On 15th August, in what appears to be a desperate pre-poll manoeuvre cloaked as federal concern, the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, MK Stalin, announced the formation of a high-level committee to explore “autonomy” for the state. The committee will be headed by retired Supreme Court judge Kurien Joseph. The panel aims to “protect state rights” and push for the retrieval of key subjects like education from the concurrent list back to the exclusive domain of the state.
The development comes amidst ongoing face-offs between the Stalin-led Tamil Nadu government and both the BJP-led central government and Governor RN Ravi. However, beyond the political frictions between the Centre and the state, there is a more concerning trend that echoes the language of separatism and threatens the integrity of the Indian Union.
A political move disguised as federal concern
The timing of the formation of the committee is no coincidence. Tamil Nadu’s Assembly elections are scheduled for next year. The DMK is facing challenges over its NEET opposition and developmental inconsistencies. The committee, thus, must be seen as a last-ditch attempt to rally Tamil pride and shift focus from governance shortcomings.
Stalin announced the panel formation under the guise of “defending federalism” and painted the BJP as a centralising villain. However, it also opened a dangerous road—one where states begin demanding reversals of constitutional amendments such as the 42nd, which placed education in the concurrent list. If that happens, it will chip away at the central government’s role in national policymaking.
NEET, education policy, and the politics of victimhood
The recent tensions stem from the NEET examination and the National Education Policy’s three-language formula. Stalin wants education to be a state subject again, which defies not only constitutional norms but also the consensus on educational standards. His government has accused the central government of “blackmail” over funds and has claimed “Hindi imposition”. However, in reality, the policy clearly offers considerable flexibility when it comes to language.
NEET, which has been repeatedly passed by the Tamil Nadu Assembly and rejected by President Murmu, has become a political symbol for the DMK’s grievance-mongering. Interestingly, if examined closely, Stalin portrays it as Centre-state hostility, but in reality, it is more accurately the refusal of constitutional bodies to allow a state to cherry-pick national laws based on local vote banks.
Why the ‘autonomy’ path is a constitutional minefield
The call for Tamil Nadu’s autonomy is not without precedent—and that is precisely why it is dangerous. Kashmir too once enjoyed “special status”, and it is well known how that unfolded over decades. The state became a breeding ground for separatism, corruption and violence. For decades, the Centre’s limited say over Kashmir allowed radicalism to flourish. It took the abrogation of Article 370 to finally align the state with national constitutional values. Before the abrogation, several central schemes and projects could not reach the people of Kashmir simply because of its autonomous status.
The proposal of “retrieving” powers from the concurrent list and forming a committee to potentially dilute Centre-state coherence is not just legally suspect—it is political recklessness. If every state demands selective autonomy over contentious issues, the federal fabric of India will unravel, piece by piece.
A nationalist pushback likely
The BJP has now realigned with the AIADMK and is gearing up for a comeback in Tamil Nadu. Stalin’s autonomy pitch may backfire in the coming elections. For a state proud of its national contribution in terms of both economics and culture, invoking a quasi-secessionist sentiment is hardly the ideal campaign for the upcoming Assembly elections.
The Chief Minister may think he is making a federalist appeal. However, it is a clear sign of desperation—he fails to recognise that such moves could fracture India’s unity, one ‘autonomy’ at a time. What next? Punjab demanding autonomy again? Nagaland, Manipur, and other northeastern states following suit? Where does it end?
