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My home by the Jhelum: Story of a Kashmiri Hindu who, along with his family was attacked and thrown out of Kashmir by Islamists

There is no greater agony than bearing an untold story inside you -Maya Angelou

It’s an old story from the 90s. Many may not have heard it. Some who may have heard it would have probably forgotten. Others may have just ignored. So, I have to retell it. With the hope that this time you hear – hear with all your heart and soul.

As a Kashmiri Hindu, it is all the more important to retell our stories now when there is a malicious and perverse attack to erase and distort our history and rewrite it to project the Muslim atrocities as a freedom struggle and not as an Islamist jihadi movement (for what it is). Our counter-narrative is being chipped at, slowly and steadily, by the Kashmiri Muslims, our own intellectuals, and minority leaning political parties. Our barbaric genocide is being discounted as Jagmohan’s/central govt’s ruse and the Kashmiri Muslims are being painted as the victims of Indian atrocities. Difficult as it may be because of a dispersed community to voice our protest, it has never been more important in our 5000+-year-old existence to speak out and speak up.

This series is an attempt to share our narrative- our stories and struggles with the new world. – one story at a time.

My home by the Jhelum

As a child of around 11, I was angry at something. Angry, I had marched out of the lunch as it was being served in the kaenie (living room). Dashed through the mud stairs to the first floor of my house, pulling at the dried straw sticking out from the walls. Stomped through the richly carpeted neel kuth (blue room) that had a design of intersecting hexagons on the blue ceiling. Big French windows ran across one complete side of the room and opened to the daab (wooden balcony). Angry, I banged open the carved, walnut window. The delicate frame and the multicoloured panes shook violently for a while and brought me back to the present – did I break any of the glass?

Thankfully no.

Assured, I stepped back on the daab.

In front of me, Jhelum flowed in all its glory. A mass of quietness plodding through a noisy city. The boat women from the houseboats were washing clothes in big iron chillumachis (broad buckets) at the yarbal, the river bank. The carpet makers next door were weaving their song in the carpet. From our side of the daab, one could hear the constant thak-thak as the loom opened and closed, and the shuttle scurried from one end of the loom to another. The white minaret of the nearby mosque seemed to stoically observe the scene from a distance. Though the idgah was just in the next lane, the half-a-minaret was the only part of the mosque visible from my house.

Two big drops raced along my cheeks and splashed on the weathered planks of the daab, creating dark grey dots in the otherwise grey wood. Still angry and now defiant, I paced towards the forbidden side of the five-generation old daab; the floor planks had cracked from years of weathering and were yet to be replaced. “No one cares for me even if I fall.” I cried loudly hoping for some attention from the people downstairs. The noises from down continued unaware of what I thought was an outright crisis. Just to be safe, I quickly placed my hands on the wooden railing of the daab. Mushrooms had grown on the railing yet again.

When I had first seen the mushrooms growing in a crack in the wooden railing, I had excitedly reported it to my mother, “Can we cook them?”

“Throw them away. Not all mushrooms are edible… these could be poisonous” My mother had replied.

I didn’t eat them, though it took me a while to throw them. “So beautiful” I remember feeling, touching their velvety skin, breaking them bit by bit, and flinging them in Jhelum.

Removing the defiant mushrooms was now a routine activity.

“Are you trying to eat my house, you evil mushrooms?” I flung the pieces in Jhelum. Almost on cue, a gentle breeze from the river enveloped me.

My anger pacified.

A sense of magical calm.

Light, beautiful, and fresh everywhere.

I promptly returned to the safer part of the daab. On the farther extreme of the Daab, in big ceramic martaban (jars), was a motley arrangement of raw pickles. A faint smell of raw mounjhe aachar (knol knol pickles), displaced by the light breeze, was lazily floating in the air now. I opened one of the jars carefully and ate the still unripe aachar, giggling with indescribable happiness.

This one, right here, is one of my happiest childhood memories… my patronous charm. The one I keep going back to – this very scene of looking at the expanse of Jhelum, while eating raw pickles, with my back against the coarse, red brick wall of my house.

A distant house on the opposite side of the bank was my favourite. It had the daab projecting right over the river. “It’s like living in a houseboat” I had told my father once. After my father explained floods, I realized it’s better to maintain some distance from the river. A few meters from the river, my ancestral house was indeed much better – It was safe.

