India Army Chief General Upendra Dwivedi stated that he was concerned about the presence of Pakistan Army and ISI officials in Bangladesh areas close to India’s chicken’s neck area
Speaking to ANI in an exclusive interview, General Dwivedi said that they must make sure that those anti-India elements are not able to use that soil to send terrorists to India.
Recently, the Pakistan army and ISI officials visited very sensitive areas near the Indian border, near the chicken’s neck in Bangladesh. When asked if he was concerned about this, the COAS replied in the affirmative.
“I had used the word epicentre of terrorism for a particular country (Pakistan). Now those countrymen, if they go to any other place and they happen to be our neighbor, as far as I am concerned, I should be concerned about it. That they should not be able to use that soil to send terrorists to India. That is as far as that is concerned,” General Dwivedi said.
General Dwivedi said that relations with the administration can be defined only if there is an elected government.
“As far as the second setup is concerned that how is the administration, my stance is that when we have elected government, then we can say how should be our relationship,” he told ANI.
Dwivedi said that the military relationship, however, is very strong with Bangladesh.
“But so the military relationship is concerned is very strong. And we are able to exchange notes whenever we want. And that’s what we have been doing,” he said.
When General Dwivedi was asked if Pakistan has yet understood that Kashmir is part of Indian territory, Dwivedi humorously gave the example of the movie Guide, in which a madman says, ‘I won’t eat until it rains’.
“See, they are stuck in their own words. There is a movie of Dev Anand Ji, I think Narayan Ji has written this book. Do you remember when Devanand Ji became a sadhu in the last? A madman went and announced that he will not have food until it rained. Now Pakistan Army once said that we have to do this. Now they don’t have a way out of it. So they will continue to go for it, look, Kashmir, this is point number one. The second thing is, if you read the book Revenge of Geography, written by Robert Kaplan, both sides of the Indus, can they be one? That’s a big question you have to see,” he said.
Dwivedi further said that Pakistan’s agenda is not limited to Kashmir only, and they are only fueling the anti-India stance.
“So, as far as they are concerned, the idea of India is their major criticality. It’s not limited to Kashmir only. So to keep Pakistan together, you have to have one common agenda which can keep you together. Is the language the same? Are the people the same? What is the same? Only anti-India stance. So therefore, Kashmir, they will keep hyping up at every point of time,” he said.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
A minor scuffle between children playing marbles snowballed into violent communal clashes in the Laungiya area of Ajmer in Rajasthan during the wee hours of Tuesday. The situation escalated rapidly leaving more than six people injured. Police force from nine neighbouring police stations had to be deployed to quell the situation.
SHO of Ganj Police Station, Mahavir Singh reportedly said that a preliminary investigation revealed that the clashes erupted as a result of a minor fight between some children who were playing marbles. The children’s fight led to people from two communities getting involved. Soon a violent confrontation happened between the two groups involving the use of swords, sticks and stones. Police detained some people involved in the incident and are looking for others involved. Complaints have been received by the police in the matter.
Locals allege illegal immigrants have been living in the area
A woman named Bharti, belonging to the Valmiki community, reportedly alleged that several members of her family were attacked using swords, sticks and stones by people from the other group. She added that some illegal immigrants have been living in the area and have been involved in several similar incidents. The injured have been admitted to a nearby hospital. People from the Valmiki community surrounded the police station demanding action against the culprits.
People from the Hindu Community protested
Several people from the Hindu community staged a protest on Tuesday at the Collectorate against the violence in Laungiy and submitted a memorandum to Ajmer SP addressed to Range IG. The protestors demanded swift and stringent action against anti-social elements. Sunil Dutt Jain, Coordinator of Sakal Hindu Samaj alleged that Bangladeshi Rohingyas have been living in the hilly area of Laungiya. He further alleged that stones were pelted by Bangladeshi Rohingya at the houses of Hindus and people from the Hindu community confronted them, they were attacked with weapons.
Jain thanked the police for taking swift action in the matter and detaining the culprits. However, he demanded police action against the settlement of illegal Bangladeshi Rohingyas to maintain peace in the area.
19th February marks the birth anniversary of the man who laid the foundation of Hindavi Swarajya, Shivaji Maharaj, the first Chhatrapati of the Marathas and was immortalised in the annals of history. The founder of the Maratha Empire and Maratha Navy, he was a visionary leader and a skilled strategist. More importantly, he is not just a historical hero who inspires many Indians but also represents a symbol of cultural renaissance and resistance to oppression.
Shivaji was the pioneer of guerilla warfare and even paved the way for an independent naval force during a period when European nations dominated the oceans, giving him the moniker “Father of the Indian Navy.” He recognized the value of having a strong navy at an early age. He established a strong navy to defend the Konkan coast from colonial powers like the British, Dutch and Portuguese. Pirates, fishermen and various seafaring tribes were all part of his naval army and the Marathas established the fort of Kolaba as their naval headquarters.
The portrait of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj from the British Museum in London. (Source: British Museum)
The Marathas resisted the British attempts to seize power, on the Indian coasts. Notably, they initially had no navy because they were constantly attacked by the Mughals. However, Shivaji was the first to recognize the value of having a powerful navy. He understood the need to establish a robust fleet and an effective port system after fighting the Siddis, who had their base at Murud Janjira, and witnessing the Portuguese naval might along the Konkan coast. He was a strong supporter of forts and constructed numerous coastal forts along the Konkan coast, including Vijaydurg and Sindhudurg. He built the forts on hillocks with a view of the coast to keep an eye on the seas and fortify the defences of the hinterland.
Soon after, the Maratha navy grew more powerful and took control of the forts at Kolaba, Sindhudurg, Vijaydurg and Ratnagiri. The Marathas repelled the Portuguese and the British on their own for about 40 years. With over 500 ships, the Maratha fleet became a formidable force under Shivaji, however, it weakened following his death in 1680.
