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After failed attempt, Trupti Desai vows to enter the Sabarimala shrine ‘unannounced’ using Guerrilla tactics

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Controversial ‘activist’ Trupti Desai who was stopped by the Sabarimala devotees at Kochi airport on Friday from entering the Sabarimala temple has returned back to Pune. Trupti Desai who failed in her last attempt has now announced that she will visit the Sabarimala temple “unannounced” in the future using “Guerilla tactics”, reported ANI.

Trupti Desai, along with six others had arrived at Kochi International Airport at around 4 am on November 16th to visit the Sabarimala shrine but faced severe protests from several Hindu devotees who did not allow her to exit the Kochi Airport.

Trupti Desai had to return back to Pune after she failed to enter the shrine which was opened for the third time after the Supreme Court’s controversial order to allow women of all ages. After returning, Trupti Desai claimed that when they landed at Kochi airport, protestors gathered, allegedly hurled abuses at them and threatened them to go back.

“We didn’t want anything to happen to the people of the state because of us, so we decided to return. Police have told us that they’ll provide us security the next time we visit. This time we went there after announcing, but the next time we won’t announce that we’re visiting but will follow guerrilla tactics,” Trupti Desai said to the media.

Reportedly, Desai, the founder of the Bhumata Brigade also faced severe protest after she landed in Mumbai Airport. She was stuck again in the airport after she faced protest from people gathered outside the airport to oppose her decision to visit Sabarimala. However, she and the other women were escorted out with the help of Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) jawans and Mumbai police personnel.

Interestingly, Trupti Desai slammed the Kerala Communist government for its failure to provide adequate security to women wanting to visit Sabarimala. The Pinarayi Vijayan government seems to have been trying extremely hard to allow women to enter the Sabarimala shrine, which violates the age-customs.

Recently, the Kerala government with the help of state police force had turned the area near Sabarimala into a war zone after some devotees had clashed with the police. The Kerala police had reportedly resorted to stone pelting and lathi charging against devotees after situation went out of control. Soon after that, the Kerala High Court while hearing a petition seeking to restrict entry of non-Hindus in Sabarimala temple, had expressed its displeasure over the police excesses at the Sabarimala temple.

BBC takes first step towards admitting shoddy work, accepts error in listing fake news sources

A few days ago, BBC published a research paper on ‘fake news’ that created quite the brouhaha. The research was shoddily done and had several loopholes. From methodology, to sample selection, lack of reliable sources, selectivity and the list is just endless. We did a comprehensive rebuttal of their research here, called out the lies that were peddled by one of their prime sources and spoke about the lack of primary research here and debunked their methodology here.

BBC’s functionaries had tried tooth and nail to defend their research and now, once the three articles are out, there seems to be an eerie silence. One of them had even committed that their research team would draft a full response and that hasn’t happened yet.

However, in private emails, it seems like BBC is beginning to acknowledge its follies. Early morning on 17th November, the founder of TheBetterIndia.com, Dhimant Parekh took to Twitter to publish publicly, BBC acknowledging their error in adding their name to the list of pro-Modi fake news purveyors.


The Better India primarily publishes reports about whatever good is happening in India, especially in the rural India. Perhaps any good news about rural development under Modi government is by default considered ‘fake news’ by the BBC and their biased sources, as was proven by the fact that BBC included a real news about benefits of the bankruptcy law by Modi government as fake news. Not to mention the fact that they thought that the Hindi word diwalia (bankruptcy) means something related to the festival Diwali.

BBC cited ‘human error’ for adding The Better India to its list of fake news purveyors. Dhimant took to Twitter to mentioned that this reflects poorly on BBC and that they had done a shoddy job in their research. He also demanded a public apology for maligning them.

Dhimant is not wrong. BBC’s functionaries have gone hammer and tongs in public trying to defend their research. They have repeatedly asserted that the lists were collated through sophisticated algorithms and they conducted extensive research. They have stood by their report through the tumultuous 3 days. They should admit the errors in public too and admit that what they did was a shoddy job.