It took a little more than a year for this assumption to be broken. A jaloos near the masjid threw bricks at our house, breaking the beautiful glass panes, shouting “Aazadi ka matlab kya. La illahi ill ill ha”. I hear, the first time they threw a brick, my uncle came out on the daab and shouted back at the mob. The mob did disperse. The gang was bound to come back. And come back they did – a mob of friends, neighbours, and acquaintances joining the loudspeaker on top of the white minaret “raleav (convert), chleav (run), or ghaleav (die)”, marking the Hindu houses in the area, and reviewing the Friday hitlists of Hindus-to-be-killed-this-week pasted on the mosque doors after the Friday namaz.

The three to four Hindu houses among a hundred plus Muslim houses in the colony were no defence after all. As the situation worsened, my extended family moved to the safer part of the city – Karan Nagar –perhaps the only Hindu majority area and then later to Badami Bagh, the cantonment area. While we were at Jammu, my grandparents toggled between staying with my uncle in the summer months to escape the scorching heat of the plains and staying with us in the winter.

The next few months of staying in the rented accommodation at Srinagar were extremely difficult for everyone – especially my uncle. He had to buy all household items anew. They had left the house discretely – one by one, not altogether.

No one should know we are leaving – the distrust between Hindus and Muslims was light year deep after the female neighbour of a Hindu government servant disclosed his hiding place to militants who were searching for him.

None should know we have left (for as long as possible) – an empty Hindu house was an open invitation for the looters.

Most of all, it was my grandparents who drove him mad by returning to our ancestral house often and at all sorts of time – through the curfews and juloos which were becoming more and more common now. In their minds, the situation was normal or going to be normal. They had borne the brunt of the Muslim mobs earlier, however, the graveness of the situation this time evaded them as it evaded most other Hindu families.

Aush aesh nazaar din ghamit..(we went to have a look (if everything was ok))

Ghar oush ghandea gomouit (our house had become dirty)

Gas oush khatam gomouit (the gas cylinder had emptied)

The next time my grandfather made a solo cycle trip to get an iron box, my uncle packed their bags and send them to Jammu to stay with us. When they arrived in Jammu, my grandparents, though in their early 50s, had shrivelled and aged. As my grandmother emerged from the 10-hour bus journey in a crumpled green saree, she handed me a frilled cloth bag to be kept at a sruooch place (ritually cleaned such as puja rooms or kitchens while fasting). She had travelled the entire journey with the Gods in her lap. I took the cloth bag jiggling with a few Gods from our thokur kuth(puja room) in Srinagar and arranged them as properly as I could in their new residence- our home at Jammu. Our Gods had become homeless too.

As the stay in Jammu moved from an interim arrangement to a more and more permanent one, any news on Kashmir especially the state of our house became an event. At one occasion, a Hindu doctor (or staff – I don’t remember what he exactly did) was kidnapped, blindfolded, and taken to an abandoned Hindu house. Moving through the house, the militants asked him to explain the various pictures of Gods on the walls. He was then taken to a big room, with a line of torture equipment, and asked to strip. Sensing this as his last moments, he expressed his wish to take a leak. The militants asked him mockingly to pee on any of the dead bodies in the bathroom close by. The person could not get himself to pee on the dead and requested to be taken outside. Outside, he saw the Jhelum and realized the house was on the river bank. In the meantime, someone at the hospital had put in a ward and he was released without any further physical harm.

My mother was convinced that his description of the JKLF torture centre matched exactly that of our house. For a while, this became the sole conversation point – discussed over breakfast, lunch, and dinner. This stopped much later. One day, someone-someone-knew came and mentioned that the tin roof of our house was dismantled and looted. “The house won’t last half a winter. Better to sell it off now while it still fetches some money.”

“That place (Kashmir) is not worth living now (for Hindus)”

I remember the person who came – an old man wearing a stone-coloured khan dress and a karakul cap. My mother severed tea in the verandah and asked me to carry the biscuits. As most conversations were at that time, he was speaking to my father about the situation in Kashmir, while my grandfather observed with muted anger from the adjacent chair.

Till our house was sold in the late 90s, we never knew if it really was being used as a torture centre or was in ruins. Looted it must have been as all other Hindu houses were during that time. I often wonder what would have happened to our house and all our things.

