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Fatwa issued against actor-politician Joseph Vijay for ‘inviting drunkards and gamblers’ to iftar party, Maulana Razvi says his movies portray Muslims as terrorists

Maulana Shahabuddin Razvi Bareilly, the National President of the All India Muslim Jamaat and Chief Mufti of Chashme Darul Ifta, has issued a fatwa against Tamil Nadu actor-politician Joseph Vijay Chandrasekhar, accusing him of being ‘anti-Muslim’. This comes after the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) president hosted an Iftar party last month.

Shahabuddin Razvi claimed that Joseph Vijay invited alcoholics and gamblers to Iftar, which he deemed illicit and sinful from an Islamic perspective. The Sunni cleric went on to advise Tamil Nadu Muslims against trusting Vijay as he said that the latter is using Muslims to climb the political ladder, while in his movies, he presents Muslims as terrorists.

“Vijay Thalapathy is using Muslim sentiments to make his way into politics from the film world, when his history is full of anti-Muslim sentiment. In his film ‘The Beast’, he has linked Muslims and the entire Muslim community with terrorism and militancy. In the film, Thalapathy tries to show Muslims as ‘monsters’ and ‘devils’. And now, since he is entering politics and he wants votes, he is doing Muslim appeasement,” the Maulana said.

Further accusing the TVK leader of tarnishing the ‘sanctity’ of Ramzan by inviting troublemakers to his Iftar party who neither follow Islamic traditions nor observe Roza. He also advised Muslims to “distance themselves from Vijay Thalapathy, not attend his programmes and not invite him to their religious programmes.”

The maulana alleged that in the movie ‘Beast’, Vijay linked Muslims and the entire Muslim community with terrorism and militancy. “In the film, Thalapathy tries to show Muslims as ‘monsters’ and ‘devils’. And now since he is entering politics and he wants votes, he is doing Muslim appeasement,” he said.

Maulana Razvi stated that people invited to the iftar party hosted by Vijay were neither fasting nor following Islamic practices, and they were “drunkards and troublemakers”. The Fatwa stated that Sunni Muslims in Tamil Nadu have already filed a police complaint over the matter.

“…He has formed a political party and maintained cordial relations with Muslims. However, he has portrayed Muslims in a negative way as those who spread terrorism in his films…In his Iftar party, gamblers and liquor consumers were invited. Due to all this, Sunni Muslims of Tamil Nadu are angry with him. They asked for a fatwa. So, in my answer, I have issued a fatwa mentioning that Muslims should not stand with Vijay…” he continued.

Notably, on 11th March, the Tamil Nadu Sunnath Jamath filed a complaint against Joseph Vijay with the Chennai Police Commissioner, accusing the actor-politician of organising a “poorly managed” Iftar party on 8th March, where he invited drunkards who had nothing to do with Iftar and thus insulted Muslims.

“Muslims were insulted at the Iftar programme organised by Vijay. We believe the participation of drunkards and rowdies who had nothing to do with fasting or Iftar has insulted Muslims,” Sunnat Jamath’s treasurer Syed Kous said.

The actor had hosted the iftar party on 7th March at Chennai’s YMCA grounds. Vijay wore a skull cap at the event, and participated in the evening namaz before the feast.

Interestingly, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) president and actor Vijay recently filed a petition in the Supreme Court challenging the Waqf (Amendment) Act 2025.

Thousands of Indian students face uncertainty as Trump administration revokes visas, cancel scholarship funding to US universties

The academic community has recently been jolted by the US (United States) State Department’s unexpected decision to stop sponsoring prominent scholarship programs, including Gilman, Critical Language and Fulbright, last month. These international exchange programs have historically offered outstanding students and professionals the chance to study, conduct research, and teach in the United States, while also fostering academic collaboration and cross-cultural understanding.

It was an important first step toward world-class education, cutting-edge research and career advancement for thousands of scholars, especially from nations like India. Many are currently in limbo, with financial uncertainties and interrupted academic pursuits as a result of the shocking development. Besides eliminating crucial economic aid, this action also restricts access to premier research opportunities, severing a vital supply of talent from around the world.

The suspension has effectively curtailed academic exposure for many talented students with constrained means, leaving some in a state of limbo during their courses. According to study abroad advisors, thousands of Indian students are in a state of uncertainty.

Cancellations of student visa

Initially, a few students per day started to contact the bar association for immigration attorneys with questions. These were international students studying in the United States who learned in early April that their legal status had been abruptly revoked. They were not aware of any deportable offences committed by any of the students. Over the last few days, there has been a surge in incoming calls. Many students are reaching out to express that they have lost their legal status and are in need of assistance regarding their subsequent actions.

The average annual cost of tuition and living expenses for an Indian student studying in the US is between Rs 40 and Rs 50 lakh. India was the most popular country of origin for international students studying in the US in the 2023–2024 academic year, based on the Institute of International Education’s 2024 Open Doors Report. 331,602 Indian students were specifically enrolled in US universities and colleges.

“While the number of Indian students in the US increased, there have been concerns raised about a decrease in F-1 student visa issuances, with some reports indicating a 38% drop in visas granted to Indian nationals in the first nine months of 2024, as compared to the same period in 2023,” it highlighted. The F-1 and J-1 visas are used by the majority of the targeted students to study in the United States.

Image via NBC News

Indian and other international scholars in panic

Many students have been reaching out to express that they have lost their legal status and are in need of assistance regarding subsequent actions. An immigration lawyer in Boston named Matthew Maiona has been receiving roughly six calls a day from anxious foreign students. “We thought it was going to be something that was unusual. But it seems now like it’s coming pretty fast and furious,” he stated.

Aritra Ghoshal, Founder & Director, OneStep Global voiced, “The evolving landscape of international education is witnessing a complex interplay of geopolitical shifts, economic constraints and policy realignments. The recent financial scrutiny in the US, coupled with increased visa monitoring, reflects broader concerns around national security and economic stability. However, rather than signalling a systemic deterrence for international students, these changes highlight the need for aspirants to be more financially prepared and institutionally aligned.”

He added, “Countries like Canada and Australia have also recalibrated their visa and immigration policies, making strategic adjustments to balance workforce demands with academic inflows. For Indian students, adaptability is key navigating these evolving frameworks with clarity and informed decision-making will be essential in sustaining their global education aspirations.”

“Since doctoral and Master’s with Research programmes are fully-funded and heavily dependent on funding, these students will be the most affected if this proposed freeze gets implemented. Indian students pursuing these courses cannot survive without funding,” Pratibha Jain of Eduabroad Consulting stated.

“Everyone is waiting it out at the moment. If it does happen, Indian students have options to go to European countries or others like Australia, Germany, Netherlands and Britain, which may not be at par but are good universities that offer scholarships of around 50% of the total fee,” she added.

Colleges nationwide have been taken aback by the federal government’s rapid and extensive efforts to revoke legal status of overseas students. Few facets of higher education remain unaffected, as institutions of higher learning from small liberal arts colleges to significant public research institutes and famous private universities find that their students are being terminated from their position one after another.