This incident has not only proved the shoddy work by the BBC, but also raises question on their conduct. The starkest shenanigan of the BBC report was that it categorically stated that even handles/portals with “at least one fake news” were added. By that standard, they should have added themselves as well, as we have elucidated before. In fact, we have also written about, in details, how they should have added the very sources that they depended upon to collate these ‘fake news’ lists.

Their definition of Fake News as well was extremely problematic. They have kept no space for journalistic error or reportage of evolving stories that change as and when new information surfaces. They have also made no space for retractions.

The Better India is just one of the examples of how this shoddy research has maligned several people and publications, including OpIndia.com and veteran journalist R Jagannathan and Swati Goel Sharma of the Swarajyamag.com.

Perhaps in the urge to publish a highly skewed political narrative, BBC has chosen to throw caution, diligence and integrity to the wind. However, brick by brick, the facade of credibility is beginning to come undone.

As Jeff Randal, BBC’s own former Business Editor said:

“It’s a bit like walking into a Sunday meeting of the Flat Earth Society. As they discuss great issues of the day, they discuss them from the point of view that the earth is flat.

“If someone says, ‘No, no, no, the earth is round!’, they think this person is an extremist. That’s what it’s like for someone with my right-of-centre views working inside the BBC.”

If Randal himself thought the BBC was akin to the flat earth society, the ones calling the earth round are bound to be denigrated as ‘fake news purveyors’, innit?

4-year-old girl allegedly raped by Christian priest in Jharkhand’s Gumla

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As per media reports, a 4 years old girl was allegedly raped by a man who is believed to be a Christian pastor in Jharkhand’s Gumla.

“The man was arrested as soon as the complaint was received. We’re being told that he’s a Pastor. We’re investigating this thoroughly”, Gumla SP Anshuman Kumar said. Some reports mention the girl’s age as 5 years.


The accused, Charku Uraon, is a father of five children himself, reports claim. On Thursday, the little girl was playing alone near the alleged pastor’s home. The accused managed to cajole her into entering his home where he raped her and warned her not to tell anyone of the matter. The girl went home crying and told her grandmother who, in turn, told the girl’s parents. The girl is currently admitted to a hospital.

The villagers thrashed the accused before turning him over to the Police. The victim’s father and villagers claim that the accused used to perform religious conversions as well.

The Police have registered a case under the POSCO Act. They have assured that they will try to ensure the strictest punishment for the accused.

Sabarimala: Congress leader Shashi Tharoor mouths off platitudes, says Congress stands with both ‘equality’ as well as ‘devotees’

In an effort to assuage feelings of both the contrasting factions, the erudite Congress leader Shashi Tharoor has claimed that the Congress party stands in solidarity with the devotees fighting to preserve the sanctity of the Sabarimala shrine, as well as the communist government’s overzealous endeavour to implement the Supreme Court order.


The Congress leaders, right from the start have been prevaricating on the issue, confusing and confounding the electorate, the liberals as well as the devotees. Within a week after the SC verdict of lifting the ban on women entry in the temple, some Congress leaders staged a one-day fast to oppose the verdict.

Meanwhile, the Congress ally CPI(M) has been moving heaven and Earth to implement the apex court’s order. From using violence against the devotees to contemplating of airlifting women to the shrine, the communist government has done everything in its power to somehow put into effect the court’s order but have against the resolute determination of peaceful devotees. Even the HC expressed its displeasure against the use of violence on Sabarimala devotees.

On one hand, Congress backs Pinarayi Vijayan’s communist government which is unleashing brute violence to suppress the agitation by peaceful devotees whereas, on the other hand, they claim they stand with the gender equality right of every woman to enter any place of worship. This glaring duplicity by Congress is abominable.

The Congress needs to understand that it can’t have it both way. Either they are supporting equality or the sanctity of the temple traditions. Waxing convoluted eloquence won’t help them in concealing their hypocrisy. Shashi Tharoor will do well to understand that in their efforts to please both the sides they might end up being caught between the two stools.