The braer kaenie (attic – used as a store) with its thousand and one secrets – out of bound for the children; the library next to the neel kuth, where I first read Grimm’s fairy tale from a red hardbound book that I still have; the outhouse where my grandfather prepared hookah using an entire paraphernalia of tongs; the garden where we pretend played our fingers being eaten by the evil dog flowers, the dried cherry tree near the plastic tap, the plastic tap which would freeze during winter, and the thousand other knick-knacks – dregs from the last 5 generations.

One day, just on a random hunch, I open Google Earth. Post many long sessions, I realized that the image resolution and my memories of the Jhelum, our locality – safa kadal, the two temples around our locality, and the idgah were not good enough. I went to my parents with a list of possible matches. While I was focused on finding my house, my parents had a virtual tour of the entire Kashmir. Like a bunch of kids, who have recently being given an Xbox and complete freedom, they went berserk searching for everything – the dal, Shankaracharya, Hari Parbat, the schools and colleges they had attended, the houses of aunts, uncles, and cousins, Gulmarg, Pahalgam, the white ferocious laedher, the calm yarbals on Jhelum – a lifetime of memories relived thanks to Google.

We spoke excitedly for hours that day. They remarked how new localities have sprung where there used to be forests earlier, how the lakes have shrunk to one fourth, and how so many places with their century-old Hindu names now had new Islamic tags.

After much meandering, they did find our house. My father snap closed the laptop and asked me not to waste time on it.

Lagnes naar (Let it burn) – reminding me of my grandmother.

I realized that time has not healed Kashmir.

It never will.

Every time I close my eyes to think about my house, I don’t see the happy times – not the Jhelum glowing in the mild sun nor me giggling at the daab. All I see is this recurrent scene of a belligerent mob throwing bricks at our house while my grandmother, shrivelled and frail, is closing the planked wooden door of our house. My grandfather, stoic and angry, with an iron box in hand, watching over her curled frame.

Kashmir plays like a broken record – refusing to move to a happier song.

Chidambaram celebrates birthday in Tihar jail, tweets ‘May God bless this country’

Former Union Finance Minister P Chidambaram celebrated his 74th birthday at the Tihar jail today. Ironically, the Congress leader, who is now lodged in Tihar jail since September 5 by a Delhi court in connection with his involvement in INX Media case expressed his concerns over the state of Indian economy.

In a series of tweets, P Chidambaram, who is an accused in several multi-crore scams, said that he has asked his family to tweet a message on his behalf. The message read, “My family have brought me greetings from friends, party colleagues and well-wishers. I am reminded that I am 74 years old. Indeed I am but at heart I feel 74 years young. Thank you all, my spirits have been lifted higher.”

“May God bless this country,” tweeted P Chidambaram. 

This is not the first time Chidambaram has tried to show that he is worried about the economy, not about himself being in jail. Earlier, he had taken a jibe the government after the GDP growth rate fell to 5%.

Earlier in the day, Karti Chidambaram wrote a two-page letter on Chidambaram on his 74th birthday. “Your birthday is not the same without you with us. We miss you, and your absence tugs at our hearts, and we wish you were back home to cut the cake with us. But of course, in today’s day and age, turning 74 is nothing compared to turning 100 days old,” Karti said in the letter.

Chidambaram is currently held under judicial custody in Tihar Jail for his alleged role of misusing his cabinet position to grant several clearances to the INX Media house while he was the finance minister in the UPA era. Chidambaram had earlier gone on great lengths to first evade the CBI arrest and then desperately try to skirt his judicial custody in Tihar Jail. P Chidambaram had earlier sought protection from arrest by the ED but the Supreme Court had then turned down his anticipatory bail application.

Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed sends letter threatening to blow up railway stations and temples across 6 Indian states

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The Rohtak Police officials have reportedly received a letter sent by Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed terror outfit, threatening to carry out terror attacks at railway stations and Hindu temples across 6 Indian states by October 8. The letter mentions many famous railway stations such as Bhopal, Mumbai, Jaipur, Kota, Chennai, Hisar and Rohtak.


The Haryana Railway Police officials claimed that the letter was sent to Rohtak Junction Station Superintendent’s office and was received by the station manager around 3 pm on Saturday by ordinary post. A man named Masood Ahmed, purportedly from Karachi, Pakistan is mentioned as the sender on the letter.