A dive into the history
India has a vast and varied maritime history and Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj stands out for his unprecedented contributions to naval strategy and warfare. The innovative leader who was born in the 17th century, observed the strategic value of an efficient navy long before other Indian rulers did. He developed the framework for a naval force that would not only protect the coastline but also project power and influence during a period when the subcontinent was divided into numerous kingdoms and faced with the prospect of foreign invasions.
Powerful kingdoms and empires shaped India in the seventeenth century. The Adilshahi of Bijapur, the Qutb Shahi of Golconda and the Mughal Empire had an impact on the Deccan region and Konkan coast. The Adilshahi controlled important ports along the Konkan Coast, a portion of India’s western coastline. The European nations like the Portuguese, Dutch, English and Siddis of African descent dominated the oceans.
The Portuguese took command of the Arabian Sea and its trade routes after Vasco da Gama arrived in Calicut in 1498. They limited Indian merchants by enacting the Cartaz system which needed trading permits and frequently destroyed ships that did not comply. They founded colonies throughout the Konkan Coast, including in Vasai, Chaul, Daman, Goa, Basrur, and Mangalore, to consolidate their dominance with the help of a formidable naval fleet.
Illustration by Bara Bhaskaran. (Source: The Week)
The first factory of the English East India Company was built at Surat in 1613, reported The Indian Express. After taking over Bombay in 1665, they started building a fort in the southeast corner of the island, which was finished in 1683. They also started building warships, such as the “Revenge” with 22 cannons and the “Hunter” which had 14. They also acquired smaller local ships equipped with cannons for defence.
The Dutch and the French were also active along the Indian coastline, in addition to the Portuguese and the British. On the Konkan coast, the Siddis had taken up residence at Janjira. They maintained a solid naval presence with a fleet of 20 vessels and four Gurabs (frigates), serving first for the Adilshahi and then the Mughals. They were adept seafarers.
A Marathi-language biography of Shivaji titled “Sabhasad Bakhar” expressed, “When Shivaji began his career of independence the coast of Konkan was infested with alien powers. The Siddi was very powerful and a sworn enemy of the Maratha state. He carried fire and sword everywhere on the Maratha coast. He was a standing nuisance, troublesome like a mouse in the house.”
When Shivaji took control of Torna Fort (in the modern-day Pune area), he set up the basis for his empire or “Swarajya” amidst this unstable political environment. The defeat of Afzal Khan, an intimidating general of the Adilshahi Sultanate who had been dispatched to quell Shivaji’s expanding authority was a pivotal point in his ascent to power. He later expanded his power over trade and maritime matters by incorporating a large portion of the Konkan and Kolhapur areas into Swarajya and gaining control of crucial northern ports like Kalyan and Bhiwandi.
He ruled over a 100-kilometer section of the Konkan coast between 1657 and 1658, stretching from the Savitri River to the northern forts of Kohoj and Asherigad. Likewise, he increased his dominion and directly challenged the Siddi domains by capturing several important forts including Surgad, Birwadi, Tala, Ghosale, Sudhagad, Kangori and Raigad (then known as Rairi).
How Shivaji built his navy
As Shivaji consolidated command over the coastal districts, he noted that naval might was imperative to counter European control over maritime trade routes and secure crucial exports along the Konkan coast. He also acknowledged that naval strength was essential to protect his empire since pirates were a constant menace and overseas trade was vital to state revenue. His vision resulted in the construction of a powerful navy, in contrast to other regional kingdoms on the Indian subcontinent that found it difficult to handle marine interruptions.
The water was a new frontier and Shivaji was still the only Indian monarch to have established a fleet with a defined political plan, according to historian Surendranath Sen’s book, “Administrative System of the Marathas” which was published in (1925), even if the Marathas were excellent at land warfare.
There are few firsthand records on how Shivaji started constructing his naval, but Portuguese archives offer important information. Shipbuilding in Kalyan and Bhiwandi started about 1659. On 19th July 1659, Antonio Castro, the captain of Vasai, wrote a letter to the governor of Goa, which was discussed at a meeting of the Portuguese advisory council. According to Castro, Shivaji was building a fleet of 20 sangvisel or Indian ships, in Bhiwandi, Kalyan and Pen in order to take on the Siddis. Rui Leitao Viegas, a Portuguese naval officer oversaw the project and Shivaji asked the Portuguese for permission to use timber and ports for construction.
Castro asked the governor to strengthen Vasai’s defences and put forward apprehensions that such permissions would create a daunting rival. The Portuguese advisory committee responded by taking action to thwart Shivaji’s initiatives. Vasai native Joao de Salazar was assigned the responsibility of impeding the shipbuilding process by convincing workers to drop out of the project due to their religious allegiance to the Portuguese crown.
Portuguese records unveiled that Shivaji’s naval projects made tremendous headway despite these challenges. According to the documents, 7 of the 50 warships that were being built at Chaul had already been launched. Shivaji’s frigates, fort construction and naval operations in Harnai were also mentioned in Dutch documents. These illustrated how Shivaji’s goal of a powerful navy was keenly studied and opposed by European powers. Importantly, they also signalled the start of an incredible maritime legacy in Indian history.
Adnyapatra guided Maratha Empire
“Adnyapatra” by Ramchandrapant Amatya was the manual for running state matters in the Maratha Empire, especially for Sambhaji II, the grandson of Chhatrapati Shivaji. This text, which reflected the tactics that fortified the empire, discusses administration, government and naval policies. Merchant ships and warships made up the two divisions of the Maratha fleet. Gurabs, Galbats, Mahagiris, Shibads, Tarandes, Taruses and Pagars were warships, whereas Machwas, Shibads, Padavs, Tarandes and Pagars were merchant ships. Although the precise number of Shivaji’s fleet is unknown, English records from 1665 place it at 85 ships with three big Gurabs and 5,000 sailors. The fleet grew to 33 ships by 1673.
