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From Ashaval to Karnavati to Ahmedabad: How Ahmad Shah Islamised Karna Dev Solanki’s great city—the story of conquest, renaming, and a city’s changing identity

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
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From Ashaval to Karnavati to Ahmedabad: How Ahmad Shah Islamised Karna Dev Solanki’s great city—the story of conquest, renaming, and a city’s changing identity

The demand to change the name of Ahmedabad, the economic capital and largest city of Gujarat, to its original name ‘Karnavati’ has been raised repeatedly. In the past, there have been discussions about changing the name of the city many times, and campaigns have also been carried out from time to time. Hindu organisations have also been demanding that the name of the city be changed to Karnavati from time to time. Now the same demand has been raised once again. The Gujarat Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) has appealed to the state and central governments to immediately change Ahmedabad’s name to Karnavati. 

Gujarat unit leader Ashok Rawal made this demand through a video statement on Saturday, 4th April. In a video posted on the Facebook page of VHP Karnavati Mahanagar, he said, “The name Karnavati is linked to our glorious history and culture. This is not just a name but a symbol of the identity and tradition of our ancestors. Today’s Ahmedabad city has been known as Karnavati for centuries. We humbly appeal to the Government of India and the Government of Gujarat to immediately change the original name of the city to ‘Karnavati’, respecting the sentiments of crores of citizens.”

This statement has come to the fore soon after the announcement of local elections, and the demands of the Hindu organisation have also intensified. In this scenario, it becomes very important to know the history of the name of the city. Because this city was earlier known as Ashaval, Karnavati and Rajnagar. Its last name was Karnavati; it was called ‘Rajnagar’ in many Jain texts. But from the 14th century, this glorious city of Hindus started being Islamized, and finally Karnavati became ‘Ahmedabad‘. Let’s take a look at history.

From Ashaval to Karnavati Nagari

The history of any region or city in India is seen from the Vedic era. But in the Vedic era, there is no specific mention of the area where Ahmedabad is now. That is, there is no possibility of any city or other settlement there in earlier times. However, that entire area was called Anart Kshetra, which included many areas of Kutch and North Gujarat. The Sabarmati River was also mentioned later in the Puranic tradition, but its name is also ‘Shvabhravati’. That is, there is no evidence of any civilised town or city in this area until the Puranic era. 

Later in the modern era, a city was established in this area, known as Ashaval. Today’s Ahmedabad, which modern India recognises as an industrial and cultural metropolis, has its historical roots dating back to the time when this area was known as ‘Ashaval’ or ‘Ashapalli’. This was not just a name, but a reflection of the social structure, local authority and natural geography of that time. This settlement, located on the banks of the Sabarmati River, gradually developed into an important human settlement due to trade routes and water sources.

According to historians, the Ashawal region was dominated by the Bhil community and King Asha is mentioned as the ruler here. This description is not limited to folklore, but is also reflected in various historical references and regional histories. Many history books mention that Ashawal was an early settlement on the banks of the Sabarmati, which later became the basis for major political changes.

Al-Biruni of the 11th century mentioned Ashaval in his scripture Al-Hind. It was known as an important centre on the trade route from Patan (Anhilwad) to Khambhat. At this time, the area was under the rule of the Bhil kings and was one of the early cities of Gujarat. Historical sources such as the 14th century Jain scholar Acharya Merutunga’s Prabandhachintamani describe Ashaval as a village, which predates the arrival of the Solanki kings. The name of the settlement evolved from ‘Ashapalli’, which came from the name of Asha Bhil. At this time, there was no major city in the area, but it was a centre of trade and local tribal Hindu culture. 

It is important to understand that it would be an injustice to history to view Ashaval as just a slum. This was the period when local communities in this part of Gujarat developed their own social and economic structures. Due to the riverine settlement, a balanced system of agriculture, animal husbandry and small-scale trade developed here, which provided stability to the area. This stability made it suitable as a strategic and administrative centre for the rulers who came after it. 

Change of power and the arrival of Karnadeva

A decisive turning point in the history of Gujarat came in the latter half of the 11th century, when Karnadeva Solanki, a ruler of the Chalukya or Solanki dynasty, entered the region. By that time, the Solanki dynasty had emerged as a powerful force on the political scene of Gujarat, with its capital at Anhilwad (Patan). Karnadeva’s rule was not only expansionist, but was also important in terms of administrative consolidation and cultural development.

