata Mondal. He has wielded his political influence to get his way with the WB State Health Department,” he said.

He said that the West Bengal Medical Council granted NOC due to the political clout of Mondal.

He reminded that even the Bolpur Sub-Divisional Hospital does not have proper infrastructure as per NMC guidelines and also the proposed college doesn’t have the required number of permanent faculty because of the simple reason that the management didn’t feel it necessary to hire them in order to save cost.

As Congress celebrates PM Modi’s birthday as ‘Bad Omen Day’, here is how Congress CMs let Gujaratis die in 2002

It is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s birthday on 17th September. Congress has decided to ‘celebrate’ this day as ‘Bad Omen Day‘. A day when millions of others are born will be vilified because their political opponent was born in this day. That is how tone-deaf Congress is.

But it should not really comes across as a surprise either.

Narendra Modi swore in as the chief minister of Gujarat for the first time on 7th October 2001. He replaced Keshubhai Patel who was facing allegations of corruption and poor administration. He won Rajkot-II bypolls on 24th February 2002 and became the first time Member of Legislative Assembly. Three days later, on 27th February 2002, a mob set a train returning from Ayodhya on fire in Godhra, Gujarat.

Almost 60 people, including women and children, returning from Ayodhya after doing the karseva at the Ram Mandir at Ram Janmabhoomi, were burnt alive in the train. It was one of the worst internal terror attacks in recent times.

A day later, on 28th February, 2002, widespread communal riots broke out in Gujarat. By 1st March, 2002, the very next day (February has 28 days) the Army was called in to bring the situation under control.

Narendra Modi as Gujarat Chief Minister wrote to three neighbouring states administration asking for additional forces.

Letter to Rajasthan Chief Secretary

On 1st March, 2002, K Nityanandam, Secretary to Government of Gujarat, Home Department wrote to Chief Secretary of Rajasthan State government requesting 10 companies of Armed Police force. The Gujarat state government mentioned how the Indian Army and paramilitary personnel are stationed at the India-Pakistan border in view of the recent December 2001 Parliament attack, and hence they were not in a position to spare additional forces. The state police department risked getting outnumbered. 

Rajasthan was back then ruled by Congress-led government with Ashok Gehlot as Chief Minister.

Letter to Maharashtra

On Same day, Gujarat government wrote to Maharashtra state administration as well asking for 10 companies of armed police to help Gujarat police.

Maharashtra, too, was ruled by Congress government with Vilasrao Deshmukh as the chief minister.

Letter to Madhya Pradesh

Here is the same letter written to Madhya Pradesh state government. This, too, was written on 1st March, 2002 when things were getting escalated.

Madhya Pradesh, at that time, was also ruled by Congress with senior leader Digvijaya Singh as the Chief Minister.

Here is what Madhya Pradesh government said:

Madhya Pradesh

In a letter dated 13th March, 2002, Madhya Pradesh Secretary R C Arora refused to send troops to Gujarat citing ‘heavy commitments’. Madhya Pradesh did not spare any troops to the neighbouring state. By 13th March, 2002, it was quite evident that things in Gujarat had snowballed and while the law and order situation by then was largely under control, everyone knew people had died. And more could die.

Here Narendra Modi is reiterating the same thing that was documented in the SIT report on Gujarat riots.

But, the three neighbouring states of Gujarat, part of Union of India, refused to help. They let Gujaratis die. They let Indians die. That Ashok Gehlot, Digvijaya Singh and Vilasrao Deshmukh of Congress in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra sat and watched as my state burned.

Gujaratis, Indians had to die, lives were lost because Narendra Modi had to be stopped.

VHP leader writes to Mysuru SP over Mahadevamma temple demolition, seeks criminal case against DC and Tahsildar for hurting sentiments of Hindus

Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Girish Bharadwaj has filed a complaint with the Superintendent of Mysuru Police alleging negligence of duty by the Deputy Commissioner of the district and the Tahsildar of Nanjangudu during the September 8 demolition of Mahadevamma temple. In the complaint filed on Thursday, September 16, he has requested the SP to register a criminal case against both the DC and Tahsildar.

The VHP leader has taken to Twitter to inform about the same. He also shared a copy of the letter written by him to the SP of Mysuru.

In his letter to the Mysuru SP, the VHP leader has accused the duo of hurting the religious sentiments of the Hindus by incorrectly reading the Supreme Court order leading to the demolition of the 200-year-old Mahadevamma temple at Uchagani of Nanjangudu Taluk on September 8.