Court in Bihar relaxes dress code after Muslim men demand they be allowed to wear lungi on premises

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A local court in the Muslim majority Kishanganj district nearby areas of Bihar, bordering West Bengal, has withdrawn the ban it imposed 10 days ago on men wearing lungi within court premises. This move comes after protests by the local Muslim populace.

After protests erupted in the Northeastern district, district and sessions judge Dr Ratan Kishore Tiwary, in his letters to the two Bar Associations of Kishanganj, said that the order was ‘advisory’ in nature and if they are not interested, they can treat the order as redundant.

The Court’s decision to ban lungis in court premises had met with severe protests by Muslim men and Bar Associations of the area as well.

According to Indian Express, Shah Moazzam, a graduate student from Baigana in Kishanganj said, “People in Kishanganj did not want to be fooled by diktats like those by Yogi Adityanath, who is changing names of places. We are happy that we can continue wearing lungi, which is a part of our cultural identity”, without probably realising that the government had nothing to do with a court order.

It has often been seen that Muslims demand special rules when they become the majority in any area. Kishangang is the only district in Bihar where Muslims outnumber the Hindus, forming a population of 78%. The area is close to the Bangladesh border and India’s largest Muslim-populated area after the Kashmir Valley and Lakshadweep.

Media speculation about CVC report on CBI Director Alok Verma turn out to be wrong

The Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) submitted its report on the alleged wrongdoing by CBI chief Alok Verma at the Supreme Court today. This was a confidential report given in a sealed cover. But, ahead of this, some media houses and journalists had claimed to have access to the confidential report, and had claimed that the CVC found no evidence of corruption by Verma.

The CEO of NDTV had tweeted this, quoting her colleague:


NDTV even ran a story based on source, saying CVC found no proof that Alok Verma took a bribe. NDTV had concluded that Verma has been cleared of the ‘main allegation’ bribe-taking, but found proof of ‘administrative lapses’ by him.

Another journalist from Hindu had claimed that CVC would file a report which would keep Verma under doubt, but retired SC judge Ashok Patnaik didn’t allow that. Patnaik was appointed as a supervisor for the CVC probe by the apex court.


But what actually happened in the court is totally contrary to those advance predictions. After seeing the report, Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi said that “the report can be categorised in four points- on some charges, it is very complimentary, on some, not so complimentary, on some, it is not at all complimentary, and on others, further investigation is required”.

In other words, on some allegations, Verma has been given clean chit by CVC. But there are other allegations which are not clear but there are doubts, some go totally against Verma, and some needs more probe. This means that CVC has found conclusive evidence on some of the alleged wrongdoings by Verma, which are not all complimentary.

Even if CVC has found nothing against Verma in some allegations, if there is even one serious allegation that is found to be true by CVC and accepted by the Supreme Court, that would a setback for him and his supporters in media and political parties.

Moreover, the allegations of Verma taking bribe was made by Rakesh Asthana, CVC had never said that is the main allegation against Verma as NDTV claims. CVC had found that Verma had taken action against Asthana without obtaining prior sanction from competent authorities as per law. Moreover, the case against Asthana was filed under section 13 (1)(d) of the Prevention of Corruption Act, which was removed in July through an amendment to the act. CVC also said that despite sending repeated reminders for over 10 months, Verma did not submit any evidence to prove his allegations against Asthana. These things may be mere ‘administrative lapses’ for NDTV, but Supreme Court may think otherwise.

The court also reprimanded Dushyant Dave, advocate for NGO Common Cause which is also a petitioner in the case. In the last hearing, Dave had submitted that acting CBI chief Nageshwar Rao was making certain decisions which violate Supreme Court’s order. In its October 26 order, the apex court had said that the acting chief can’t take any major policy decision. But the petitioners failed to submit any detail of policy decision taken by Rao.

When the chief justice asked whether the court should presume that no such decisions were taken at all by Rao, Dave said that such decisions are not available to him. Instead of providing proof of violation of SC order by Rao, Dave requested the court to issue an order to place the decisions taken by CBI acting chief to the court.