According to an Associated Press assessment of university statements and contact with school officials, at least 600 students at more than 90 colleges and institutions have had their legal status terminated or their visas canceled in recent weeks. According to advocacy groups gathering college reports, the crackdown could impact hundreds more students. More than half of overseas students attending American institutions are from China and India and many of them are losing their legal status.

Lack of clarification from institutions

The attorneys, however, alleged that the terminations have not been restricted to people from a particular region of the world. After their F-1 student status was revoked last week, four students from two Michigan institutions are suing members of the Trump administration. Ramis Wadood, their American Civil Liberties Union lawyer, argued the pupils never got a definitive explanation. “We don’t know, and that’s the scary part,” he pointed out.

He stated that the students were astounded when their colleges emailed to notify them of the actions. None of them were accused or found guilty of any crimes, but Wadood disclsoed that the explanation was that there was a “criminal records check and/or that their visa was revoked.” He outlined that while some had parking or speeding tickets, one had neither. According to him, just one of the students was aware that their entry visa had been canceled.

According to reports, the economic suspension is a component of a broader federal review of government expenditures across departments and agencies. Despite this, researchers are in turmoil due to the opacity and lack of formal guidance. They rely on these stipends to cover their daily expenses, so when those monies are drastically reduced or abolished, they are left to struggle to find other sources of financial support.

Nowadays, many students are forced to take out large student loans, which puts them in debt for a long time. As their funding sources and stipends vanish overnight, several academics who are already enrolled in US programs find themselves in precarious financial situations. While university grants and private scholarships are accessible, their availability is restricted and cannot completely close the funding gap.

Some have turned to taking money out of their own funds, while others are looking to host institutions for short-term support. However, sustainability is still a major challenge as expenses keep rising. Moreover, mid-career professionals, research scientists and social science students who hoped to get academic exposure in the US are now forced to look for other options.

Shattered dreams and hopes

“Students seeking such scholarships are top of the lot. This will especially impact non-standard applicants, those in non-STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics), non-MBA fields,” highlighted Neelabh Prabhat, cofounder of Alum-n-i. Adarsh Khandelwal, cofounder of Collegify, emphasized, “For many, this is beyond losing financial aid. A scholarship isn’t just funding. It’s validation of their dedication and a lifeline to achieve their academic dreams.”

He further conveyed, “The funding freeze has shattered this certainty, leaving both current scholars and hopeful applicants stranded. Those already studying in the US now face the terrifying possibility of abandoning their programs mid-course. Others, who meticulously planned their applications, now watch their dreams hang by a thread.”

STEM researchers struggle the most in the absence of US labs and networks that these scholarships offer, noted Nikhil Jain, creator of ForeignAdmits. “Imagine a PhD student studying AI or climate tech, now stuck without funding for fieldwork. Policy students and government officials are also reeling; the Nehru-Fulbright Master’s just axed them entirely and don’t overlook economically disadvantaged students , for them, Gilman was their ticket out, now ripped away. It’s a triple whammy: talent, ambition and equity all under fire.”

The US Department of State’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs offers overseas scholarships through the Gilman Program. Students are now in survival mode due to the freezing of funds. “This isn’t a ‘wait and see’ moment; it’s a scramble,” he maintained. The demand for education loans has suddenly increased, according to him and inquiries have increased by 15%. He added, “But that debt stings.”

“Abrupt stipend suspensions cause a great deal of problems. They’ll have to look for alternative funding pools and initiatives. Otherwise, survival will be difficult. Furthermore, they’ll have to rely on educational loans,” mentioned Vaibhav Gupta, co-founder of iSchoolConnect.

Although the number of applicants for university grants and private scholarships is growing, they can not make up for the loss. The freezing has long-term effects in addition to the acute financial burden on students. Jain stated, “This could fracture a decades-long bond. Fulbright alone has fuelled more than 350 Indian scholars yearly, building bridges in tech, science, and culture. It’s not just a scholarship cut; it’s a hit to America’s soft power and innovation edge.”

This is a time of reckoning for top Indian institutions, according to Khandelwal. “For too long, IITs and IIMs have watched their brightest minds pursue prestige abroad. Now, with uncertainty clouding the American academic landscape, Indian institutions-by enhancing research infrastructure, expanding scholarships, and fostering industry partnerships-have a rare opportunity to step up and lead,” he expressed.

Institutions unable to fill the gap

The crisis has a substantial negative impact on host institutions in addition to individuals. The expense of covering unforeseen gaps is becoming a problem for colleges and other educational institutions that depend on international experts for research, instruction and cultural exchange. Manisha Zaveri, Joint Managing Director, Career Mosaic stated, “To address these challenges, students should stay informed about evolving visa policies, maintain clear financial documentation, and seek guidance from designated school officials (DSOs) or university advisors.”

She mentioned, “Many universities and institutions are actively exploring emergency grants and institutional aid to support affected scholars. With proactive planning, resilience, and a strong support network, scholars can adapt, mitigate the impact and stay focused on their academic goals.” Although some organizations have stepped in with relief funds, there is growing skepticism about whether these partnerships can be sustained without federal support.

Furthermore, the legitimacy of US-sponsored foreign education programs is threatened by this lack of clarity. Prospective students now doubt the legitimacy of these programs due to the sudden financial instability, which could deter future enrollment and weaken international academic ties.

Although enrollment figures had started to rebound after the epidemic, the National Science Foundation reported that there might be a 1% drop in international student applications for the upcoming academic year. It is anticipated that domestic applicants would surpass their overseas counterparts for the first time since 2019.

The Institute of International Education (IIE) indicated that 61% of graduate students and 81% of undergraduate international students cover their tuition in full. Any decrease in enrollment would directly affect funding, especially for universities that provide pricey graduate programs. Last fall, a 23% rise in enrollment was attributable to Indian students.

The number of foreign students attending American colleges and universities has increased significantly, rising from 26,000 in 1949-50 to about 1.1 million in 2019-20, according to the Migration Policy Institute. Over the same time period, the proportion of international students enrolling in US higher education expanded from 1% to about 6%.

President Trump’s crackdown

Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced last month that the State Department was cancelling visas for travellers who were acting against the interests of the country, such as those who opposed Israel’s war in Gaza and those who are facing criminal charges.

The Secretary of State can cancel the visas of foreign nationals who are considered a threat under the auspices of the US Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952. The immigration officials are reportedly also examining new applications for academic (F), exchange (J) and vocational (M) visas to deny visas to those connected to these protests. According to a study by NBC News, as of 16th April, officials in at least 32 states had revoked the visas of international students.

Rubio pointed out that the State Department had already revoked the visas of over 300 in-country foreign students by 27th March under the “Catch and Revoke” campaign of the second Trump administration. The Trump administration has not publicly explained the reasons behind the exclusion of these pupils. However, immigration lawyers and policy analysts argue it all stems from the Trump campaign’s main goal: large-scale deportations

The White House has also shown that it is serious about its intentions by tightening its grip on major American universities in multiple ways, such as by reducing the hundreds of millions of dollars in federal funding that Columbia University, the University of Pennsylvania and Johns Hopkins receive each year.