“Mahadevamma Temple which was razed by the authorities had a history of over 500 years. The idol of the deity was consecrated as per Hindu rituals (Prana Pratishtapana) and puja was offered daily to the idol. It is a matter of great concern that the Tahsildar gave scant regard to sentiments of localities and got it demolished in the wee hours of the morning, surreptitiously to avoid any backlash or opposition from the devotees and localities” the letter, written to the SP stated.

Screengrab of the letter written by the VHP leader to Mysuru SP
Screengrab of the letter written by the VHP leader to Mysuru SP

The letter went on to mention and quote the Supreme Court order, claiming that the demolition had been done in violation of it.

“Supreme Court order regarding the illegal religious structure is very clear: If religious structures are already on public places and constructed before 29 September 2009, the government has to frame policy and decide case to case about removal/ relocation/ regularization of such structure,” the letter by the VHP leader to the Mysuru SP quoted the SC order.

According to the letter, the Deputy Commissioner of Mysuru ignored the Tahsildar of Nanjangudu’s suggestions in 2011 to regularise Mahadevamma and Kalabhairaveshwara Temple at Uchagani, claiming that the temple was 200 years old. The Deputy Commissioner of Mysuru, ignoring the report, asked the Tahsildar to demolish Mahadevamma Temple in accordance with the Chief Secretary’s circular, stated the letter.

“In 2011, the then Tahsildar of Nanjangudu had recommended regularizing Mahadevamma and Kalabhairaveshwara Temple at Uchagani quoting that the temple was 200 years old. The Deputy Commissioner, Mysuru ignoring the report has directed Tahsildar to demolish Mahadevamma Temple following the Chief Secretary’s circular” the letter read.

The letter continued by stating that the temple was 40 feet from the road and did not block development and that the Tahsildar could have held meetings with devotees and locals to reach a decision. The move was described as “gross negligence” by the Tahsildar, for which he should face stern legal action.

“The Tahsildar has no right to raze religious structures of Hindus on the grounds of encroachment clearance,” the letter added.

“The Tahsildar, Nanjangudu has conspired to demolish Mahadevamma Temple, without even shifting the Murtis which was consecrated with Prana Prathishta, Tahsildar has intentionally demolished the temple with Brahma Kalasha and Vigrahas,” Girish Bharadwaj stated adding that the move had hurt his religious sentiments guaranteed by the Constitution of India.

He urged the SP to book the DC, Tahsildar, and everyone who supervised the demolition of the temple for hurting the religious sentiments and dereliction of duty.

Members of Hindu outfit protest against Mysuru temple demolition

Meanwhile, hundreds of members of the Hindu organisation Hindu Jagarana Vedike, assembled in front of the Kote Anjaneyaswamy temple and took part in a massive march against the district administration and the government in Mysuru on Thursday, condemning the demolition of the Hindu temple.

Giving a 10-day ultimatum to the state government, the outfit’s convener said that CM Basavaraj Bommai should take responsibility for safeguarding the Hindu temples.

25th September 1921: A day when 38 Hindus were slaughtered and thrown in a well by Muslim mob demanding a Caliphate in Malabar

The Moplah genocide of Hindus is hardly taught in our history books and the Khilafat movement leading up to it are shamelessly whitewashed. In our history books, we are often told that the Khilafat movement was one where Hindus and Muslims fought together to oust the British. Essentially, the Khilafat movement was launched by Indian Muslims to support the preserve the authority of the Ottoman Sultan as Caliph of Islam following the breakup of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the war. Indian Muslims were essentially fighting for the Caliph of Islam and MK Gandhi offered his unbridled support to the movement.

In doing so, Gandhi ended up feeding the hydra of Islamism in India. Gandhi believed that his support for the Khilafat movement would solidify the anti-British sentiment amongst Indian Muslims. It is touted as the first movement that solidified the non-cooperation movement against the British.

Dr Ambedkar says: “The (Khilafat) movement was started by the Mohammedans. It was taken up by Mr Gandhi with tenacity and faith, which might have surprised many Mohammedans themselves. There were many people who doubted the ethical basis of the Khilafat movement and tried to dissuade Mr Gandhi taking any part in the Movement the ethical basis of which was so questionable.” (Pakistan or Partition of India, pages 146,147).