The chief justice refused to entertain this request, saying if there is no evidence of any wrongdoing, there is no need to ask for further information from CBI.

The court handed over a copy of the report to Alok Verma in sealed cover, and asked him to file a response to the report by November 19. The CJI said that after the response is received from Verma, the court will take a decision on the matter.

The court said it is not calling for any response from the government of India or any other party, only Alok Verma is required to file his response. Court will take the matter next on 20 November 2018.

Qualitatively garbage: The bogus methodology employed by BBC in their research on ‘Fake News’

In an earlier report, OpIndia.com has comprehensively debunked the BBC research on ‘Fake News’. The BBC has tried to brush the criticisms under the garb of ‘Qualitative Research’ and ‘Ethnographic Research’, therefore, it is imperative that we take a moment to understand what these terms actually mean and what such research entails.

For those unaware, Qualitative Research focuses on subjective experience and it’s objective is not to determine objective truth which can be generalized across all sections of the population. It employs techniques such as interviews and on-field observations to develop a greater understanding of a particular social phenomenon. It seeks to answer the questions of ‘why’ and ‘how’ to understand a particular social phenomenon. One of the ontological principles of qualitative research is that there are multiple realities which can be accessed through subjective experiences.

Limitations of Qualitative Research

One of the fundamental positions of Qualitative research is that there are multiple realities and people perceive reality in their own unique way. Thus, the focus is not on discovering an objective reality that holds true across all situations but to explore relationships within a unique setting and based upon the purpose of research and its results, develop hypotheses which could then be tested using Quantitative methods. Qualitative methods cannot be generalized to any significant extent, much less, an entire country.

Even an editor at the BBC claimed that since it isn’t possible to interview 1.2 billion people, ‘there will have to be a generalization’. Anyone who knows anything about Qualitative research knows that generalization is not the objective of such research and the results obtained from it cannot be generalized across all situations to any significant extent. It appears that the BBC isn’t even aware of the purpose and objective of the Qualitative research.


There are some crippling limitations of Qualitative research. It depends a lot on the personal skills and biases of the researcher. Since such research employs methods such as interviews and case studies, a research may choose to focus on one aspect due to his or her own individual biases even though another detail in the study is more significant.

Under such circumstances, it was imperative that researchers in their team included people of diverse political affiliations if they wanted their research to be more authentic. However, the research makes no mention of the political affiliations of the researchers themselves.

Flaws in Research Methodology

Flaws in the using the ‘localised version of left-right orientation questionnaire

The research states that it used a “localised version of the 10 point left-right orientation questionnaire developed by John Curtice and Caroline Bryson” to determine the political affiliation of their subjects to ensure an equal representation. But the reliability and validity of the localized version is not mentioned. And it’s unclear to what extent such a test would be effective in a country like India considering the ‘Left-Right’ paradigm is not applicable in our country. For instance, if the test indicated that a person was likely to vote for Shiv Sena, would he be classified as pro-BJP or anti-BJP?

The researchers state that using the localized version of the test “allowed us to recruit for political affiliation without asking questions about people’s voting behaviours or support for particular political entities.” The researchers need to justify their reasoning here as India has a multi-party political system where the left-right paradigm is not applicable by giving more details about the localized version of the test that was used. Binaries can work for countries like the USA where they have to choose between the Republicans or the Democrats, but in India, that prism gives a skewed result and thus, the validity of methodology employed has to be provided with respect to India.

Flawed definition of ‘Fake News’

The problems with the research begin with the operational definition of ‘Fake News’ itself. The research defines Fake News as “information, however, conveyed, in whichever format, on whatever platform, which is not fully supported by factual evidence”. The researchers appear to be unaware that people across the political spectrum differ on what constitutes as factual evidence and that naturally pervades even the academia whose standards of factual evidence they claim to have followed.