Following the terror threat, security has been tightened in and around Rewari railway station and other important locations and places mentioned in the letter as the authorities do not want to take the threat lightly. The police are yet to establish the authenticity of the letter which appears to be written on a torn-notebook paper.

After the abrogation of Article 370, the intelligence agencies had warned that their credible input sources informed them that the terror organisation Jaish-e-Mohammed is training its cadres to carry out terror attacks in India. The Navy chief had last month warned of underwater attack while Lt Gen SK Saini, GOC-in-C, Army Southern Command declared a terror alert in the southern states after discarded boats were found in Sir Creek in Rann of Kutch in Gujarat. Air Chief Marshal BS Dhanoa stated that some intel reports are indicating a possible attack on Indian Air Force’s air bases in Gujarat.

The Wire uses 2015 survey and laces it with lies to say mental health issues on the rise in Kashmir post abrogation of Article 370

The abrogation of Article 370 in Kashmir and the subsequent bifurcation of the state has given rise to a brand new cottage industry. The cottage industry attempts to write op-eds in order to influence the international opinion against India with respect to its sovereign action in the State. The cottage industry, one might think emanates from Pakistan, however, the truth is that India itself has several such elements who don’t hesitate to lie to project India in a bad light. One of those players is Leftist propaganda website The Wire, which is run by an American passport holder, Siddharth Varadarajan. The Wire on 14th September 2019 published an article headlined, “Ground Report: Kashmir’s Blackout Is Triggering a New Wave of Mental Health Issues”.

The report resorts to a classic propaganda method. It tries to add useless information in order to obfuscate from what the headline claims, that is, mental health deteriorating after the abrogation of Article 370. While the article includes a host of useless information that has nothing to do with the subject, it then uses conjecture and speculation to tie it all together and somehow, assert that Kashmiris are facing mental health issues after the abrogation of Article 370.

The Wire article starts with a sample of its modus operandi. At the outset, it says that ‘Doctors predicted a rise in the number of cases presenting with stress and anxiety, as a consequence of the removal of Article 370 and the accompanying communications blockade has prevented many from talking to their families or stepping out of home for fear they will be unable to contact their families when out”.

The Wire article

The Wire headline clearly asserts that there is a mental healthcare crisis in the state owing to the decision of the central government, however, at the very outset of the article, The Wire simply admits that it is a mere prediction by doctors, who have not been named in the entire article.

They then proceed to spin a yarn that would leave the readers dizzy.

The Wire talks about a 2015 survey that they use as an indication of the mental health issues prevalent in Kashmir.

Wire article

The 2015 Survey essentially studied how widespread mental health issues were in Kashmir and what were the associated causes. While the conflict was certainly one of the causes of mental health issues in Kashmir, as per the same survey quoted by The Wire from 2015, “The most-reported problems of daily life faced by adults living in the valley are financial issues, poor health and unemployment. The main coping strategies adopted by Kashmiri adults are prayer, talking to a family member or friend and keeping busy”.

Interestingly, the MSF study that says that the ‘main coping strategies adopted by Kashmiri adults are prayer, talking to a family member or friend and keeping busy’, is quoted in a completely different context by The Wire further down in the article. While the MSF study says that the main cause for depression is financial issues, poor health and unemployment, The Wire uses the coping mechanism employed for depression owing to these causes and connect it to Burhan Wani.

The Wire article quotes an unnamed psychiatrist and says, “…giving the example of the 2016 unrest in the Valley – when Indian security forces had killed the militant Burhan Wani, causing the state to suffer an estimated loss of more than Rs 16,000 crore between July and November that year. Patients had started coming in only after a year of that incident, the IMHANS psychiatrist said. People prioritise their basic needs and not mental health during periods of turmoil and seek help after things normalise, he explained, “Also a very minuscule proportion of people seek help, rest find other ways to cope. Human beings are very resilient.”

It is after this assertion that The Wire article says, “Kashmiri adults use prayer as a coping strategy, as well as talking to a family member or friend, and “keeping busy”, the MSF study said”, thereby giving the impression that Kashmiri folks pray and keep busy to cope with mental health issues after ‘traumatic incidents’ like the security forces killing a terrorist like Burhan Wani.