Harvard University was instructed by the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to risk losing its ability to accept international students unless it complies with demands from the Trump administration to provide information on specific visa holders. DHS Secretary Kristi Noem announced the cancellation of two grants totaling over $2.7 million to Harvard.

According to her, she had written to the institution demanding that it furnish documentation of what she described as “illegal and violent activities” committed by international students, with a deadline of 30th April for compliance. She stressed, “If Harvard is unable to establish that it is fully satisfying its reporting requirements, the university will lose the opportunity to accept foreign students.”

The visa revocations have led to numerous students suing the government. As the government continues its immigration crackdown, more than 500 foreign researchers, faculty and students nationwide have had their visas revoked in recent weeks with little to no explanation. Rubio earlier declared that the program could persist for the foreseeable future unless it is contested in court.

How Indian courts invent new ways to sympathise with rapists and blame victims of sexual assault, even put their lives in danger with careless bail grants

The judiciary is entrusted to protect those subjected to violence and abuse; however, Indian courts have on many occasions shattered this trust in sexual assault cases by blaming victims and granting bail to perpetrators for reasons as outrageously absurd as suggesting marriage or tying Rakhis. In a yet another such absurd ruling, the Allahabad High Court blamed the rape victim for the crime against her. Justice Sanjay Kumar Singh of the Allahabad High Court made the comment that ‘the victim invited trouble’ while granting bail to the accused.

The victim is a student at a popular university in Noida. The incident occurred in September 2024, when the victim had gone with her friends to a bar. At around 3 am, the victim was in an intoxicated state and upon insistence by the accused, she had agreed to go with him to his flat to rest. However, the victim had complained that instead of taking him to his nearby flat, the accused took him to a relative’s place in Gurgaon and raped her.

The High Court blamed the victim for ‘inviting trouble’ and held her responsible for the rape. “This Court is of the view that even if the allegation of the victim is accepted as true, then it can also be concluded that she herself invited trouble and was also responsible for the same. Similar stand has been taken by the victim in her statement. In her medical examination, her hymen was found torn, but the doctor did not give any opinion about the sexual assault,” a Single Bench observed, as it allowed the accused’s bail plea.

The Allahabad High Court’s ruling not only sparked outrage among common people but also invited severe criticism from the Supreme Court. Frustrated with the High Court’s operations, Justice BR Gavai said, “What is happening in this High Court? Now this is another judge from the same High Court saying such things… Why make all these observations? One has to be very careful with these cases, which are so sensitive.”

This, however, is not the first case wherein the courts have come across as steeped in patriarchal prejudice. In fact, Indian courts have a disturbing history of granting bail to rapists or downplaying sexual assaults through bizarre reasoning, victim-blaming, sympathising with rape accused, even in POCSO cases wherein the victims are minor children. This is a compilation of such judicial ‘gems’ which demonstrate a deeply troubling mindset of ‘milords’ and how this mindset is advertently or inadvertently perpetuating a culture of impunity for sexual violence in India.

Grabbing minor’s breasts, breaking pyjama drawstring not attempt to rape but aggravated sexual assault: Allahabad High Court

In March 2025, the Allahabad High Court sparked controversy after it ruled that grabbing the breasts of a minor girl and breaking her pyjama drawstring is not an attempt to rape. The accusations against two “rape” accused were previously amended by the Allahabad High Court, which referred to their offence as “aggravated sexual assault” rather than an attempt at rape. Pawan and Akash were on trial for grabbing a minor girl’s breast and breaking the drawstring of her pyjamas. On 17th March 2025, Justice Ram Manohar Narayan Mishra rendered the decision in Criminal Revision No. 1449 of 2024. The two accused were initially charged under section 376 (rape) of the Indian Penal Code and section 18 (Punishment for attempt to commit an offence) of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. However, it was ruled that later that the accused be put on trial under section 354-B (assault or use of criminal force with intent to disrobe) of the IPC along with sections 9/10 (aggravated sexual assault) of the POCSO Act.

“The specific allegation against Akash is that he tried to drag the victim beneath the culvert and broke the string of her pyjama. It is also not stated by witnesses that due to this act of the accused, the victim got naked or undressed. There is no allegation that accused tried to commit penetrative sexual assault against the victim. In order to bring out a charge of attempt to rape the prosecution must establish that it had gone beyond the stage of preparation. The difference between preparation and actual attempt to commit an offence consists chiefly in the greater degree of determination,” the court said adding that the facts of the case and the accusations made against the accused hardly amounted to an attempt at rape.

Imagine, the accused allegedly dragged the victim, a minor girl, broke the drawstring of victim’s pyjama and yet, for the court it does not amount to attempt to rape. Penetrative sexual assault is rape, and what the court called ‘preparation’ should amount to attempt to rape, however, the Allahabad High Court deemed it as ‘aggravated sexual assault’.

The Supreme Court stepped in to take cognisance after the matter gained widespread condemnation from the public. The apex court called the Allahabad HC’s remarks insensitive. However, we will never know what punitive action the said author of the above insensitive order faced, because in India, judges are above accountability.

Bombay HC grants bail to man charged for raping a 14-year-old girl

On 17th February 2025, a 24-year-old man who was charged with raping a 14-year-old girl was granted bail by the Bombay High Court. The court noted that the victim ‘voluntarily’ stayed with the accused for four days and had ‘sufficient knowledge’ and ‘capacity’ to understand the ‘full consequence of her acts’. The decision was pronounced by the bench of Justice Milind Jadhav.

He took into account the underage girl’s claims that she had a consensual affair with the accused and added that she was conscious of her conduct. She had also mentioned that she spent more than three days and three nights with him. Additionally, he emphasised that although the penalties outlined in Sections 4, 6, and 8 of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act are severe, the court could nevertheless grant or deny bail in order to uphold the objectives of justice.

Sex with a minor is rape. A 14-year-old victim can be brainwashed, coerced or manipulated to give a statement in support of the perpetrator. But a judge in Bombay High Court decided that since the adult accused in the rape case is supported by the victim, he must be granted bail.

Rape accused man out on bail kidnaps 17-year-old girl again in Uttar Pradesh

In February 2025, a 22-year-old man named Asif alias Chhote Babu kidnapped a 17-year-old girl he was accused of raping in October 2023. The accused was out on bail when he kidnapped the girl again on 5th February from Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi. The accused booked under the POCSO Act was earlier arrested and jailed for 8 months before he secured bail. After coming out of jail, he kidnapped the girl, to continue the very crime he was jailed for.

‘Victim is mature enough’: Special POCSO court in Thane grants bail to accused who raped a 15-year-old girl

In April 2025, a Special POCSO court in Maharashtra’s Thane granted bail to a man accused of kidnapping and sexually abusing a 15-year-old girl. The court observed that the victim and the accused had a consensual ‘love affair’. Justice DS Deshmukh went on to assert that the minor girl was “mature enough” to understand the consequences of her act.