However, if ‘information not fully supported by factual evidence’ is the core definition, then will every message declaring the greatness of Gods be dubbed ‘Fake News’? More realistically, will messages that proudly proclaim “Diversity is our strength” be treated as ‘Fake News’ because there’s evidence which suggests that diversity is definitely not our strength and homogeneous societies tend to function a lot better in almost every respect.

If the aforementioned message is regarded as ‘Fake News’, then every single liberal is guilty of being the purveyor of Fake News. Why haven’t they been named in the list of people who spread Fake News? The fact that OpIndia.com, Swati Goel and R. Jagannathan were mentioned as purveyors of ‘Fake News’, it only goes to show that their definition of ‘Fake News’ and ‘factual evidence’ aren’t reliable at all. And what about that news which was believed to be true at one point of time but was proven as false after a couple of weeks, or maybe even a couple of days, with the revelation of new data? Were those clubbed as Fake News as well considering the study was completed within 3 months?

Flaws in selection and nature of interviews, sample selection and generalisation

The follies in the research do not stop there. There are multiple mistakes to show that the researchers themselves were not very serious about their research. For one, The research was limited to major cities alone. Smaller towns and cities did not have any representation, let alone the rural population. Secondly, 40 subjects were distributed across 10 cities, that is 4 subjects on an average in each city. With such an infinitesimally small sample size, that the researchers hoped to learn anything at all from their study only shows that the entire exercise was merely to provide them with a convenient excuse to peddle their agenda.

Under the best of circumstances, the results of Qualitative research can be generalized only across immediate homogeneous settings and here they have generalized the opinions of an average of four people across 10 cities to the entire nation which just magically happens to be one of the most heterogeneous countries in the entire world.

Moreover, the researchers state that they screened their subjects only for political affiliation and economic background. Any student of social science is aware that the educational qualifications of people play an important role in determining their behaviour in a social setting.

In the ‘Data and Methodology Appendix’ section, the researchers do not mention anywhere that they took the educational qualifications of an individual into account. If the BJP supporters who were part of the study were not very highly educated and the anti-BJP subjects were, then it is natural that their study will come to very dubious conclusions. Moreover, the researchers do not state whether they took into account the mental health of the subjects or any personal history of mental illness or in their family which could be a very important factor as mentally unhealthy people may be more inclined to believe and share ‘Fake News’.

Even the economic background of individuals isn’t mentioned as a criterion in the ‘Data and Methodology Appendix’ section although it is said in Methodology section that subjects came from a ‘mix’ of economic backgrounds. If they indeed came from a mix, then what are the different categories of economic backgrounds the subjects were categorized under? It is not mentioned. Was it ensured that the four groups of 10 subjects each had an equal representation of supporters from various political parties from the various categories of economic background? It was not mentioned.

The researchers haven’t even mentioned the sampling technique they have used. In Qualitative Research, random sampling is not employed. Usually, the purposive sampling technique is used to ensure that researchers have the desired subjects necessary to fulfil the objective of their study. The researchers state that they ensured there was equal representation of various political affiliations among their subjects. But with the multitude of political parties that we have, how did they ensure such a thing and how many supporters of each political party was part of the research exactly?

It should also be borne in mind that it’s true that ethnographic studies generally study a very small population and the BBC is not wrong when they say it explains the small number of people they studied. But they compromise on their ability to generalize across different situations with their small sample. And when the sample is so small, researchers need to have an extra robust sampling technique if they wish to generalize their findings at all. Therefore, what measures were taken to ensure that researcher bias did not creep into sampling? Were any measures taken at all? Unfortunately, the research provides no answer to these questions.

Call for Quantitative research

The conclusion segment of the research states, “Given that central to our observations is the idea that people’s socio-political identities seem to influence their consumption and sharing of fake news quite a bit, and that national pride and nationalistic feelings seem to affect their critical thinking, fake news will need to be handled as a social problem. We would urge future researchers to quantitatively assess – perhaps through regression analysis techniques – just how important socio-political identities are in fake news consumption relative to other factors.”