It is only later that the article mentions the leading cause of depression in Kashmiris as mentioned in th MSF report. Not only that, The physician quoted by The Wire says that the effect on mental health issues that the central government’s move could have had would be understood only after a few years. One wonders how, in that case, has The Wire already concluded that the abrogation of Article 370 led to a mental health crisis.

The chicanery of The Wire to assert rising mental health issues in Kashmir does not stop there and only gets more brazen.

In a section with the subheading, “Patients reluctant, unable to access healthcare”, Wire quotes fake news IndiaSpend to say that patients have not been able to access healthcare since August 5th 2019 so as to give the impression that even though Kashmiris are facing mental health issues due to the abrogation, they are not being able to get themselves treated. However, they follow it up in the same section by stating “Even in a normal situation, few people access mental healthcare, in particular”. In that case, how did The Wire manage to tie it to the abrogation of Article 370 is a mystery yet to be solved.

Following this, The Wire’s blatant agenda becomes even more clear.

The Wire article

The Wire goes on to assert that after the abrogation of Article 370 in August, 44.5% fewer patients visited IMHANS compared to July. However, they also say that this data is inconclusive as the number of patients was even lower in May.

The graph that they sourced from IMHANS is just added in the article without giving the readers an explanation for the discrepancies that the graph and The Wire’s arguments have.

Graph used by The Wire in their article

Interestingly, the highest mental health issues reported in Kashmir was in July, a month before the abrogation of Article 370. The lowest was in May.

The Wire article uses the statement of an anon physician to make a conclusion that the data does not support. Firstly, The Wire article proclaims that the number of health issue cases have gone up since the abrogation of Article 370. Then, they quote a physician to say that the actual effect of the move on mental health will be visible only a few years from now. Then, they use the lie about Kashmiris having no access to healthcare to insinuate that while mental health issues have increased, the cases in August are low because of no access to healthcare, however, since the cases were even lower in May and the highest in June, the data is inconclusive. Why did The Wire not draw the obvious, more simple conclusion that mental health cases are down in August, were down in May and the highest in July?

In the rest of the article, they liberally use statements of children and other Kashmiris who claim they are upset. However, not one shred of evidence was presented by The Wire to back its assertion that mental health issues have gone up after the abrogation of Article 370.

This blatant chicanery by The Wire is not surprising. The Wire itself has been caught numerous times peddling fake news and a narrative, laced with lies, that only hurts the cause of India. To top that, one of the co-authors of this article published in The Wire is a correspondent from IndiaSpend. This article itself was first published in IndiaSpend. Recently, IndiaSpend, much like this dubious article in The Wire, had quoted data to further a fake narrative on beef export, which was busted by the data quoted in its own article.

IndiaSpend itself was responsible for furthering the highly dubious hate crime watch database that has now shut shop. With their bigoted agenda and dubious track record, the IndiaSpend Factchecker.in had all along attempted to push Hinduphobic propaganda by selectively reporting crimes in which accused were allegedly Hindus and referred to it as a ‘Hate crime’ while deliberately ignoring those crimes committed in which perpetrators were Muslims and the victims were Hindus.

The ‘Hate Crime Watch’ initiative of the Factchecker.in, which began as a supposed tracking tool of hate crimes across the country, soon began to manifest its true colours by not only limiting its reporting to Hinduphobic content but also whitewashing crimes committed by Muslims against the Hindus. In fact, there have been instances where IndiaSpend’s ‘factchecker’ journalist was caught trying to manipulate a minor Dalit victim from Begusarai who, along with his family, was attacked by local Muslim goons, trying to force them to sell their home to prove that there was no ‘hate crime’.

In an attempt to justify their statement of not treating a terror attack – where the terrorist himself declared that it was a religious war against infidels – as a religious hate crime, FactChecker compared the terrorist attack with alleged attacks on Kashmiris in some parts of India after the Pulwama terror attack. They claimed that they have not included such attacks either as ‘hate crime’ as it doesn’t fit into their ‘motivated by religious identity’ criteria, because such attacks appear motivated by regional identities of the victims, not religious.

Chinmayanand case: UP law student says the BJP leader recorded her private videos and used them to rape her

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In another shocking revelation, the law student from Uttar Pradesh’s Shahjahanpur, who has accused BJP leader Swami Chinmayanand of raping her and “physically exploitation” stated that the former MP recorded videos of her while she was in the bath and used them to blackmail and rape her.