Odisha court grants bail to rapist, he comes out to murder the victim and chops her body into pieces

On 11th December 2024, the Odisha Police in Sundargarh district arrested an individual identified as Kunu Kishan for murdering a girl on 7th December. The accused was already on bail in the minor victim’s rape case. He was reported to have killed the girl to try and avoid getting convicted in the case. Following this, he cut her murdered body into various pieces and threw them around various parts of the district. Reports said that the accused had been jailed in August 2023 for raping the same victim girl (now deceased) when she was a minor. As per the police, during his months in jail, he planned to take revenge against the girl and execute the crime after being released on bail on 7th December.

It is said that the accused, after being released on bail, had asked the girl and her family to issue a statement in his favour so that he could be saved from conviction. However, the girl refused. Following this, he decided to take revenge against the girl. He was already enraged by the girl and her family for sending him to jail. He also had planned revenge against the girl when he was inside the jail.

The court’s decision to grant bail to the rape accused not only enabled him to interact with the victim and threaten her to give statement in his favour but also exact revenge.

Kerala HC quashed POCSO case after rapist ‘married’ victim, saying it would ‘disrupt their marriage’

In July 2024, the Kerala High Court quashed a POCSO case against an accused as the accused and the victim had got married. The 2021 criminal case was filed against the man for kidnapping and raping a 17-year-old victim. The duo is now married and has two children. Justice A Badharudeen opined that though there is no question of settlement in the rape cases, in this case the matter has been quashed on humanitarian grounds so that the couple’s peaceful family life is not disturbed.

“Settlement of cases including the offence of rape and POCSO Act offences is not permissible under law. However, in the instant case, though the 1st accused after maintaining a relationship with the minor victim, subjected her to sexual exploitation resulting in pregnancy, as of now, the 1st accused married the victim and now, they have been living happily with two children. In such cases, the tough nut standing in the way of settlement shall be crushed with humanitarian consideration as the hammer, to ensure the peaceful family living of the parties and most importantly to ensure the well-being of the children born to them,” the court said.

Although the court observed that a compromise or settlement is not allowed in POCSO cases, it decided to quash the case against the accused since criminal proceedings would ‘ruin the married life’ of the victim and the accused. For the court, marrying the victim of rape somehow absolved the crime of the rapist.

Madhya Pradesh: Man kills minor rape victim’s father and brother after coming out on bail

In March 2024,  a 19-year-old man named Mukul Kumar murdered the father and 8-year-old brother of the girl he was accused of raping. The incident was brought to light when the 14-year-old rape survivor sent a voice message from her father’s phone to her grandfather immediately after the murders committed by their neighbour and the rape accused, Mukul Kumar. The accused killed the victim’s father, who was a railway employee and brother, with a sharp-edged weapon.

Madhya Pradesh HC ordered rape accused to get a Rakhi tied on his wrist by the victim to secure bail, order set aside after Supreme Court intervened

Back in July 2020, the Madhya Pradesh High Court shattered all the limits of decency and morality in justice as it ordered a man accused of sexual assault to get a Rakhi tied around his wrist by the victim, as a precondition for bail. The MP High Court’s decision raised eyebrows with people questioning how come the judiciary framed the rape accused as a ‘brother’ responsible for the honour or protecting the honour of the very girl he allegedly raped. This decision blatantly trivialised the assault, reinforced cultural stereotypes over justice for the victim. In 2021, however, the Supreme Court stayed this outrageous ruling.

When ex-CJI S A Bobde asked rape accused if he would marry his victim

In March 2021, a Supreme Court bench headed by then Chief Justice of India S A Bobde asked rape accused state government employee if he would marry the victim who happened to be the accused person’s relative. The accused had allegedly raped the girl when she was a minor. While hearing a petition against Bombay High Court’s order granting anticipatory bail to the accused, then CJI asked, “Will you marry her? We are not forcing you to marry. Let us know if you will. Otherwise, you will say we are forcing you to marry her.”

While massive outrage erupted over Bobde’s remarks, with thousands of ‘concerned citizens’ coming together to demand an apology from the ex-CJI, Bobde clarified that his query was based on judicial records containing an undertaking from the man that he would marry the minor girl (the victim) after she turns 18.

The accused had told the court that initially he was willing to marry the victim, however, she refused, and later he got married to someone else. The SC bench comprising Justices A.S. Bopanna and V. Ramasubramanium granted interim protection from arrest to the accused person.

When Karnataka HC judge deemed rape victim ‘unbecoming’ saying her statement was ‘difficult to believe’

In the Rakesh B vs State of Karnataka case, the Karnataka High Court in July 2020, granted bail to the man accused of raping a woman because Justice Krishna S Dixit deemed the victim’s testimony ‘a bit difficult to believe’ and her behaviour somehow not consistent with that of an unwilling, terrified, and anguished victim.

The Karnataka HC judge also questioned the victim as to why she visited her officer as late as around 11 pm and why she did not object to consuming alcohol with the accused. In addition, the court also asked the victim why she allowed the accused to stay with her till morning. “The explanation offered by her that after the perpetration of the act she was tired and fell asleep is unbecoming of an Indian woman… not the way our women react when they are ravished,” the judge asked.

Basically, the court suggested that rape victims should conform to emotional responses to appear credible, otherwise their plight is ‘difficult to believe’ and it becomes fine to blame the victim for having allowed the accused to stay with her or have alcohol. The court insinuated that if women allow men to be around them late at night, it is no less than taking a risk of getting raped and when the victim approaches court for justice, the very people responsible for ensuring her justice would judge whether the victim’s behaviour is that of an ‘ideal’ rape victim.

Conclusion

Callous remarks like ‘mature enough’, and allowing rapists to marry their victims put countless minor children in danger. It is not incomprehensible that sex with minor is rape. The courts, under any circumstances, citing ‘love affair’ in such cases, are insensitive and careless. Moreover, the courts granting bail to rapists who go on to kill, rape again worsens the situation for countless victims. Because one murder by an out on bail rapists sends a message to thousands of victims, driving it into their mind that not only they will face judges and authorities who raise questions on their ‘character’, they will risk murder and assault, because the same judges and authorities will allow the rapist to roam free in society.

There is this pattern wherein courts seem to be prioritising regressive norms, the accused’s supposed potential for ‘rehabilitation’ or arbitrary expectations of victim behaviour and social prejudices against women over justice. This problematic mindset entrenched in the judiciary perpetuates a culture of impunity for sexual violence in India where rape cases have only increased with over 30,000 cases reported in 2023 alone.

What further exacerbates the situation is the judiciary’s victim-blaming for their choices, including visiting a friend or not resisting ‘enough’. This way the courts shift accountability from perpetrators, undermine the trauma of the rape survivors while also eroding trust in India’s judicial system. Not to forget the 2016 Delhi High Court ruling wherein film director Mahmood Farooqui who was convicted in a rape case by a trial court was acquitted. While acquitting Farooqui, granting him the benefit of doubt, the Delhi HC noted, “Instances of woman behaviour are not unknown that a feeble ‘no’ may mean a ‘yes’.” Clearly, even the judiciary expects rape survivors to check certain boxes including appearing weak, submissive, resisting the abuse ‘strongly enough’, doing nothing that the accused might have registered as a ‘yes’ or much more.