A painted scroll showing Gurab, Galbat and other types of warships of the Maratha Navy. (Source: PICRYL)
According to the “Chitragupta Bakhar” (1760–1770), a biography of Shivaji based on Sabhasad Bakhar, there were 30 large Gurabs, 1,000 Galbats, 150 Mahagiris, 50 little Gurabs, 10 small boats, 150 smaller boats, 60 Taraves, 25 Pal ships, 15 Jug-class ships and 50 Machwas. The navy was split into 3 subhas (divisions) each with 5 Gurabs and 15 Galbats, per the Adnyapatra. It directed that the salary of naval personnel must be set by the state to maintain the fleet’s proper maintenance and operational effectiveness. This methodical strategy highlighted the strategic emphasis of the Marathas on naval prowess for defence, trade and conflict.
Importance of forts in Shivaji’s naval strategy
Forts were strategically included in Shivaji’s maritime policy because he grasped their vital function in maintaining naval defence. These forts were divided into three groups: island forts, which were erected on islands near the shore, coastal forts, which were situated immediately along the coastline and forts at river mouths, which were built on promontories along creeks or rivers. The Maratha Navy relied heavily on the key forts along the Konkan coast as operating strongholds, supply depots and safe harbours to enhance its maritime might.
The Adnyapatra defined precise rules for maritime combat along with fortifications. These included the requirement for persistent enemy movement monitoring, regular supply and ammo purchases from safe havens like Janjira, and ongoing naval patrols. The instructions placed a high focus on tactical, coordinated battle responses such as bringing all ships together in a naval engagement and withdrawing to secure harbours when the reorganization was impeded by strong winds. The text also suggested being cautious while engaging adversaries, encircling them from a distance and using guns to degrade their position before launching a direct attack.
Image via Loksatta
Records showed that Shivaji’s navy launched multiple attacks and took control of the Konkan coastline and neighbouring seas. Interestingly, his navy took ships from the British, Portuguese and Adilshahi. The first major naval campaign took place in February 1665 when Shivaji, along with his fleet of 85 frigates and three huge ships, sailed from Malvan (in modern-day Maharashtra) to raid Basrur (in Karnataka) without encountering any opposition from the Portuguese in Goa.
His naval career reached a significant turning point with this campaign at Basrur, demonstrating his capacity to oppose powerful maritime nations. He marched to Karwar, a seashore city in Karnataka, after raiding Basrur where he visited the Hindu temple at Gokarna. He then proceeded to Ankola, which is in modern-day Karnataka. An important turning point in the history of Maratha naval supremacy, the campaign is described in an English letter dated 14th March 1665 and demonstrated Shivaji’s strategic skill.
Emphasis on building a strong navy
BK Apte in his seminal work “A History of the Maratha Navy and Merchantships” wrote, “The navy has been considered as an independent limb of the Maratha State by (Shivaji’s finance minister Ramachandra Pant) Amatya in Rajniti, a work on Maratha polity.” Superiority was his goal. He understood that to acquire land, he needed to control the seas. “When Shivaji began his career of independence, the coast of Konkan was infested with alien powers,” he added.
There were the English, and the Portuguese who ruled the Arabian Sea and the Siddis who posed a serious threat. The conquest of Basrur, in the Karnataka region of Udipi, in 1665 marked the beginning of Shivaji’s naval aspirations. With 85 ships, both large and tiny, he targeted the region and returned with a ton of loot. This attack involved no naval combat but served as a pivotal turning point. Even the Portuguese were alarmed by Shivaji’s bold naval strategy. The viceroy of Goa requested that the Portuguese commander “smother” the movement of the “newly built gallivats” at Kalyan, Bhiwandi, and Panvel in a letter to the king of Portugal dated 6th August 1659. One of Shivaji’s first victories in 1657 was Kalyan, where he also launched his maiden vessel.
There were about 20 warships in the Maratha Navy at the time. Despite having two capable commanders, Mainak Bhandari and Dulat Khan, his crew were Konkanis with a strong affinity for seawater. The legacy was carried on by Shivaji’s son Sambhaji, who expanded the navy, built forts, hired Arab commander Jange Khan to instruct his warriors and acquired Elephanta Caves. However, Kanhoji Angre was Shivaji’s real heir in this regard. He held the unique distinction of never losing a naval combat since being appointed sarkhel or admiral of the Maratha navy in 1699. At Kandheri Island, Angre completed the fortification Shivaji had begun in 1679 and this 16-acre island is named after him.
Naval tactics of Shivaji’s naval army
Shivaji’s maritime strategies were groundbreaking and are still regarded as military strategy masterworks. He was aware of the value of a robust naval force, particularly after observing the Portuguese presence on India’s west coast.
Building of naval fleet: In 1654, the Maratha naval base’s first keel was laid close to Kalyan. He eventually constructed a fleet of 20 warships and several naval stations under the leadership of many foreign and indigenous mercenaries, including Portuguese and Siddi individuals.
Guerrilla warfare at sea: The Maratha fleet was an expert in green-water operations, concentrating on shallow and coastal seas. To hide in bays or small creeks where larger enemy ships couldn’t follow, they used guerilla warfare, attacking from the leeward or astern side.
Hand-to-hand combat: The Maratha fleet specialized in hand-to-hand warfare after boarding enemy ships, in contrast to other naval forces that mainly depended on artillery. This strategy neutralized the enemy’s broadside cannons and made it possible for the Marathas to engage in more close-quarters fighting which they were quite good at.
Tactical Positioning: The ships of the Maratha fleet were dispersed throughout various squadrons rather than being housed in one location. They were able to respond to threats with greater agility and versatility owing to this distribution, which made it harder for the adversary to anticipate their moves.
Intelligence and Infiltration: The navy of Shivaji was renowned for its in-depth combat expertise. They obtained valuable intelligence by infiltrating opposing empires and even buying off commanders. This information was essential for organizing surprise assaults and aggressive military operations.
Defense and Offense: The Battle of Surat, in which the Maratha naval successfully defended their coast against the English and Siddi, is the first known instance of the Maratha navy in action. This demonstrated that the Maratha naval was capable of both defending its territories and attacking.
A diorama showing Maratha naval tactics, on display at the National Museum, New Delhi.