According to the reports, the 23-year-old postgraduate student’s statement was recorded under section 161 of CrPC on Friday and a pen drive was handed over in which “all the evidence against the BJP leader” is stored. The victim said that she has a total of 43 videos including a video of a sexual act shot by the accused.

“I have full trust in the apex court and they will help me get justice,” the woman said.

Reportedly, the woman’s father has handed over 43 video clips to the Special Investigation Team (SIT) probing the case. He has also demanded that Section 376, along with the provisions for destroying evidence, be evoked against the former MP as some of the evidence has been removed from the hostel room of his daughter at the BJP leader’s behest.

The woman’s father told reporters that Chinmayananad had raped his daughter after blackmailing her with the recorded videos. His daughter then decided to record all his acts using a hidden camera.

A friend of the law student had also spoken out in her support, confirming the charges pressed against the former MP.

“She studied with me in the same college and had told me about the problems she was facing. She told me she was first given free food and other privileges in the hostel but was unaware of what was in store for her. Later, she told me that when she went for a bath, her video was recorded, which was later used to blackmail her,” the friend recalled.

On Friday, Chinmayanand was grilled by the SIT for more than 7 hours in Shahjanapur. The SIT members and a forensic team also spent six hours at his Divya Dham Ashram, where his bedroom was later sealed.

The LLM student from the Swami Shukdevanand Law College (SS Law College) in Shahjahanpur in Uttar Pradesh had alleged that Swami Chinmayanand had raped her and physically assaulted her for over a year. She had released a video on social media on August 23, levelling allegations of sexual harassment against Chinmayanand.

The student, however, went missing three days after the allegations were made. This had raised suspicion that the BJP leader had abducted her and accordingly, the police had registered a case of abduction against him.

But later she was traced in a Delhi hotel with one of her male friends, who allegedly made extortion call to Swami Chinmayanand demanding ₹5 crore. They had left the hotel before the police could reach there, but later they were found in Rajasthan. The girl had confessed that she had gone on her own with her friend, and she was not abducted by Chinmayanand.

CJI Ranjan Gogoi may visit Kashmir ‘if requirement arises’, allows Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad to visit J&K

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Chief Justice of India, Ranjan Gogoi, while allowing senior Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad to visit Jammu & Kashmir, said that if requirement arises, he may also visit Jammu & Kashmir. While allowing Azad to visit four districts of Jammu & Kashmir, Srinagar, Baramulla, Anantnag and Jammu, CJI said that he will not make any speeches or hold any public rally.

The apex court also asked the Centre and J&K administration that normalcy is restored in Jammu & Kashmir while keeping in mind national safety and security. The SC also fixed hearing on the matter challenging abrogation of Article 370 to September 30 for further hearing.

Earlier, Ghulam Nabi Azad had gone to Srinagar twice and was sent back both the times from the airport. Azad has been a very vocal critic of abrogation of Article 370 which made Jammu and Kashmir a part of India without any terms and conditions attached.

Azad had gone to the Kashmir to be a part of the ‘sadness’ that has crept over the state after the government took the “murderous decision” of bifurcating the state and repealing Article 370. He had also insinuated that the Kashmiris are a tradeable commodity as he stated that locals in Shopian who were seen earlier dining out with National Security Advisor Ajit Doval were paid for the charade.

Live-streaming of Ayodhya proceedings: SC bench agrees to hear plea, asks registry for report

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The Supreme Court will today hear a petition seeking the live-streaming of the proceedings in the Ram Janmabhoomi case. As per reports, the plea has been filed by RSS ideologue KN Govindacharya.

KN Govindacharya has requested the court that if live video streaming was not possible, at least an audio recording of the hearing should be available for the public.


Further, the SC bench headed by CJI Ranjan Gogoi has sought a report from the registry on how much time it would take to facilitate the live-streaming of proceedings in the Ram Janmabhoomi case. The SC bench has stated that a decision on this regard will be taken only after the registry’s report.

The SC bench has been hearing the Ayodhya land dispute case on a day-to-day basis since August 6.

The Sunni Waqf Board has been objecting to live-streaming of the proceedings.

NC leader Farooq Abdullah detained under Public Safety Act, his house to be turned into a ‘subsidiary jail’

Former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister and National Conference leader Farooq Abdullah has been detained under the Public Safety Act (PSA).