Failing to check these boxes of ‘ideal victim behaviour’ may invite remarks like she ‘invited trouble’ and the cherry on the top would be if the perpetrator is unknown to her. When the court itself decides to see the victim from a certain regressive lens and judge whether she is an ‘ideal victim’ or not instead of deciding on whether the accused committed the crime or not, it makes it difficult for the rape survivor to get justice, as the gravity of the crime gets diluted and reduced to ‘you invited trouble, now live with it’.

This results in accused perpetrators getting bail and, as discussed above, in many cases, these out-on-bail accused kill victims, coerce them to give favourable statements and harass them in many ways.

In POCSO cases, where minors are victims, this leniency in granting bail becomes even more egregious since, in such cases, the law presumes the accused is guilty until proven otherwise. Despite this, the courts, though not in all but in many cases, have demanded unrealistic proof of intent or proof of victim resistance. This victim blaming, attempting to fit the victims in the ‘ideal rape victim’ archetype not only discourages rape survivors from seeking justice fearing even courts would disparage their dignity with such outrageous approach but also emboldens perpetrators as evidenced in the surging rape cases. There is an underlying systemic issue with the Indian judicial system, the problem might be male dominance, with only 14% of high court judges and only 9.3% of judges being women, or just a reluctance from judges to adapt themselves to changing social realities. Apparently, the patriarchal system shapes patriarchal outcomes.

Incidentally, in its ruling in the 2021 Aparna Bhat vs State of Madhya Pradesh case, the Supreme Court restricted discussing a sexual assault victim’s dress, behaviour or morals in bail verdicts and has a sensitive approach to avoid traumatising the victim again. However, the recent Allahabad High Court orders and others discussed above indicate that despite the Supreme Court’s emphasis on gender sensitisation for judges and prosecutors, it has not yielded any progressive results so far. Thus, gender sensitisation training for judges and prosecutors should be implemented rigorously. Judges should be trained in a manner that they are able to prioritise the rights of rape survivors for justice over societal prejudices while also ensuring that falsely implicated accused do not become scapegoat.

Most importantly, victim blaming should end. Unfortunately, society has been relentless enough to blame rape victims for crime committed against them. The courts should deliver judgments not on the victim’s character or expected behaviour but on the facts and evidence of the case.

Until the judiciary undergoes such serious reforms, the courts would continue to give outrageous orders as given by the Allahabad High Court in the Noida rape case. The judges must shun their patriarchal prejudices, misplaced sympathies for perpetrators, to deliver justice to the rape survivors, otherwise the judiciary would end up becoming complicit in a system that fails rape survivors, labels their trauma as their ‘fault’, thus perpetuating an opprobrious legacy of impunity. Women deserve justice, not ‘judgement’.

Assam: Three Rohingyas from Cox Bazar refugee camp in Bangladesh arrested by railway police at Bhanga station

Three Rohingyas, including two men and one woman, were detained at the Bhanga railway station in the Sribhumi district in Assam on Tuesday (16th April). According to the Times of India, the Rohingyas entered India illegally with the help of human traffickers. They reportedly paid 4000 Taka each to the human traffickers for the journey.

The three Rohingyas are said to be siblings named Zubair, Ummay Salima, and Kausar. The trio have reportedly lived in Bangladesh in Cox’s Bazar refugee camp, known as the world’s largest refugee camp, for nine years. They said they had entered India in search of employment and better opportunities. Their human traffickers, whom they referred to as Faruk and Ali, had assured them safe passage to India and employment opportunities in Delhi.

All three of them were detained by the Bhanga railway police when they were trying to travel to another state. However, their traffickers managed to escape. It is not clear which route they took to enter India. The authorities suspect that they entered India through the Tripura or Meghalaya border. Describing the route, Zubair told the authorities it had hilly terrain, but he could not identify the area.

BSF nabbed illegal immigrants and recovered 187 mobile phones

Last month, the Border Security Force (BSF) nabbed Bangladeshi nationals and 4 Rohingyas in the border villages of Meghalaya and Tripura. The BSF also seized around 187 second-hand mobile phones from the Sepahijala district of Tripura. The Bangladeshi nationals, including a woman and two Indian touts, were apprehended in Meghalaya. The four Rohingyas, including two women accompanied by two Indian touts, were reportedly detained in northern Tripura’s Dharmanagar.

In February this year, the Union Home Minister Amit Shah had directed authorities to intensify their operations against illegal immigrants and crack down on the entire network assisting Bangladeshi and Rohingya intruders illegally entering the country, obtaining documents, and settling in India.

Kautilya in the classroom: Integrating ancient jurisprudential heritage from Vedas, Mahabharata, and Ramayana into modern legal education

Justice Pankaj Mithal of the Supreme Court of India recently proposed that Indian law schools should introduce a course titled “Dharma and Indian Legal Thought” or “Foundations of Indian Jurisprudence.” His suggestion is not simply a call to add one more elective to an already packed curriculum, but an invitation to engage deeply with India’s own intellectual and legal heritage. This call compels us to revisit the structure and content of Indian legal education, which, to this day, remains disproportionately centred on Euro-American jurisprudence, to the neglect of indigenous traditions.

Today, Indian law students are required to understand Blackstone, Bentham, Austin, and Hart. They are expected to trace the lineage of Western law through Roman edicts, the Code of Hammurabi, the Magna Carta, and the Napoleonic Code. In contrast, limited structured exposure exists to foundational Indian texts such as the Vedas, Dharmaśāstras, the Arthaśāstra, or the epics Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata. The consequence is a conceptual imbalance where students are left unaware of the deep jurisprudential reasoning embedded in India’s own civilizational history. These texts engage with jurisprudential questions concerning justice, governance, rights, duties, and the moral foundations of law. Their inclusion in academic discourse would not only provide continuity with India’s legal evolution but also offer a rigorous philosophical base for examining contemporary legal questions.

Ancient Indian Legal Texts as Jurisprudential Foundations

The Vedas and the concept of Ṛṭa provide the metaphysical foundation of Indian legal thought. In the śvetāśvataropaniṣadand and other early texts, Ṛṭa refers to a cosmic order, a principle of truth and balance that governs the universe. Later, Ṛṭa evolves into “dharma”, a broader moral-legal principle that governs not only individual conduct but also the functioning of society and polity. This contrasts with the Western concept of natural law, which, although also based on reason and morality, often posits a divine lawgiver external to the cosmos. In Indian thought, dharma is internal, not imposed from above but discovered through wisdom, practice, and dialogue.

The Mahābhārata, particularly the Śānti Parva, is perhaps the most elaborate legal-ethical dialogue in world literature. Yudhiṣṭhira’s questions to Bhīṣma cover the nature of justice, the duties of a king, the role of truth, and the complexity of moral choice. The repeated assertion that “dharma is subtle” (dharma sūkṣmaṣca) indicates a clear understanding that justice cannot be reduced to formulae. Bhīṣma’s principle, “that which leads to the welfare of living beings is dharma,” anticipates utilitarian concerns but grounds them in a moral context. In contrast, Western utilitarianism (e.g., Bentham and Mill) tends to rely on consequentialism devoid of intrinsic moral orientation.