Thus, it is clear from the conclusion that researchers believe certain aspects of people identities ‘seem’ to felicitate sharing of fake news and call for quantitative research into the matter. Journalists at the BBC, on the other hand, take the leap to “Nationalism a driving force behind fake news in India, research shows” without mentioning that the researchers themselves call for more Quantitative research to determine the extent to which socio-political identities play a part.

Ethnographic or Semi-ethnographic?

The research employs words like ‘ethnographic’ and ‘semi-ethnographic’ liberally. On page number 18, the research states that they used ‘semi-ethnographic approaches’ to describe their interviews while in the ‘Data and Methodology Appendix’, they mention ‘ethnographic in-depth interviews’. Which one was it? Ethnographic or semi-ethnographic? An editor at the BBC also claimed that it was ethnographic research but how could it be if it adopted semi-ethnographic approaches? To the laymen, it may appear trivial but you cannot have that ambiguity in your research if you want it to be taken seriously.

The most egregious assault on academic rigour was the fact that the researchers took only 7 days to conclude their field immersion. In Ethnographic research, the researcher attempts to study people in their own natural setting. This requires the researchers to get to know more about the day to day life of their subjects and the subjects, too, need to get comfortable around the researchers to behave as they would naturally so that the researchers can observe their natural behaviour. Is 7 days enough for such an endeavor? Ethnographic research is unique for the long duration it takes to complete the collection of data. Generally, it takes months if not a whole year and on certain occasions, it takes years to complete the collection of data.

Of course, due to practicality, the time frame is being decreased due to various constraints but 7 days although not unheard of is much too less if you are to make such fantastical claims. One could call it semi-ethnographic (as they did call it in the methodology section) perhaps but it certainly cannot be said that the findings will offer results that could be generalized on such a high scale. It could still be excusable if they had mentioned that field immersion for the ‘ethnographic’ research was completed in 7 days, as research methods are subject to various constraints, but they should have mentioned and highlighted that fact if they were honest about their research.

One of the most fundamental criticisms of ethnographic research is that researcher bias plays too much of a significant role in the conclusions that are drawn. The bias of the research was amply revealed when they used portals like AltNews as their source for Fake News. Therefore, whatever findings the BBC observed from their study can be said to hold true only for those set of 40 people at its worst and maybe, just may, for other groups which bear a close resemblance to that particular group of 40 people. The Qualitative study does not reveal a single thing about the phenomenon of Fake News beyond that which could be generalized for other groups.

The crisis in social science

BBC’s research also points towards the crisis within social sciences. There have been numerous revelations regarding how corruptible social science research is. There is a widespread replication crisis where researchers have failed to reproduce the findings of previous studies and experiments.

On plenty of occasions, especially in high profiled ones, researchers have admitted to falsifying data to produce desired results. The BBC’s research may well be one of them. The million other problems with the research, including how their algorithm worked, has already been elaborated by my editor and therefore, I shall not elaborate on them here. BBC also mentioned that their algorithm selected for portals which shared even a single fake news. If that was indeed the case, why don’t all mainstream media channels including the BBC feature in the list? In conclusion, the BBC research is an assault on academic rigour and Ethnographic research.

The Brown Sepoys of Indian Media

A couple of days ago, Indian media was abuzz with the news of a  BBC ‘research paper’ on ‘fake news’. The report came to the rather startling conclusion that ‘Nationalism is a driving force behind fake news in India,’ based on a grand sample size of 40 people for a nation of 1.2 billion people. They even failed to notice the fake news spread by left-leaning portals and handles.

There were several things wrong with the report, limited sample size, faulty data analysis, giving examples of true news as ‘fake news’, shoddy translations – referring to ‘diwaliya’ or bankruptcy law as ‘law passed for Diwali’, and so on. Media watchdog website Opindia did a detailed analysis of the BBC report and its editor, Nupur J. Sharma wrote a scathing piece calling the BBC report ’shoddy, unethical and dishonest’.