Shivaji’s leadership and the inspiration he gave his soldiers were major factors in the Maratha Navy’s success. Despite being outnumbered or having fewer resources, his army’s enthusiasm and vast knowledge played a key role in winning multiple conflicts.
Characteristics of the Maratha Naval Army
Shivaji developed the idea of “Guerilla Warfare at Sea” which entailed attacking enemy ships unexpectedly with quick and nimble ships. The purpose of this approach was to achieve a strategic advantage by surprising the opposition. He built strong naval bases along the coast as he recognized the worth of safe harbours. The forts of Sindhudurg and Vijaydurg stand out among them. They provided secure havens for his fleet and gave him command over important shipping lanes.
He had a diversified fleet like Gurabs, Gallibats, Manjuhasm and others. A variety of tactical methods from swift attacks to protracted naval blockades were made possible due to this. He was willing to soak up knowledge from many naval traditions. He enlisted Muslim mercenaries to broaden the skill set of his naval army and employed Portuguese sailors because of their proficiency in maritime combat. Protecting the Maratha territory’s extensive coastline and commercial routes was one of his navy’s main goals.
His naval strategy was to build a safe marine environment by combining offensive and defensive tactics. Additionally, Shivaji employed his navy as a diplomatic instrument. He consolidated his naval capability through treaties and strategic alliances, improving the Maratha Empire’s geopolitical clout. He was eager to implement the newest naval innovations available at the time. His ships were powerful adversaries in naval battles because they were outfitted with cutting-edge armament and navigation technology.
Forts conquered by Shivaji
Shivaji was an expert in fort warfare in addition to maritime strategy. He began the conquest of forts at the young age of 15, beginning with the fort of Bijapur, which he obtained by bribing the commander. This led to a confrontation with Afzal Khan, who he later killed in hand-to-hand combat. Shivaji oversaw the conquest of almost 300 forts in 35 years.
Torna Fort: One of the first forts that Shivaji took control of when he was just 16 years old was Torna Fort which was a major victory over the Bijapur Sultanate. His military campaigns officially began at that time.
Raigad Fort: Shivaji took control of Raigad Fort which was formerly known as Rairi and pronounced it as his capital. He was anointed King of the Maratha Kingdom there in 1674.
Pratapgad Fort: This fort rose to prominence following the Battle of Pratapgad in which Shivaji vanquished Bijapur Sultanate leader Afzal Khan. Controlling the banks of the Nira and Koyna rivers depended heavily on this fort.
Sindhudurg Fort: Situated on Maharashtra’s Malvan coast, this fort was a major naval base in addition to being a military stronghold. Shivaji constructed numerous naval forts to guard the Konkan coastline, and this one was one of them.
Vijaydurg Fort: Vijaydurg, another important naval fort, played a key role in regulating the seafaring activity along the Konkan coast. It functioned as a shipbuilding facility as well.
Panhala Fort: The strategically significant Panhala Fort, which was taken in 1659, provided command over the Sahyadri mountain pass.
Kondana Fort: Kondana Fort, now known as Sinhagad was taken in a bold night-time assault by Tanaji Malusare, one of Shivaji’s trusted generals. A movie starrer Ajay Devgn and Kajol was released in 2020 on the same.
Purandar Fort: Shivaji reclaimed the fort after it had been lost to the Mughals and it was an integral part of the Treaty of Purandar with the Mughal Empire.
These forts operated as administrative and governmental hubs in addition to being military strongholds. They were essential to Shivaji’s plan to secure his legacy by controlling the western shore and the Deccan plateau.
Maratha’s clash with other forces
Shivaji and the Siddis are famous for their naval battles. Shivaji tried multiple times to take the powerful Janjira fort, but he was unable to do so because of the stronghold’s natural defences and the Portuguese backing for the Siddis. The Siddis accepted Portuguese suzerainty for protection after realizing they could not compete with Shivaji’s growing power. Shivaji was able to strategically manoeuvre around Portuguese interests while concentrating on expanding his kingdom. The Marathas and the Portuguese also agreed to a pact acknowledging each other’s advantages. The Maratha Navy and the Mughal-Siddi coalition continued to combat despite treaties with the Portuguese. However, Marathas could not capture Janjira.
Shivaji focused on Khanderi Island, which is close to Mumbai after realizing the necessity for a backup naval base. Due to the island’s scarcity of fresh water, the initial attempt to capture Khanderi in 1662 was abandoned. In 1679, Shivaji sent troops and supplies to the island as part of a renewed campaign. The British interests were put at risk by this action since Shivaji’s takeover of Khanderi represented an immediate threat to their hegemony in Mumbai. Shivaji’s presence was fiercely contested by the British, who were eventually compelled to leave.
Maratha Grabs and Gallivats attacking an English Ship. (Source: PICRYL)
Shivaji’s navy was very large but he knew that European commerce relied on their naval strength to succeed. He intentionally positioned forts, ports and naval bases by taking advantage of the Konkan region’s natural geology. He bolstered his navy by utilizing the expertise of the locals in marine navigation and the sea. He defended ports, secured commercial routes and promoted economic expansion through greater trade by implementing creative techniques.
Shivaji inherited a landlocked jagir that was cut off from the sea. It is all the more admirable that a landlubber like him constructed a navy at all. He had the wisdom to perceive the importance of naval strength in both defence and offence at a period when it was mainly disregarded in India. He established several fortified naval outposts along the western coastline after laying the groundwork for the Maratha naval force in 1654, close to Kalyan.
His fleet, which included a variety of ships under the direction of both foreign and local experts was evidence of his imaginative management and foresight. He was dubbed the “Father of the Indian Navy” for his strategic vision and approach to naval warfare.
He not only protected the Maratha empire from foreign invasions but also used his naval prowess as a diplomatic tool. He used novel tactics like hand-to-hand combat, guerrilla warfare at sea, and strategic fleet posture. His naval pursuits inspired naval strategy in the present day and set the foundation for India’s future maritime operations. His contribution and accomplishments were revolutionary which perfectly capture his lasting maritime legacy.