Further in the Mahābhārata, the concept of rājadharma, i.e. duties of a ruler, is elaborated in practical terms. The king is bound by dharma, and his legitimacy derives from adherence to it. The threat of matsya-nyāya (“law of the fishes”) warns against anarchy when dharma is abandoned. There is even a proto-constitutional idea that the people have the right to revolt against a ruler who acts against dharma. This is similar in spirit to Locke’s right of rebellion against tyrants, but appears in Indian literature centuries earlier.

The Rāmāyaṇa reinforces legal-moral themes through narrative. Rāma, as Maryādā Puruṣottama, upholds justice (maryādā) even when it involves personal sacrifice. His actions emphasise the idea that rulers must embody public morality. Rāma’s kingdom, Rāma Rājya, becomes a cultural symbol for governance based on justice, order, and welfare. This image of ideal governance offers a benchmark similar to Plato’s “philosopher-king” but embedded in the Indian ethical worldview.

The Dharmaśāstra corpus, particularly the Manusmṛti, Yājñavalkya Smṛti, and Nārada Smṛti, constitutes structured efforts to codify laws. Contrary to popular perception, these texts were not fixed commandments but evolving bodies of law, often contested and reinterpreted by subsequent commentators. The Manusmṛti, for example, outlines a legal structure comprising civil law (dhanadharma), criminal law (daṇdadharma), and family law (strīdhana, āśraama-dharma). It emphasises proportionate punishment, procedural justice, and the king’s responsibility in adjudication.

These texts also reflect early forms of Alternative Dispute Resolution. They describe the role of community-based decision-making bodies such as kula (family assemblies), śreṇi (guild courts), and puga (associational courts). Their role was recognised formally, and their judgments considered binding unless overturned by the rāja sabhā. This resembles the tiered dispute resolution system in modern law and demonstrates that the principles underlying arbitration and mediation were well-established in ancient India.

The Yājñavalkya Smṛti presents more refined and arguably more progressive views, especially on women’s property rights and the role of evidence. It accepts the daughter’s right to inherit in the absence of a son, centuries before this became codified in modern Hindu law. It also outlines types of evidence such as documents (lekhya), witnesses (sākṣin), and possession (bhoga), forming a foundation for evidentiary rules.

Kautilya’s Arthaśāstra stands as a secular, pragmatic text. Composed around the 4th century BCE, it deals extensively with administrative, commercial, and criminal law. The Arthaśāstra is distinct from Dharmaśāstra in that its central concern is not religious duty but effective governance. Yet, it does not abandon ethical considerations. It holds that a king’s happiness lies in the welfare of his subjects, echoing the idea of fiduciary responsibility. Kautilya prescribes systems for the regulation of trade, the protection of consumer rights, and the prevention of corruption through a network of auditors and spies. The book includes a complex classification of crimes and punishments, rules of evidence, and procedures for statecraft and diplomacy. It also accepts local customs and guild rules as sources of law, paralleling modern notions of legal pluralism.

The Edicts of Aśoka, inscribed on rocks and pillars across the Indian subcontinent in the 3rd century BCE, constitute another important source. Aśoka embraced dhamma, which he defined in terms of compassion, tolerance, truthfulness, and charity. His edicts call for humane treatment of prisoners, welfare of animals, equitable treatment of all religious groups, and ethical governance. He appointed Dhamma Mahāmātras to implement these principles, functioning as proto-ombudsmen. Aśoka’s commitment to non-violence and pluralism aligns with modern human rights discourse. Unlike many ancient rulers, Aśoka institutionalised moral policy without imposing religious orthodoxy, a balance modern democracies also attempt to strike.

Law is not only a technical field but also a humanistic one. It is embedded in history, ethics, and society. Legal education must thus include reflective engagement with foundational ideas. Including ancient Indian legal texts provides this dimension. These texts promote a layered understanding of justice from individual ethics to institutional legitimacy.

Comparative Jurisprudence and Curriculum Innovation

In Western legal education, ancient sources are standard components of curricula. Roman law is a compulsory subject in many European law schools, especially in civil law countries like Germany, Italy, and France. It is studied not because Roman codes are directly applicable today, but because they shaped the conceptual language of private law and procedural reasoning. In the UK, legal history is taught to understand the evolution of equity, common law, and the constitutional tradition.

At Oxford University, Roman Law has been a mandatory subject since 1149. This long-standing tradition acknowledges that historical jurisprudence deepens analytical capacity. Students of law, by examining the legal thought of Cicero or Justinian, learn the methods of legal interpretation, categorization, and normative justification.

A similar rationale justifies the inclusion of Indian classical texts in Indian legal education. Texts such as Manusmṛti, Arthaśāstra, and Mahābhārata do not offer ready-made laws for the modern world, but they cultivate jurisprudential reasoning. They invite students to analyse competing principles, evaluate normative frameworks, and appreciate the socio-legal complexity that characterised pre-modern Indian society.

Incorporating these texts can be done within existing subjects such as Jurisprudence, Legal History, or Comparative Law. Alternatively, dedicated electives can be offered. Course design should prioritise critical engagement. For example, caste-based norms in Manusmṛti can be studied in contrast with egalitarian verses in the Mahābhārata and current constitutional values. The aim is to enable students to analyse indigenous sources with the same analytical rigour applied to Western theorists such as Austin, Hart, or Dworkin.

My Experience: A Case from Gujarat National Law University

As a law student at Gujarat National Law University, I had the opportunity to enrol in a course on Indian Legal History. Initially, I approached the subject with uncertainty, as legal education often emphasises statutes, case law, and modern theory. However, the course offered a distinctive intellectual experience. The course instilled in us the awareness that Indian legal philosophy is not monolithic. It contains contesting voices, reforms, and philosophical reflections. The critical study of these texts did not promote orthodoxy, but intellectual maturity. It provided historical context for understanding contemporary legal reforms and socio-legal attitudes. The course developed my analytical skills, broadened my jurisprudential vocabulary, and introduced me to a tradition of legal thought with both historical depth and contemporary relevance. It showed that concepts such as procedural fairness, equity, restorative justice, and environmental stewardship were not imports but part of India’s legal heritage.

Towards an Integrated and Rooted Legal Education

The inclusion of ancient Indian legal thought in legal curricula should not be viewed as nostalgic or nationalistic. It is a necessary correction to a longstanding imbalance. It aligns with global academic standards, enriches jurisprudential training, and promotes contextual legal understanding. 

Justice Mithal’s proposal opens a path toward a more integrated and reflective legal education. It urges Indian law schools to draw from their intellectual heritage in shaping future jurists. Such a move would not displace modern legal knowledge but deepen it. A generation of lawyers equipped with knowledge of both Hart and Kautilya, both Dworkin and Bhīṣma, would be better prepared to address India’s legal challenges with intellectual confidence and ethical clarity.