The piece was widely received by readers. Even Trushar Barot, the digital launch editor of BBC – Indian languages  admitted that “some legitimate questions and queries about the research  have been raised”, while Rupa Jha, the head of Indian Languages, BBC world service justified the research paper by saying it was ‘qualitative research’, but stated that she ‘welcomed another view’.

While the editorial staff of BBC were polite and more than happy to engage in a civil debate with the OpIndia editor and readers who questioned their report, and even maintained that ‘discourse is the beauty of democracy’, the reactions of some of the journalists from Indian media were rather surprising.

I could understand if the Indian journalists who disagreed with the Opindia piece wrote a detailed rebuttal to the article, criticizing the points made by Nupur Sharma. That is what good journalists are supposed to do, take a dispassionate, objective view of the arguments made, even if they are made by an ideological opponent.

Instead, we had some desi journalists being more loyal to the great white colonial ‘Beeb’ than the BBC employees themselves. Nidhi Razdan of NDTV, that icon of self-proclaimed neutrality and ethical journalism sniggered on twitter that ‘OpIndia giving lessons on fake news to BBC can only happen in today’s India’.

The same sentiment was repeated almost verbatim by people like Sumanth Raman, a  television anchor from Tamil Nadu and Piyush Rai, who claims to be a journalist with the Times of India.

 

Journalist and executive editor of the Mint, Priya Ramani went one step further and dismissed the OpIndia piece as a ‘toxic troll attack’.

Swati Chaturvedi, the infamous ‘journalist’ who is known more for her temper tantrums and abusive language on Twitter than any serious work, called OpIndia ‘poop’, in a spectacular display of her usual class and sophistication and called OpIndia, a genuine media organization ‘a mercenary and low rent propaganda site’.

The most interesting reaction came from Abhishek Baxi, who claims to be a Digital Consultant and contributes to the Forbes magazine. He agreed with the point that OpIndia was making – that the BBC report is flawed because it uses a sample size of 40 people to draw conclusions for the whole country, and yet, he took great pleasure in ridiculing Nupur Sharma and seemed to ‘sympathize’ with people who read OpIndia!


Such toxic hatred is not new for Nupur Sharma, or indeed, for any of us who take the ‘nationalist’ point of view. But what was really saddening is that the Indian journalists seemed to think that the BBC was not a media organization open to public scrutiny, but some holy grail to be worshipped blindly. No one bothered to even acknowledge the legitimate questions raised by OpIndia, let alone take the trouble of answering them.

‘How dare you unwashed natives question the great British Broadcasting Corporation’, they seemed to imply, ‘Do you not know that the white man’s organization can do no wrong’?

Interestingly, the BBC itself feels no such compulsion to always be right or ethical while reporting about India. There have been several instances where BBC journalists have published fake news, made factual errors and misrepresented facts while reporting about India, Asia and Africa.

When veteran Indian actor Shashi Kapoor died, BBC announced his death by showing two video clips purportedly featuring Shashi Kapoor, but neither of which actually featured the actor.

In another instance, BBC’s flagship show, Newsnight had passed off Pakistani cricketer Wasim Akram as his team-mate and now the PM of Pakistan, Imran Khan!

But the worst example of BBC’s callous disregard of Indian sentiments and the utter ignorance of its journalists was when the BBC host referred to the Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena as Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a live news telecast of the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) meeting in London in April 2018!

One can perhaps forgive the BBC journalists their ignorance of Indian and Asian newsmakers. ’After all, one brown man looks quite like another, innit darling?’ But what explains the attitude of the journalists who work for Indian media, who seem to be more British than the BBC?

It is unfortunate that even after 70 years of leaving India, the British have left behind a large number of colonial slaves who will happily pull the trigger against their own countrymen, just like the Gurkha, Sikh and Rajput soldiers emptied 1650 rounds of ammunition on an unarmed group of people at Jallianwala Bagh on 13 April 1919 on the orders of Colonel Reginald Dyer.

The Brown Sepoys are still here, awaiting the White Man’s orders!