Shivaji’s maritime legacy was also honoured by the Modi government. His royal seal (Ashtakoni Rajmudra) served as the inspiration for the Indian Navy’s new ensign in 2022, which honoured his heritage with a sophisticated blue octagonal design. During his visit to Sindhudurg in 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated a statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj at Rajkot Fort.
Google has opened its new campus, Ananta (meaning limitless in Sanskrit), in Bengaluru. This state-of-the-art facility is one of Google’s largest globally and represents a significant investment in India’s tech ecosystem.
According to the global technology major, Ananta embodies Google’s latest workplace design principles, fostering collaboration and innovation with features like neighbourhood-style workspaces, a central gathering space called “Sabha,” and accessibility features throughout.
The campus is also designed with sustainability in mind, incorporating 100 per cent wastewater recycling, rainwater harvesting, and a large smart glass installation.
Preeti Lobana, Vice President and Country Manager, at Google India, said “As India has charted an ambitious new reality for its citizens with technology, Google has been its proud partner over the last 20 years.”
The new Ananta campus in Bengaluru marks a significant milestone in our journey, marking the technological paradigm shift underway with AI.
“Looking ahead, I see us focused on some core areas: empowering businesses and individuals through widespread AI adoption, ensuring AI transformation doesn’t stay on the margins of the economy but creates impact in its systemic areas such as agriculture, health and fintech. We aim to work in deep partnership with India’s vibrant research and startup ecosystem while making our products become ever more helpful and ensuring that we’re taking Indians of varying talents along on this journey through skilling. I think we have a unique opportunity to drive population-scale impact and in the spirit of Ananta, the potential is infinite,” Lobana added.
In a blog, Anand Rangarajan, Vice President, of Google Deepmind; and Sunil Rao, Vice President, of Global Delivery, Google Cloud India, said, India has always played the role of a strategic nerve centre in the tech discourse–this is evident in the thriving startup and app ecosystems, the digital public infrastructure that’s transforming life for hundreds of millions of Indians, and the depth and diversity of Indian creators.
“Increasingly, we have been building from India, for the world,” the blog post read.
Ananta is designed to connect people in ways that spark breakthrough ideas and innovation
Each working floor in Ananta is organized like a city grid, with a network of streets for easy navigation. Individual ‘neighborhoods’ foster collaboration while also giving individuals the freedom to focus within smaller nooks and booths.
At the heart of the building is a vast gathering space called Sabha, for community and conversation.
Inspired by Bengaluru’s reputation as India’s Garden City, the grounds feature extensive landscaping and walking and jogging paths–ideal for casual meetings and peaceful breaks, the blog post added.
The campus recycles 100 per cent of its wastewater, harvests hundreds of liters of rainwater on-site and features one of India’s largest smart glass installations to reduce energy consumption.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
A Taliban official is right now touring Japan. Theoretically, one can find fault with Japan for indulging and ‘mainstreaming’ Islamic terrorists, but that would be pedantic if not downright silly. Taliban is now the state, the official rulers of Afghanistan, and nations will have to indulge them – whether they like it or not. Anything ‘Afghanistan’ could have a Taliban link now by virtue of them being the de-facto state, and if the Taliban sustains the power for long, they could as well become the ‘deep state’ of that nation.
Essentially, reductionist and simplistic linking can throw up inaccurate and even ridiculous conclusions like the above, and this is just the rubble of a country called Afghanistan. When it comes to the USA, one similarly needs to think a little before going all red after seeing just terms like ‘USAID’ anywhere. The US deep state is, quite literally, ‘deep’ everywhere and anyone who indulged with the US in some capacity can have some footprints.
And honestly, USAID has become synonymous with the US deep state only because Musk and Trump are talking about it. Let’s be clear that Musk and Trump aren’t dismantling the US deep state per se, they are just pissed off with some of the facets around it like USAID being the funding funnel for Democrats and its spending in areas Trump finds ‘useless’. They are basically going after the Democrat ecosystem and saving some dollars, rather than dismantling the deep state as such. The US deep state will remain, but its character will change a little, depending on how far Trump and Musk go. It will become less Woke and more Christian maybe. India doesn’t gain much as such if that’s what it is.
But it gives us the opportunity to understand the deep state (on a global level, just like ‘ecosystem’ has been understood to some extent in domestic politics) and that’s what we should mostly be bothered about. Obviously, it also leads to ridiculous assertions like everything being linked to the deep state just because ‘USAID’ is found after pressing Ctrl+F.
In fact, one has to realise that USAID scandal is not an issue in vacuum. USAID was created as an agency of the US government to achieve foreign policy objectives and its funding comes from the US State Department. It is the Congress with authorises USAID programs in foreign assistance. And therefore, when Mike Benz says that USAID does jobs which are too dirty for the CIA, it is not a clandestine cabal he speaks of – it is about elements of the US foreign policy of the US itself. It becomes important to recall here that The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) is supposed to be quasi-autonomous and non-governmental, but is funded primarily by the US Congress. Carl Gershman, who was the President of the National Endowment for Democracy till 2021 is on record accepting that the recipients of NED grants are vetted and approved by the CIA.
The problem is, therefore, deeper than merely looking for USAID involvement. The problem is of US foreign policy and the clandestine manner in which several organisations work to achieve it. The USAID or the NED is, therefore, not necessarily the entirety of the “deep state”. They are the “state” which also funds “deep state” actors like George Soros, for example, who then work in a clandestine manner often to the detriment of sovereign nations. Since USAID, NED, CIA and several other US arms are connected to the government, there would be a large part of their functioning which would be legitimate to gain credibility, and others, which would be shady – like funding clandestine operatives, regime change operations, funding dubious NGOs working against the interest of independent nations etc.
USAID isn’t Taliban and they would do many things to earn legitimacy too; even the Taliban talks about women’s rights and press freedom these days. Essentially, the mere presence of USAID can’t be enough to conclude anything. Where the money went and for what the money went is most important, and one will have to go beyond mere ‘expense heads’. Spending on ‘gender equity’ could entail giving funds to build girls-only schools or to promote ‘more than two genders’ politics – one will have to figure that out and go beyond the surface.