Farooq Abdullah has now been detained under the Public Safety Act. The Public Safety Act allows the government to detain a person for up to 2 years without a trial. The union government’s decision to slap PSA on the National Conference leader reportedly came on Sunday night.

According to reports, Farooq Abdullah has been detained at his residence by the government under PSA and his house has been declared as subsidiary jail. He will continue to stay at his house. There is however no bar on meeting relatives and friends.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court has sought a response from the Centre and the Jammu and Kashmir administration on a plea seeking to produce Farooq Abdullah before the court.

A bench of Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi and justices S A Bobde and S A Nazeer issued a notice to the Centre and the state. The apex court also decided to hear the plea of Rajya Sabha MP and MDMK leader Vaiko’s on September 30.

Soon after the abrogation of Article 370 on August 7, National Conference leader Farooq Abdullah had not stepped out of the house and even skipped the assembly session claiming he was unwell. After Home Minister Amit Shah informed the house that Abdullah is neither arrested nor detained but had skipped Lok Sabha out of his own free will, former CM Abdullah woke up and gave media bytes stating why would he stay inside his house when ‘his state is being burned’ and his people are being executed in jails.

Watch: Stopped by traffic cops, Delhi girl threatens with suicide, helmet attack and then her mother

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The new rules and hefty fines under the new MV Act have been generating news reports of monumental fines and sometimes hilarious methods adopted by the public to escape them. In a recently surfaced video, a Delhi girl is seen arguing with the traffic police after being stopped for a rules violation. The girl’s theatrics caught a lot of attention.


The unnamed girl in Delhi was reportedly stopped for the broken license plate on her two-wheeler. When the traffic police demanded to see the scooter’s documents, she stated that she had no papers. When the traffic cops began issuing a ‘Challan’, the girl first requested one of them to ‘come to a side to talk’. When the cops refused, the girl started throwing full-scale tantrums.

The girl claimed she is would hang herself in that very spot. The traffic cops joked with her that she is most welcome to try. When another cop pointed it out to her that even her helmet is defective and does not meet the safety norms, the girl said that she will throw the helmet on them.

The girl stated that she has no documents with her. The agitated girl first argued, then threatened the cops. When nothing seemed to work, she declared that she is ‘calling her mom’.

It is really admirable that the girl seemed to think her mom is a bigger threat than ‘I will hang myself’ and ‘I will throw the helmet’. Also despite driving with a broken license plate, defective helmet and no documents, the girl was still confident enough to invite the cops to ‘come aside and talk’. The quintessential Delhi girl stereotype just seems to have got a new brand ambassador.

Bengaluru: TV Anchor and her associates arrested for honeytrapping and kidnapping 68-year-old man

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The Bengaluru police on Saturday arrested two people, including a TV journalist, for kidnapping and robbing a 68-year-old man from Hubbali.

According to the reports, the prime accused, Ranjitha, a TV anchor got in touch with the victim through social media. She and her associates then planned to honeytrap him and extort money, said police.

A senior police officer said that TV Anchor Ranjitha befriended the victim and invited him for a two-day trip to Bengaluru. On August 25, he came to Bengaluru to meet her and the duo booked a cab to a resort on Kanakapura Road.

As they were in the room, a group of men allegedly barged in and forced him to sleep on the bed with Ranjitha and started recording a video. Reportedly, they asked him to take off his clothes and then shoved him in a car and brought him to Suresh’s office in Govindrajnagar. Suresh is the state president of a labourers association and his car was used to kidnap the victim.

They took Rs 15,000 from him and demanded that he give them Rs 25 lakh else they will release his photos and videos. When the victim agreed to transfer the amount, he was released.

Govind BT, an investigating officer said the victim, who is a retired employee, discussed the case with a friend and then decided to file a complaint. On September 12, he approached Bengaluru police and two of the accused were nabbed. They also seized Suresh’s car.

“Suresh made a statement that Ranjitha and one of her colleagues, who is also a journalist, allegedly hatched the plan to make easy money. Five of the accused are absconding, and efforts are on to nab them, Govind added.

The police have now arrested N Suresh and Chandrashekar, residents of Govindarajnagar. The other associates of Ranjitha, V Srinivas, Chandrashekar, Vikas and Shivu, are residents of Vijaynagar. Chandrashekar is also a reporter with a news channel.