Dr M.G.S. Narayanan, former Chairman, ICHR, New Delhi wrote, “Gandhiji was politically innocent at that time to assume in the context of British India that the poor and illiterate Muslim community in India could be drawn into an active political struggle against the British power easily. To please the Muslims, he supported the case of the moribund Khilafat that the British had done away with in Turkey at the close of the First World War. Later Mahatma Gandhi regretted this folly in sponsoring the Khilafat, but it was too late by that time—the damage was done. Instead of coaxing Muslims into social reform and modern education, the Khilafat had legitimised their conservative religious instincts and roused their fears and suspicions about the outside world. It strengthened their communalism, which thrived on hatred against the Hindu Kafirs, lying dormant from the days of Alauddin Khilji and Aurangazeb.” (In his Foreword to the book Gandhi and Anarchy by Chettur Sankaran Nair, page II).

Essentially, the Khilafat movement united Indian Muslims against Kafirs, within India and outside and Gandhi’s naive support to the movement only lent credence to the Moplah genocide of Hindus that followed.

The Moplah Muslim community of Malabar had, for 100 years, indulged in bouts of murderous rage against Kafirs. The genocide of Hindus in August-September 1921 was different because the Muslims thought they would oust the British and establish an Islamic State. The Hindus had to be massacred for it because Kafirs have no place in the “land of the pure”.

According to widely believed numbers, officially, over 10,000 Hindus were slaughtered by Muslim fanatics. The unofficial numbers, likely far more accurate are much higher.

In one such gruesome incident, on the 25th of September 1921, on the barren hillside between Thuvoor and Karuvayakandi in North Kerala Chambrassery Imbichi Koithangal, one of the Khilafat leaders, held a rally with over 4,000 of his followers. During this meeting, more than 40 Hindus were caught hold of and taken to him with their hands tied behind their backs. 38 were murdered. 3 of the 38 were shot but the rest were beheaded and thrown in the Thuvoor well.

What happened at the Thuvoor well that led to 38 Hindus being slaughtered by Muslim fanatics during the Moplah genocide

According to various accounts, the 38 Hindus were charged with helping the military against the Moplah fanatics. Their charges were read out to them and they were beheaded by the Muslim fanatics. As he slaughtered them one by one, their bodies were discarded in the Thuvoor well.

In the book The Moplah Rebellion, 1921 written by Diwan Bahadur C. Gopalan, who was the Deputy Collector of Calicut, Malabar, there is a detailed account of what transpired that fateful day of 25th September.

On page 56 of the book, Gopalan writes:

There is a well situated about midway between Tuvur and Karuvarakundu on the slope of a bare hillock. Here the Chembrasseri Tangal’s followers about 4,000 in number from the neighbouring amsoms held a great meeting. The Tangal sat in the shadow of a small tree. More than 40 Hindus were caught by the rebels and taken to the Tangal with their hands tied behind their back. They were charged with the crime of helping the military against the rebels. Thirty-eight were condemned to death. Three are said to have been shot and the rest taken one by one to the well. Just at the brink, there is a small tree. The executioner stood here and after cutting the neck with his sword pushed the body into the well.

Many of the people who were thus thrown in were not dead. But escape was impossible. The sides of the well are cut in hard laterite rock and there are no steps. It is said that some people were crying out from the well even on the third day of the massacre. They must have died a peculiarly horrible death. At the time when this massacre was perpetrated, it was the rainy season and there was some water in the week, but now it is dry. And any visitor can have a look at the gruesome sight. The bottom is entirely filled with human bones. Pundit Rishi Ram, the Arya Samaj Missionary, who was standing by my side counted 30 skulls.

One skull deserves particular mention.

It is still seen divided neatly into two halves. This is said to be the skull of an old man named Kumara Panikkar, whose head was slowly cut into two halves by means of a saw.

In this book, Gopalan has chronicled the paltry information available. There is still hardly an official, true account of what transpired during the Moplah genocide of Hindus. Most accounts are watered down by Left historians to claim that it was an agrarian uprising or that it was the labourers who rose up against the zamindars. They explain the Moplah genocide of Hindus citing that the labourers were overwhelmingly Muslim and the zamindars were overwhelmingly Hindu. This trope was recently repeated by Shashi Tharoor during his book launch as well. However, the authentic accounts of the Moplah massacre that exist tell an incredibly different tale. Of forceful conversion, atrocities against Hindu men, women and even children and fanaticism that was aided by the support provided by Congress leaders, most prominently, MK Gandhi.

Gujarat cabinet sees complete overhaul with 24 new ministers in Bhupendra Patel ministry

On September 16, 24 members of the legislative assembly in Gujarat took oath as ministers to give the final shape to the newly-formed cabinet of CM Bhupendra Patel. The most interesting aspect of the oath ceremony that was none of the ministers from the Vijay Rupani cabinet came back as ministers as BJP put its weight on the ‘No Repeat’ theory. The majority of the ministers that took oath are fresh faces.