The tentacles of the US deep state indeed are very strong in India and it doesn’t start and end with USAID. More than political (electoral), the battlefields are in the cultural and narrative domain. Actually, politics and the economy are tools or weapons to be used on that battlefield. A desired political or economic order can be sustained only when one can manipulate the thought process of people. And it’s easiest to manipulate when people are confused about their identity, history, esteem, purpose, etc. That’s what one needs to look out for – was the money being used to attack or chip away at any of these?
The first step towards fighting the deep state is to know what you have to defend. Is to know what you are. Not everyone is doing that.
In a step towards self-reliance, India has now started manufacturing medical devices like MRI, CT scans and dialysis machines which used to be entirely imported earlier. According to a report in the Economic Times, the information has been confirmed by Amit Aggarwal, Secretary, Department of Pharmaceuticals.
Aggarwal said that the manufacturing is taking place under the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) Scheme of the central government which is a part of the Make in India initiative. “We have commissioned a total of 19 projects for producing 46 medical devices,” Aggarwal said. He further stated that the government has increased the expenditure on manufacturing incentives, infrastructure and ecosystem development by 44 per cent.
The Secretary further added that the government is also aiming to boost domestic manufacturing of important drugs under the PLI. For this, the government has commissioned the production of more than 175 high-value drugs including drugs for treating cancer, rare diseases, auto-immune disorders and vaccines. “Production of critical antibiotics like Penicillin-G and Clavulanic Acid has started in the country. Also, we are expecting the production of Rifampicin, a key drug used for Tuberculosis treatment, to commence next year,” said Aggarwal.
In 2020, the market size of the medical devices sector in India was reportedly estimated at Rs 90,000 crore amounting to 1.5% of the global medical device market. To boost the domestic production of medical devices and reduce their import, the Union Cabinet adopted the National Medical Devices Policy in 2023. The policy intended to establish centres of excellence in academic and research institutions, innovation hubs, ‘plug and policy’ infrastructures and support to infrastructures. The creation of a dedicated export promotion council is also envisioned under the policy which is intended to initiate learning and projects for learning from the best global practices of manufacturing.
What is the PLI scheme?
The Production Linked Incentive (PLI) Scheme is an initiative of the central government aimed at boosting domestic manufacturing of specified products by offering financial incentives. The scheme intends to establish India as a global hub for manufacturing, innovation and exports. The PLI Scheme covers 14 sectors including electronics, pharmaceuticals, medical devices, automobiles, steel, food, drones, and textiles. The management and implementation of the scheme are overseen by nodal agencies for each sector. The scheme is also supposed to reduce pollution and carbon footprint.
The Mahakumbh festival in the holy city of Prayagraj is estimated to have generated business of over Rs 3 lakh crore (USD 360 billion) through goods and services, making it one of the biggest economic events in India, Confederation of All India Traders (CAIT) Secretary General and Chandni Chowk MP Praveen Khandelwal said.
Mahakumbh, which happens after 144 years, is being held in Prayagraj from January 13 to February 26, witnessing the arrivals of millions of devotees over these six weeks.
Trade leader and parliamentarian Khandelwal noted that this world’s largest human gathering has firmly established the connection between faith and economy.
The Mahakumbh is boosting local trade with a surge in demand for Mahakumbh-themed products like diaries, calendars, jute bags, and stationery. Sales are reported to have increased due to meticulous branding.
Khandelwal mentioned that before the commencement of the Mahakumbh, initial estimates projected the arrival of 40 crore people and business transactions worth around Rs 2 lakh crore.
However, due to the unprecedented enthusiasm across the country, it is now expected that nearly 60 crore people will participate in the Mahakumbh by February 26, leading to a massive business turnover exceeding Rs 3 lakh crore.
This, he said, has provided a significant boost to Uttar Pradesh’s economy and created new business opportunities.
Highlighting the economic impact of the Mahakumbh, Khandelwal noted that several business sectors have witnessed large-scale economic activities, including hospitality and accommodation; food and beverage sector; transport and logistics; religious attire; puja samagri, and handicrafts, textiles, apparel and other consumer goods; healthcare and wellness services; media, advertising and entertainment; civic services; telecom, mobile, AI-based technology, CCTV cameras, and other equipment.
Khandelwal further pointed out that the economic benefits of Mahakumbh are not limited to Prayagraj.
Cities and towns within a 150 km radius have also experienced a significant business surge, strengthening local economies.
Additionally, Ayodhya, Varanasi, and other religious destinations have seen an increase in pilgrim visits, as devotees travel for the darshan and worship of Lord Ram in Ayodhya, Lord Shiva in Varanasi, and others in the nearby districts. This has further fueled massive economic activities in these areas.
The Delhi MP said Mahakumbh is expected to positively shape India’s trade, commerce, and cultural landscape, setting a new economic benchmark for years.
The Uttar Pradesh government has spent Rs 7500 crore for the improvement of Prayagraj’s infrastructure – flyovers, roads, and underpasses The Rs 7500 crore spending included Rs 1500 crore that was earmarked specifically for Mahakumbh arrangements.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
On Tuesday (18th February), 108 lawyers wrote a letter to President Droupadi Murmu seeking revocation of the Padma Shri conferred to film producer Ekta Kapoor for making shows loaded with obscene and “horrendous pornographic content”.
In the letter signed by around 108 lawyers from across the country, it is alleged that the content of Ekta Kapoor’s web series has profoundly degraded moral values. Moreover, certain web series produced by her have maligned Indian relationships alongside disrespected cultural traditions.
The letter states that Padma Shri, India’s fourth highest civilian honour is conferred on individuals for their exceptional contribution in their field and for leaving a positive impact through their work. However, Ekta Kapoor being conferred this honour and being allowed to retain it “inadvertently legitimises and endorses content that is not only morally reprehensible but also harmful to society.”