Tejpal, MJ Akbar, Gautam Adhikari continue being Editors’ Guild members despite sexual harassment charges

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Tarun Tejpal, MJ Akbar and Gautam Adhikari continue being members of the Editors’ Guild of India despite the volley of sexual harassment cases against them. In the #MeToo movement that took India by a storm since September, many women have come out in the open and levelled sexual harassment charges against MJ Akbar, veteran journalist and former MoS, External Affairs and Gautam Adhikari, founding editor of DNA.

Tarun Tejpal, who was accused of sexual assault by his colleague five years back in November 2013, too appears in the list. The trial court has postponed the hearing of the case and the cross-examination of the victim will now take place on 17th December.

When the allegations of sexual harassment had tumbled out of the Indian media houses, the Editors’ Guild of India had issued a statement calling media organisations to hold unbiased inquiries into all reported cases.

The Editors Guild of India headed by Shekhar Gupta is a body of journalists meant to fight for journalists’ rights. Protect them when they can, and speak up for them when they can’t speak up for themselves. However, it has maintained uncomfortable silence during various incidents, the recent being the arrest of a journalist in Karnataka for criticising celebrations of Tipu Jayanti.

In October, when Doordarshan cameraperson Adhyutananda Sahu was killed in a Naxal attack in poll-bound Chhattisgarh, the “heartfelt” message by the Editors’ Guild didn’t even mention his name. Not surprising, since when journalists were getting attacked in Bengal in May this year, the chairperson was busy whining about the airport WiFi.

Rajasthan poll: Contrary to his claims, Rahul Gandhi offers tickets to ‘parachute candidates’

After several rounds of marathon meetings Congress, Thursday released the first list of candidates for the Rajasthan assembly elections. Contrary to Congress President Rahul Gandhi’s claims about not fielding “parachute” candidates, the party has given tickets to at least 6 people who joined the party recently.

Former BJP MP Harish Meena, who had switched over to the Congress on Wednesday, November 14, has been fielded from Deoli Uniara, Habib Ur Rehman from Nagaur, Sona Devi Bavari from Raisinghnagar and Khanhaiya Lal Jhawar from Bikaner East seat.

Former IPS officer Sawai Singh Godara has been fielded from Khinvsar seat.

‘Parachute candidates’ are people who because of being denied tickets by their own party, are quick to change loyalties in the hope of getting the ticket from the other party.

Rahul Gandhi, known for his tall talks, while addressing a gathering of party workers at Ramlila grounds in Jaipur in poll-bound Rajasthan in August, had assured his workers that, “Before every election, parachute candidates come and take tickets. This time I guarantee that not one parachute candidate will get tickets. I will cut strings of parachute candidates.”

He had reiterated that “Leaders from other parties are welcome in the Congress. But they will not be given Congress tickets to contest the election in the forthcoming assembly election. Such leaders will have to work for the party for five to six years before they are considered for tickets.”

However, his announcement was belied when the first list of candidates for Rajasthan assembly election was released late last (November 15) night. It so seems that either Rahul Gandhi promised too soon or simply went back on his promises.

In another such display of hollow pretence, Rahul had affirmed that the party would only give tickets to those who genuinely work for the party and that no tickets would be offered based on any relationship with existing party leaders. Contradicting his claims, family members of over a dozen senior Congress leaders in the state have been given tickets.

In another such hogwash, Rahul had confidently denied giving party tickets to candidates with criminal proceedings against them. Ironically, Malkhan Singh Bishnoi’s son, Mahendra Bishnoi and Mahipal Maderna’s daughter Divya Maderna have been given tickets. Both Malkhan Singh Bishnoi and Mahipal Maderna are in jail in the Bhanwari Devi murder case.

Tickets to parachute-landers and relatives of senior Congress leaders have led to rebellions in the party. Incidents of protest have been reported from some parts of the state.

It would be interesting to see what damage control measures would Rahul Gandhi adopt now, considering that his loose talks and false promises have this time bruised his own party members.

Rajasthan assembly election is scheduled to be held on 7 December 2018.