The ministers took oath in the presence of Governor Acharya Devvrat. Former CM Vijay Rupani, deputy CM Nitin Patel, State BJP President CR Patil, BJP state in-charge Bhupendra Yadav and observer BL Santosh were present during the ceremony. The Bhupendra Patel ministry will have ten cabinet ministers, including Rajendra Trivedi, Jitu Vaghani, Rushikesh Patel, Raghavji Patel, Purnesh Modi, Kanubhai Desai, Kiritsinh Rana, Naresh Patel, Pradipsinh Parmar, and Arjunsinh Chauhan.

Rajendra Trivedi was the current speaker of the Gujarat Assembly, and he resigned from the post hours before the oath-taking ceremony.

Five junior ministers or Ministers of State (MoS) with independent charge that took oath are Harsh Sanghvi, Jagdish Panchal, Brijesh Merja, Jitu Chaudhari, and Manisha Vakil. The ministers of state included in the state govt are Mukesh Patel, Nimisha Suthar, Arvind Raiyani, Kuber Dindor, Kirtisinh Vaghela, Rajendrasinh Parmar, Raghavji Makwana, Vinod Moradiya, and Devabhai Malam.

PM Modi congratulated the ministers and said in a tweet, “Congratulations to all the party members who have been sworn in as ministers in the Gujarat government. These are outstanding activists who have dedicated their lives to public service and pushed the development agenda of our party. Best wishes to all for a successful tenure ..!”

Home Minister Amit Shah wrote, “I greet all those who have been sworn in as Ministers in the Cabinet of the Government of Gujarat. I believe that under the leadership of Narendra Modi ji and Bhupendra Patel Ji the entire Cabinet will work with unwavering service to deliver public welfare schemes to the poor people of the state.”

First cabinet meeting

The newly formed cabinet had its first meeting at 4 PM in Swarnim Sankul. It was chaired by CM Bhupendra Patel. The portfolios will be assigned to the ministers soon. As speaker Rajendra Trivedi had resigned, Nimaben Acharya has been appointed as the pro-tem speaker.

The unexpected turn of events over the choice of CM

Last week, former CM Vijay Rupani resigned from his post, after which there were a lot of speculations over the name of the next CM of Gujarat. There were eight names in the race, as per several reports. However, Bhupendra Patel was chosen as the new CM of Gujarat, which no one had expected. CM Patel took oath on September 13. He had won the elections by a margin of over 1,17,000 votes against Shashikant Patel from the Congress party. The seat was previously held by UP Governor and former Gujarat CM Anandiben Patel.

While submitting his resignation, former CM Rupani said, “I have resigned from the post of Gujarat Chief Minister,” Vijay Rupani told the media after meeting Governor Acharya Devvrat. “I have conveyed my wishes to work in party organization under the leadership of Prime Minister and under the guidance of BJP chief.” There were a lot of speculations over the reason why he resigned, including his deteriorating health.

Some believe the resignation was necessitated by the fact that Vijay Rupani has been unwell for the past few months, making it unfeasible for him to continue as Chief Minister for another term. Thus, BJP wishes to contest the elections with a face that is familiar with the citizens of the state by the time the elections arrive, i.e. December next year. Rupani was appointed to the position on August 7, 2016, and steered the state through the Coronavirus pandemic.

Gujarat Legislative Assembly

The assembly elections are expected to take place in December 2022 in Gujarat. Bharatiya Janata Party has been ruling the state since 1995. PM Narendra Modi took charge of the central government after being the Chief Minister of Gujarat for twelve and half years. After PM Modi, Anandiben Patel, Vijay Rupani, and now Bhupendra Patel have taken charge of the state as CM.

Virat Kohli to step down from T20 captainship after T20 World Cup in Dubai

On September 16, Virat Kohli announced stepping down from the T20 captainship. In a statement released on his social media accounts, Kohli said, “I’ve decided to step down as the T20 Captain after this T20 World Cup in Dubai in October.”

Citing a busy schedule and workload by paying three formats and regularly captaining for over five years, he said that he needed to give himself space to be fully ready to lead the Indian Cricket Team in Test an ODI. He said, “Understanding workload is a very important thing and considering my immense workload over the last 8-9 years playing all three formats and captaining regularly for last 5-6 years, I feel I need to give myself space to be fully ready to lead the Indian Team in Test and ODI Cricket.”