Appeal by 108 Advocates from Across Bharat for Revocation of Padma Shri Award Conferred on Ekta Kapoor
“Bestowing such a prestigious honour upon someone whose work promotes obscenity and violates numerous laws, undermines the very essence of the award. In light of the facts presented, we earnestly urge the President of India to immediately revoke the Padma Shri conferred upon Ekta Kapoor,” the letter states.
In the letter, the lawyers have also given information to the President about all such web series made by Ekta Kapoor. The signatories asserted that withdrawing Padma Shri from Ekta Kapoor would not only restore the sanctity of the prestigious award but also reinforce the government’s commitment to upholding the country’s ethical standards and societal values.
“The content of these films and web series being streamed on Ekta Kapoor’s ALTT is so horrendous, obscene and unlawful that they would not even be approved for screening with an ‘A’ certificate in cinema halls by Censor Board of Film Certification (CBFC). ALTT streaming pornographic content is blatantly violating several provisions of law, rules, guidelines, codes which restrict and or penalises production and distribution of obscene, indecent and pornographic material in the country,” the letter reads.
After Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh is now bearing the brunt of the Congress government’s freebies policy as the state coffers have dried up and the administration must find alternative methods to produce revenue. Therefore, the century-old Hotel Wildflower Hall, which is around 12 kilometres from Shimla, is going to be leased by the Himachal Pradesh government. The prized property located in a beautiful neighborhood, will be up for sale again after the state was able to take its possession in January of last year following two decades of legal battle.
It was first built by Lord Kitchener in 1902, under the British Raj and covers 100 acres in the middle of a lush deodar forest. The state cabinet approved the employment of a consulting firm to lease out the property during a meeting on 15th February, which was chaired by Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu. Industries minister Harshwardhan Chauhan stated, “The cabinet had approved hiring a company to work out further modalities. The company will decide on the best way to lease out the property which would be soon given on lease to highest bidder.”
The administration has been evaluating means to locate a suitable partner to run the luxury hotel since regaining control of the property to help the state, which is currently enduring financial difficulties, generate income. Sukhu also implemented a 2005 arbitration award which mandated that the Wildflower Hall and the surrounding deodar forest be turned over to the Himachal Pradesh Tourism Development Corporation (HPTDC) in June 2023.
The Oberoi Group now operates the property as a world-class, upscale resort, and the government is eager to entice companies from the hospitality sector to lease it. For nearly two decades, the Himachal Government and East India Hotels Ltd (EIHL) have been involved in a judicial battle over control and profit-sharing of the colonial-era hotel. The state government has declared that it is open to consider Oberoi Group’s claim to operate the property, however, it prefers that the company compete with other hotel chains for the Wild Flower Hotel lease, as the government will be accepting bids from all over the world.
History and legacy
GHM Batten, the Earl of Lytton’s private secretary, was the initial owner of Wildflower Hall, per the documents. The structure was completely destroyed by fire. Lord Kitchner, who was the Indian military’s commander-in-chief at the time, obtained the building’s lease from its proprietor after Batten restored it. After his return to England in 1909, the house was sold to a British couple, who demolished it in 1925 to build a 37-room, three-story hotel.
The Government of India occupied the land after independence and began an agricultural school there which lasted until 1973, when it was turned over to the HPTDC to be used as a hotel. Eleven cottages, four rooms, a multipurpose hall and a green room were constructed by the department. A short circuit then caused the structure to burn down on 5th April 1993. Nevertheless, the HPTDC continued to maintain the cottages and four additional rooms that had withstood the incident until the government and the Oberoi Group entered into a joint venture to reconstruct Wildflower Hall as a premium hotel.
The refined elegance of Oberoi Resort, Shimla. (Source: @wildflowerhall/Instagram)
The hotel was burnt down in 1993 and was completely gutted. The state administration made the decision to explore multiple options for reopening the hotel. However, the property dispute came to the fore when international tenders were requested to redevelop the building into a five-star hotel. The state government chose to collaborate with East India Hotels Limited, a flagship business of the Oberoi Group, which also took part. A firm named Mashobra Resort Limited was established as part of the joint venture with the goal of constructing the five-star hotel in four years. The corporation was forced to pay the state government an amount of Rs 2 crore annually for failing to comply.
The land was transferred by the government in 1996 in the company’s name. However, they were still unable to prepare the hotel for usage six years later. Citing concerns about “selling Himachal’s interests,” the Bharatiya Janata Party government led by PK Dhumal then ended the agreement on 6th March 2002, quoting a breach of terms amid ongoing issues like the hotel’s non-functionality within the required six years as well as the town and country planning department’s failure to regularize 57 rooms. The business law board heard a challenge to this government verdict and decided in favor of the corporation. The government appealed the ruling to a single high court bench.
On 17th November 2023, the high court dismissed the government’s submission and asserted that the Oberoi Group had not complied with the arbitration decision within the allotted three months. As a result, the state government was qualified to assume ownership and control of the hotel. The case was assigned to the arbitrator by the court in order to be settled. The government’s 2005 decision to terminate the contract with the corporation and give it the right to reclaim the land was upheld by the arbitrator.
The Oberoi Group challenged the single bench’s ruling in a move to the court, but the company’s appeal was denied. Even though the Oberoi group had approached the Supreme Court, it reiterated the high court’s judgment in January 2024.
Similar to Karnataka, a serious economic problem has been plaguing Himachal Pradesh under the Congress regime. The party, staking its claim to victory on “freebies,” before the 2022 assembly elections in the state offered free electricity up to 300 units per month to every household and Rs 1,500 per month to women aged 18 to 60. The party also vowed to establish the Agriculture and Horticulture Commission, restore the Old Pension Scheme (OPS) for government workers and set a minimum procurement price for fruits, particularly apples, after consulting with farmers and horticulturists.
Additionally, it promised to establish mobile clinics in every hamlet and provide one lakh government jobs. Furthermore, the party’s manifesto assured interest-free loans to young people and provision of Rs 10 crores to be distributed to all assembly segments to help the youth to develop start-up units. The commitments which were made solely to entice voters are now depleting the state’s budget.