According to historical accounts, Karnadeva established control over the Ashaval region and established an organised city here, which was called ‘Karnavati’. This was not just a symbolic naming but an announcement of a new political era. Literature of the contemporary Solanki era points to the fact that Karnadeva developed new areas during his reign and organised them administratively.

The establishment of Karnavati was part of a wider process in which dynasties in various parts of the Indian subcontinent built new cities to consolidate their territories. This process involved the reorganisation of not just forts or administrative buildings, but the entire social structure. Karnavati was one such city, where governance, religion, trade and culture developed together.

The rise of the Solanki era and the role of Karnavati

The Solanki period is considered a golden age in the history of Gujarat, and Karnavati was an important part of this era. During this time, architecture in Gujarat was at its peak, with unique advancements in temple construction, vavs (stepwells) and town planning. This was a time when the state was not just a political entity, but also a centre of cultural and economic activities.

The Chalukya texts underline that Gujarat underwent extensive cultural development during the Solanki rule. Karnavati was one such place in the chain of development where this development is clearly visible. In the Prabandhachintamani, Merutunga narrates that Karnadeva built the Karn Sagar lake in Ashaval and built the Karneshwar Dev (Shiva temple). In addition, he also developed the Jayanti Mata temple and other structures. Karnavati quickly became another important centre of Gujarat and emerged as the capital after Patan (Anhilwad Patan).

In the development of Karnavati, the Solankis developed temples, lakes and trade routes. At this time, Karnavati was the centre of the culture and economy of Gujarat. Historical sources such as famous Gujarati historians Ratnamani Rao Bhimrao Jote, Hariprasad Shastri and Keshavram Kashiram Shastri have also supported these facts.

Today, the physical remains of Karnavati are not as clearly visible as those of places like Patan or Modhera, but that does not mean that it was of less importance or existence. There have been many cities in history whose form changed over time, but their identity and context remained alive in historical sources. Karnavati is also a historical entity of the same kind, which was important in its time and which laid the foundation for the city that came after.

There is also an interesting debate among historians regarding Karnavati. Some scholars consider it a fully developed town, while some see it as an administrative or territorial unit. But despite this controversy, one fact is undeniable: the name ‘Karnavati’ is associated with the Solanki period and has been a part of the historical identity of this area.

The presence of this name in local traditions and literature also indicates that it was not just a ruling name, but was also accepted in society. This continuity further reinforces the idea that Karnavati was not just a fleeting name but a permanent historical identity, which was suppressed over time but could not be erased.

Ashaval was a slum based on local, tribal and natural resources, while Karnavati emerged as an organised, politically and culturally developed town. This change was not only external, but also affected the social structure, economic activities and cultural form of the area. However, it is worth noting that Karnadeva did not intend to uproot the old name, because the name Ashaval was also associated with Karnavati in the literature of the Solanki era of that time. 

The history of Ashaval and Karnavati makes it clear that Ahmedabad’s identity does not begin with the 15th century, but has been developing for many centuries before that. Karnavati is the stage in the historical sequence where the region was at its peak, and which laid the foundation for the times to come.

This story is not just about a city, but about continuity that remains in history, even if the name changes or the power changes. Karnavati is a symbol of this continuity, which is still alive in the pages of history and keeps registering its presence from time to time. 

Karnavati to Ahmedabad

The 14th and 15th centuries were a period of political change in the Indian subcontinent. The decline of the Delhi Sultanate gave way to the rise of regional sultanates, with the Gujarat Sultanate emerging as a major power. This change affected not only the system of governance, but also urban structure, administrative centres and cultural symbols.

In the early 15th century, the Muzaffar dynasty began to rule Gujarat. After the founder of this dynasty, Muzaffar Shah I, his grandson Ahmad Shah I decided to shift the capital from Patan. On 26th February 1411, the alleged foundation of Ahmedabad was laid on the Manek Burj on the banks of the Sabarmati River. This place was Karnavati/Ashawal, but it was established in history that Ahmad Shah had settled there.

It is against this historical backdrop that the rise of Ahmad Shah I took place, who in 1411 AD shifted the capital of the Gujarat Sultanate to a new location, Karnavati. This change was not just an administrative decision, but also an attempt to centralise power and create a new political symbol.