Ultimately, law is not merely a system of rules but a vehicle of justice. Understanding how Indian traditions have conceptualised justice, from Ṛṭa to dharma to nyāya, is indispensable to creating a legal system that is both responsive to present needs and rooted in the wisdom of the past.

(The views expressed are inspired by the speech of Justice Mithal, who was speaking at the inaugural ceremony of the Legal Conclave commemorating 75 years of the Supreme Court of India.)

Nashik: Muslim mob goes on a rampage as trustees of Satpeer Dargah gather to demolish it after Bombay HC deems it illegal, 21 policemen injured

A violent clash in Nashik city of Maharashtra left twenty-one police officers injured and three police vehicles damaged as a mob protested against the demolition of an illegal dargah (shrine), per the judgement of the Bombay High Court. The incident unfolded late on the night of 15th April, leading the authorities to employ lathi-charges and tear gas to control the situation. Twenty-one individuals have been arrested in connection with the unrest.

On 1st April, the Nashik Municipal Corporation (NMC) issued a notice declaring the structure unauthorised and requesting its removal within 15 days. After no action was taken, civic administration, accompanied by police, executed the demolition on 16th April. According to officials, violence erupted shortly after midnight. Rapid dissemination of misinformation led to a gathering of over 400 people. Even with 500 police officers on the scene, the Muslim crowd engaged in stone-throwing, which compelled authorities to utilize tear gas.

Kiran Kumar Chavan, Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), Nashik informed, “The trustees of the dargah and local citizens had agreed to remove the construction. Accordingly, all of them had gathered on Tuesday at 11 am. At the same time, a crowd arrived from the direction of Usmania Chowk, and chaos broke out. The trustees and eminent citizens tried to reason with the mob. Senior police officers also attempted to calm the situation, but the crowd did not listen to anyone and began pelting stones.”

He stated that the police utilised tear gas canisters and conducted a mild lathi charge to disperse the throng. “In the stone-pelting, 21 police personnel sustained minor injuries. So far, 15 (number later rose to 21) individuals have been arrested in connection with the violence, and 57 two-wheelers allegedly used by the mob have been seized,” he added. 

On 22nd February, the NMC cleared the occupation around the Kathe Galli area along the Pune highway by an order from the Bombay High Court. A group of local residents and representatives from Hindu organisations also assembled at the location and complained that the dargah was unauthorised. Nashik Central MLA Devyani Pharande also expressed similar views, emphasising that the anti-encroachment initiative was still unfinished. Nonetheless, the main structure continued to exist because of the protests and prevailing tensions.

Following the directive from the high court, the trustees of Satpeer Dargah initiated the procedure to take it down when an aggressive crowd assembled to resist the action and began throwing stones. Nashik Commissioner of Police Sandeep Karnik conveyed, “As per the high court order, the process of removing the religious structure was taken up by the NMC with strict police arrangement. A violent mob gathered to oppose the removal of the structure and pelted stones at the police and the community leaders, who went to pacify them.”

The top cop further mentioned, “The process of registering an FIR in connection with the violence is ongoing.” Vehicle traffic is restricted on the roadway adjacent to the structure until 18th April.

What is ‘Waqf by user’ that SC raised concerns about, Singhvi admits 4 out of 8 lakh properties are under this category: Waqf Amendment Act hearing

On 16th April, the Supreme Court of India began hearing a batch of petitions challenging the constitutional validity of the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta appeared for the Union Government, and a three-judge bench comprising Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna, Justice P.V. Sanjay Kumar and Justice K.V. Vishwanathan heard the matter. The petitions were represented by a score of advocates including Senior Advocate Kapil Sibal, Senior Advocate Rajeev Dhawan, Senior Advocate AM. Singhvi, Senior Advocate C.U. Singh and others.

Focus on whether SC or HCs should hear the matter

The bench was hearing over 70 petitions. There were two threshold questions the court needed to decide on. First, if the Supreme Court should hear the matter or remit it to the High Courts, and second, what exact issues the petitioners wish to argue.

Sibal opened his arguments challenging several provisions of the Act on the grounds of violating Article 26 of the Constitution, which gives Indian citizens the right to manage religious affairs. He criticised Section 3R of the Unified Waqf Management Act, asserting that it empowers the state to question a person’s faith by requiring proof of practising Islam for five years in order to create a waqf.

Heated debate over collector’s role and ‘waqf by user’

Sibal further objected to the provisions that allow government officials, particularly collectors, to unilaterally determine if a property is waqf. He claimed that such provisions amount to “a judge in his own cause”. He argued that ‘waqf by user’ is a long-recognised practice and it was upheld in the Ayodhya judgment as well. However, the law now effectively abolishes the provision of ‘waqf by user’.

However, CJI Khanna questioned what the problem was in registering the property. He asserted that registration helps to protect genuine claims. Simultaneously, he also acknowledged, “If you undo ‘waqf by user’, then there will be a problem.” The Court queried whether waqfs that have been declared by courts could now be denotified, while raising concerns over the provision.

Singhvi argued, if waqf by user is abolished, 4 lakh to 8 lakh properties that have been declared waqf by user will face an uncertain future. CJI pointed out there were reports that Delhi High Court is on waqf land and hinted that the court is concerned about the dubious claims under waqf by user.

Notably, SG Mehta pointed out that it has been mandatory to register waqf properties as per the previous Acts as well. He said, “Registration of waqf was always mandatorily required. Even waqf by user had to go through waqf by registration. In the 1995 Act also it is compulsory.” He pointed out the provision of punishment is only if the person or the Muttawali fails to register the property, even if seen as per the provisions of 1995.

What is ‘Waqf by user’

The concept of Waqf by user was first introduced in the 1954 Act. It allowed properties to be considered waqf based on long-term usage for religious or charitable purposes without formal dedication. It was particularly relevant for public properties like graveyards and mosques. In 1995, the concept was expanded leading to the possibility that waqf property would remain waqf even if its usage stopped. The 2013 amendments reinforced the waqf board’s authority to determine and enforce this status, solidifying control over such properties.

Inclusion of non-Muslims in Waqf Boards questioned

Another major point of contention during the hearing was the new provision that allows non-Muslims to be members of Waqf Boards. Sibal and others argued that it was a violation of religious autonomy. Justice Vishwanathan clarified that ex-officio non-Muslim members were limited, but Sibal claimed, “Even one [non-Muslim] is too many.” The Court questioned SG Mehta, appearing for the Centre, if similar logic should apply to Hindu endowment boards.

SG Mehta clarified that the Waqf Council is an advisory body. The supervision by non-Muslims is not unprecedented. He, however, agreed to record in an affidavit that apart from two ex-officio members, only two non-Muslims will be part of the Waqf Boards. Notably, Sibal claimed in the court that any number of non-Muslims can be part of the Board according to the amendments enforced by the Act.

The issue of registering waqf only if person is Muslim for over five years

Wilson and Ahmadi expressed concerns over the provision that allows registration of property as waqf only if the person is Muslim for five years or more. While Wilson claimed that the government provides a “provision period of 5 years for a person to prove that he is a Muslim”, Ahmadi claimed if a person is not following Islamic practices like offering namaz five times a day, he might be deemed a non-Muslim.