The state government in last November decided to issue an extra Rs 500 crore loan, which was part of its Rs 6,300 crore borrowing limit expected to run out by December to meet the state’s developmental demands. The loan has a 15-year term and is due back on 13th November 2029. The financial burden is significant, though, especially given that the government found it difficult to fulfill its monthly obligations of almost Rs 2,000 crore for pensions and salaries. A sharp fall in the state’s revenue sources made matters worse, especially after the centre reduced its GST allocation and anticipated to cut the revenue deficit grant from 2025.
The administration even went so far as to postpone salary and pensions in an attempt to control the crisis. Given its dire financial situation, the Himachal Pradesh government was unable to pay its emplyees and pensioners any money in August of last year which affected 391,000 people. With Rs 1,200 crore set aside for salaries and wages and Rs 800 crore for pensions, the total monthly commitment comes to about Rs 2,000 crore. According to reports, this is the first instance in the state’s history where government employees and retirees have not received their rightful amount.
However, Sukhu argued that the state was not experiencing a financial crisis and that the government was unable to make the payments on schedule due to some fiscal prudence difficulties. Leader of the Opposition Jai Ram Thakur, however, countered that despite the Congress government’s record-breaking Rs 2,400 crore in loans, the state government was on the verge of financial collapse. Even though the treasury occasionally experienced deficits during previous administrations, pay and pensions were never postponed.
Congress introduces fresh taxes
In September of 2024, the Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha approved an amendment bill to impose an environment tax on energy use that ranges from 2 paise to Rs 6 per unit and a milk tax of 10 paise per unit. The Himachal Pradesh Electricity (Duty) Amendment Bill 2024, which aimed to alter the Himachal Pradesh Electricity (Duty) Act, 2009 by adding Sections 3-A for the introduction of milk cess and 3-B for the environment cess was approved by the house by a voice vote.
The administration has already burdened the average citizen, according to opposition leader Jai Ram Thakur, by raising the price of diesel by Rs 7 per litre, cutting off 125 units of free power, and abandoning the election promise to provide 300 units of free power to consumers. According to him, the Sukhu government has also increased the price of tap water in rural regions from Rs 10 to Rs 100.
“The state government claims that it will turn Himachal into a Green energy state and yet imposes heavy cess on the electric vehicle charging stations,” voiced BJP member Trilok Jamwal. Notably, the government of Himachal Pradesh made the decision to eliminate the free drinking water program in rural regions and the free travel program for all police officers. The development transpired in last August.
The cabinet made the decision to impose a monthly charge of Rs 100 on rural residents with household connections who had previously been receiving free water supplies. The free power subsidy for all income tax payers was eliminated by the financially strained government. The Congress government, even considered additional options to cut off subsidies for the well-off segment of society due to a serious economic shortage.
On the other hand, the government was perceived as being regressive when it decided to impose a cess on hydro projects to raise an estimated Rs 4,000 crore. This decision impacted minor projects and participants in particular and hindered the government’s efforts to push for hydro. The imposition of a cess on the hydro industry is terrible news, according to a power analyst who works closely with power regulators. According to another expert, the cess is an act of desperation and added that it’s regrettable that he state appeared to have given in to the lobbying of larger hydro companies. Moreover, home states usually receive 12% of the free power. The double whammy could therefore hamper the government’s hydro effort.
The government even considered legalizing the production of cannabis for industrial and medical uses to solve its financial problems, in September of last year. “A committee has been formed to consider legalising controlled cultivation of cannabis. The step will also strengthen the state’s economy,” minister Vikramaditya Singh conveyed. The five-member group, led by state revenue minister Jagat Singh Negi, also called for regulation changes in April 2023 to permit the growing of cannabis for the plant’s fiber and low-intoxicant seeds. The report was also presented to the state assembly by Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu.
It’s interesting to note that the Congress government’s troubles intensified when it had to focus on the growing economic difficulties in July 2024 as it attempted to get around the crutch of loans. The development coincided with the central government lowering the borrowing cap for Himachal by Rs 5,500 crore.
Conclusion
Congress appears to be inspired to repeat its error and plunge the state into an economic abyss rather than learn from it. It has yet to recognize that while freebies might help win elections, they are detrimental for the welfare of the state and its citizens. The party that destroyed Karnataka’s economy in order to garner votes has been doing the same in Himachal Pradesh. They first introduce freebies, then put additional responsibilities on taxpayers to fulfill their irrational promises, damaging the taxpayer’s budget and destroying the state coffers. Freebies and similar programs might seem at first to be voter-friendly, but in reality, they harm taxpayers and have an adverse effect on their development.
NASA has upgraded the possibility of Asteroid 2024 YR4 hitting the earth in 2032 to 3.1 per cent or simply a 1-in-32 chance. These are the highest odds of a collision predicted so far. It has been reported that much of the asteroid’s estimated path passes over empty ocean, however, some possible impact locations are close to large cities Bogotá, Lagos and Mumbai. Some reports also include Chennai as a possible impact location.
NASA says the chances of a collision in 2032 have increased from 1 in 83 since it was initially discovered. It has since risen to 1 in 67, 1 in 53, 1 in 43, 1 in 38, and currently 1 in 32.
One asteroid, 2024 YR4, has been of particular interest to planetary defense experts because of its low chance of Earth impact in 2032. As more observations of the asteroid’s orbit are obtained, its impact probability will become better known. More: https://t.co/rGOg0UPMPC
Scientists, however, are of the view that merely because the odds increased this time or last week does not mean that the asteroid may actually hit the Earth. These odds may also come down in the coming time.
“Just because the probability has risen does not mean it will continue to do so,” said Professor Hugh Lewis, an astronautics specialist at the University of Southampton.
Similarly, NASA’s Molly L Wasser said, “It is possible that Asteroid 2024 YR4 will be ruled out as an impact hazard, as has happened with many other objects that have previously appeared on NASA’s asteroid risk list.”
Furthermore, the European Space Agency (ESA) estimates that asteroid 2024 YR4 has a 2.81% chance of colliding with Earth on 22nd December 2032.