Virat Kohli’s full statement

“I have been fortunate enough to not only represent India but also lead the Indian Cricket Team to my utmost capability. I thank everyone who has supported me in my journey as the Captain of the Indian Cricket Team. I couldn’t have done it without them – the boys, the support staff, the selection committee, my coaches and each and every Indian who prayed for us to win.

Understanding workload is a very important thing and considering my immense workload over the last 8-9 years playing all 3 formats and captaining regularly for last 5-6 years, I feel I need to give myself space to be fully ready to lead the Indian Team in Test and ODI Cricket. I have given everything to the Team during my time as T20 Captain and I will continue to do so for the T20 Team as a batsman moving forward.

Of course, arriving at this decision took a lot of time. After a lot of contemplation and discussions with my close people, Ravi bhai and also Rohit, who have been an essential part of the leadership group, I’ve decided to step down as the T20 Captain after this T20 World Cup in Dubai in October. I have also spoken to the secretary Mr Jay Shah and the President of BCCI Mr Sourav Ganguly along with all the selectors about the same. I will continue to serve Indian Cricket and the Indian Team to the best of my ability.”

Unending fight of ‘Amra Akranto’: Professor Ambikesh Mahapatra continues a long battle for sharing Mamata Banerjee’s cartoon in 2012

Ambikesh Mahapatra, the professor of Chemistry at Jadavpur University who was arrested and charge-sheeted in 2012 by the West Bengal police for forwarding a cartoon of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee seems to have an unending legal battle. His legal fight continues despite the fact that a local court on September 14 discharged him from the charge of section 66A of the Information Technology Act.

The reason behind the prolonged battle is that even if he has been discharged under the section of the IT Act by the court of Subrata Mukherjee, Chief Judicial Magistrate, Alipore, 24 Parganas (South), the case continues since the West Bengal government wants to add sections 500 and 509 of the IPC.

Now the court will take up the next hearing on November 17 to hear as to whether any case under sections 500 and 509 of the IPC or any other law can be made out against the accused or whether the accused deserved to be discharged from the case.

“It is more than nine and half years I have been fighting my case facing the torture of the establishment,” Ambikesh Mahapatra told the OpIndia over the phone.

In 2012, he had e-mailed a cartoon of the chief minister to a member of New Garia Development Co-Operative Society Limited. On this, a worker of the Trinamool Congress Amit Sardar had lodged an FIR at Purba Jadavpur Police Station on April 12, 2012. That complainant was not the recipient of his mail.

Ambikesh Mahapatra was arrested and kept in the police lockup. The next day he got bail from the court. He had forwarded a cartoon sequence based on Sonar Kella movie of Satyajit Ray, that had made fun of Dinesh Trivedi dropped as the Railway Minister and being replaced by Mukul Roy.

The professor was booked along with Subrata Sengupta and others by the police under sections 500, 509 and 114 of IPC, section 66A of IT Act. But during the investigation, except Ambikesh Mahapatra and Subrata Sengupta, the police had discharged the rest of the accused. In the charge sheet, the police retained sections 66A(b) and (c) of the IT Act read with section 109 of IPC against them only.

In March 2015, the Supreme Court passed a landmark decision in Shreya Singhal Vs. Union of India striking down Section 66A of the IT Act.  Sensing that the Supreme Court judgment may turn the case against the professor null and void, the Bengal government later insisted that Ambikesh Mahapatra must face trial under section 509 (word, gesture or act meant to insult women) and Section 500 (punishment for defamation) of IPC.

“I don’t know why the West Bengal government is behind me. The police had dropped section 500 and 509 during the investigation. It means the police found no evidence against me. Now the same police and the same government want me to face trial under both sections of IPC. The court had in the past rejected the protest petition after both the sections were dropped. I am just fighting for my rights,” Ambikesh Mahapatra told OpIndia.

Ambikesh Mahapatra said that he had not imagined that he would have to pay the price for forwarding a simple cartoon. “There is no democracy and no freedom of speech in West Bengal. I am above 61-years. What they call a crime was not a crime,” he said. He is lonely fighting because the co-accused Subrata Sengupta died years back.

Ambikesh Mahapatra recalled that he was made to suffer in other ways also like denial of extension of passport and non-payment of compensation. The West Bengal Human Rights Commission in August 2012 had directed disciplinary actions against police officers for the manner they acted against him. The Calcutta High Court had too increased the compensation from Rs 50,000 to Rs 75,000 to account for the legal cost. But the compensation amount has still not been paid.

Ambikesh Mahapatra has formed a group called “Amra Akranto” or “We the sufferers”. The group has been joined by more than 100 people who are the victims of injustice and highhandedness of the State.