Interim relief and broader implications

While concluding the hearing for the day, CJI Khanna noted that there is a need to balance equities and issued a tentative interim relief stating that properties declared as waqf by court, including waqf by user, will not be denotified. Proceedings by collectors may continue. However, they shall not be given effect to. Furthermore, only Muslims, barring ex-officio members, may be appointed to the board.

CJI also expressed concerns over the violence that has been happening in Murshidabad. He remarked, “One thing is very disturbing is the violence that is taking place. If the matter is pending here it should not happen.”

The matter is scheduled to continue on Thursday at 2 PM.

Maharashtra: 8 lakh Ladki Bahins to get ₹500 instead of ₹1500 under the Mukhya Mantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, here is why

Maharashtra Women and Child Minister Aditi Tatkare on Tuesday (15th April) cleared the air about the recent controversy regarding the financial benefits provided to women under the Mukhya Mantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana. The Devendra Fadnavis-led Mahayuti government had recently announced that certain beneficiaries under the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin scheme will receive ₹500 instead of ₹1500.

The opposition terms the scheme a political move

After the announcement, the opposition targeted the state government, calling the scheme a political move to lure the women voters during the elections. Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut took a jibe at the Maharashtra government and said that the value of the votes of the women beneficiaries had reduced for the government, and that is the reason the government reduced the cash benefits. Congress leader Nana Patole also accused the state government of betraying the women in Maharashtra.

The government says no reduction in financial benefits under the scheme

Speaking in the state assembly, Aditi Tatkare addressed the allegations regarding the scheme. She said that there has been no reduction in the financial support under the scheme. However, around 7.74 lakh women who already receive ₹1,000 per month from the Namo Shetkari Mahasanman Nidhi scheme will be getting ₹500 under the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin scheme. She said that the scheme assures the maximum monthly financial support of ₹1500 to eligible women. Thus, if any woman is receiving financial support less than ₹1500 under any other scheme, then the rest of the amount up to the upper limit of 1,500 will be provided under the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin scheme.

The Maharashtra government on Wednesday (16th April) also clarified that no women have been excluded from the scheme and the financial assistance remains unchanged after July 3, 2024. Assuring that no changes in the financial assistance provided under the scheme have been made, Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar said, “The budgetary allocation for the implementation of the scheme has been made and there is no question of scrapping it.”

Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin scheme

The Mahayuti’s flagship scheme is aimed at providing the maximum monthly financial assistance of ₹1500 to all eligible women in Maharashtra. The eligibility criteria under the scheme include domicile of Maharashtra, annual family income of less than 2.5 lakh per annum, and age between 18 years to 65 years. The grounds of disqualification under the scheme include ownership of a four-wheeler and a government employment of any family member.

The number of beneficiaries under the scheme stood at 2.60 crore before the 2024 state assembly elections. After the elections, the state government re-evaluated the number of beneficiaries under the scheme based on the eligibility criteria. Now, the number of beneficiaries under the scheme is 2.42 crore.

ATM On Wheels: In a first in India, Indian Railways installs ATM onboard a train on trial basis

In a first, Indian Railways has installed an ATM on a trial basis — on the Manmad-CSMT Panchvati Express in Maharashtra.

Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw has shared a video of the ATM on a train on his X timeline.

ATM On Wheels initiative is in accordance with the Railway Board’s directive to explore innovative methods to boost railway revenue through non-fare revenue.

A meeting was held with all potential vendors on March 25, 2025. During the meeting, the concept of installing mobile ATMs on trains was proposed.

Similarly, a trial run was conducted on April 10, 2025, on 12110 Manmad-CSMT Panchvati Express. The mini pantry space was converted by the mechanical team into an ATM installation area.

“The ATM was properly secured for its maiden journey with rubber pads and bolts for vibration isolation. Two fire extinguishers have also been provided in the allotted space,” railways said.

In the quest to Viksit Bharat 2047, Indian Railways continued its transformative journey, paving the way for a new era of modernization and progress.

With a strong focus on meeting world class travel experience, boosting freight efficiency, and adopting advanced technologies, the Railways has solidified its role as a catalyst for national growth.

Modern stations, state-of-the-art trains, and innovative safety systems are reshaping the landscape of rail travel.

Under ‘Amrit Bharat Station Scheme’, 1,337 stations have been identified for redevelopment.

Indian Railways achieved 6,450 km of complete track renewal, 8,550 turnout renewals, and raised speeds to 130 kmph over 2,000 km in 2024

Indian Railways electrified 3,210 Rkm in 2024, extending the electrified BG network to 97 per cent with renewable energy capacity reaching 2,014 MW.

A record 136 Vande Bharat trains and the first Namo Bharat Rapid Rail were introduced, alongside 21,513 special train trips during peak seasons.

10,000 Locos being equipped with Kavach safety technology, 9000 technicians trained and bids invited for 15,000 Rkm.


(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

Assam: Seven people arrested for trying to instigate violence during protest rally against Waqf Act in Cachar

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Assam Police arrested seven people in connection with an incident during the protest rally against the Waqf (Amendment) Act in Assam’s Cachar district recently.

Numal Mahatta, Superintendent of Police of Cachar district, said that on April 13 at about 09:30 am, about 300 persons assembled at Berenga village under Silchar police station and began a march towards Silchar town to protest against the Waqf (Amendment) Act.

“A police team from Silchar police station, along with all GOs, arrived at the spot to stop the mob from proceeding further and resorted to mild lathi charge to disperse the crowd. The mob has been dispersed, and regarding the incident, a case was filed in the Silchar police station. Last night, an operation was conducted in the Bagadahar and Kashipur area under the Silchar police station, and 7 accused persons primarily involved in the incident were picked up. They have been duly arrested and forwarded to judicial custody,” Numal Mahatta said.

The arrested persons were identified as Nazmul Islam Laskar alias Kablu, Bidar Laskar, Rohit Hussain Laskar, Dilwar Hussain, Rohit Ahmed Mazumder, Atikur Rahman Laskar and Riyajul Laskar.

Further investigation into this incident is ongoing.

On April 14, Superintendent of Police of Cachar Numal Mahtta said that the protest by the people was taken out without obtaining prior permission.

“The Model Code of Conduct is enforced in view of Panchayat polls, and without prior permission, they took out the protest rally. When we received the information, we reached the spot and dispersed the crowd. Some of them tried to create a law and order situation, but we brought the situation under control,” Numal Mahatta said.

“If anyone tries to violate the law, we are ready to take stern action against them. Now the situation is under control. We have registered a case. We have deployed security forces in this area to maintain the law and order situation,” he added.

Since its passing, the bill has faced several legal challenges in the Supreme Court, with AIMIM MP Asaduddin Owaisi, Congress MPs Mohammad Jawed and Imran Pratapgarhi, AAP MLA Amanatullah Khan, and Azad Samaj Party chief and MP Chandra Shekhar Azad moving the court against the act.

The Act seeks to focus on improving the management of waqf properties, empowering relevant stakeholders, improving the efficiency of survey, registration, and case disposal processes, and developing waqf properties.


(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)