According to ‘Ahmedabad foundation history 1411’, Ahmed Shah laid the foundation of a new city on the banks of the Sabarmati River, which later came to be known as ‘Ahmedabad’. However, there is a gap in this history, too. Because this place was already historically important, because previous centres like Ashaval and Karnavati existed here. In simple terms, Ahmed did not establish any new city, but there was an attempt to steal the entire history by attaching his name to the already developed Karnavati city. Later, such structures were systematically erected in Karnavati city, which could be proven in the future that this was an Islamic rule.

It is not historically accurate to assume that Ahmedabad was established in a completely new location. In fact, the city developed on the same land where settlements like Ashaval and Karnavati had previously existed. This means that Ahmad Shah did not create an entirely new geographical entity, but rather attempted to credit an already established and developed area with his own name.

In this process, old names and identities were gradually erased, and a new identity was established. This has been a common process in Indian history, where new Islamic rulers have renamed cities to establish the legitimacy and influence of their rule and have also erected many Islamic structures in the same cities to justify it. Allahabad of Prayagraj was also formed similarly. Persian sources such as Mirat-i-Ahmadi also confirm that Ahmedabad was founded as an organised royal project, which included fortifications, administrative buildings and religious structures. 

Spread of naming stories

The name ‘Ahmedabad’ also has a historical and symbolic context. It has been spread from time to time that this name was named after Sultan Ahmad Shah, although some spread stories also mention that the city was associated with the names of four ‘Ahmads’ (Sufi fakirs/persons). Many books shed light on this subject and say that the new naming of the city was the result of a combination of power and religious-cultural symbols.

This naming was not just a formality, but also a clear political message that the city was now under a new authority and its identity would also correspond to it. In this process, the previous name ‘Karnavati’ was gradually and systematically removed from administrative and public use, so that the name ‘Ahmedabad-Ahmedabad’ (Ahmedabad) would become so strong that it would have to be fought for in the future as well, and that is what ultimately happened. This name was woven into the vernacular and literature in such a way that even after the name change, the name Ahmedabad would continue to live on for decades or even centuries.

Islamisation of Karnavati

The Islamic ruler also knew that it was not enough to simply change the name of the city of Karnavati. Therefore, he emphasised Islamising the entire city. He erected so many striking Islamic monuments that it would be difficult to remove them and even to think about changing the name.

Ahmad Shah’s religious thinking is clearly visible in his architecture. He demolished the temples of Karnavati and used their stones in the construction of the new city. The most important example is the destruction of the Bhadrakali temple. Ahmad Shah demolished this Hindu temple and built a Jama in its place. Hindu carvings – lotuses, kundalini-like snakes, dancing nymphs and bells – are still visible on more than 100 pillars of this mosque. The fort of Bhadra also became known by the name of this temple. This action is described in the Mirat-i-Ahmadi and other Persian sources as a symbol of victory. Ahmad Shah also defeated the descendants of Asha Bhil in 1413-14, so that he could take complete control of the old settlement.

This action was not just political, but a strategy of religious conquest, like other Islamic conquests. A new model was established by partially destroying Karnavati. Even today, this history is hidden in the old population of Ahmedabad. The UNESCO World Heritage Status (2017) is also based on this old population, but it cannot hide the Hindu heritage.

During the reign of Ahmad Shah, the city underwent extensive construction, including Islamic forts, mosques and other Islamic architectural structures. The Bhadra Fort, Jama Masjid and other Islamic structures are evidence that the city was not only an administrative centre, but also developed as a religious centre. This process completely changed the character of the city. Where earlier settlements were in local and regional styles, a new Islamic architectural style now emerged, reflecting Sultanate influence.

This change was not just physical, but it was a clear attempt to change the broader culture that comes with a change of power. The new name of the city, new structures and a new administrative system – all these together create a new identity, and due to this, the old identity is automatically erased, and the same is seen to be happening in the case of Ahmedabad.

After the end of the Gujarat Sultanate, the Mughal Emperor Akbar captured Ahmedabad in 1573. At this time, Ahmedabad became an important centre of the Gujarat Suba of the Mughal Empire. During the time of Mughal rulers like Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan, the city achieved new heights in trade, art and architecture. 

The foundation was laid for Ahmedabad to develop as the ‘Manchester of India’ during the Mughal period, as it became the hub of the cotton trade and textile industry. But this development came at the expense of the Hindu heritage. The remains of the temples of Ahmad Shah’s time were added to the architectural style by the Gujarat Sultans and later by the Mughals, such as the Hindu carvings in the Jama Masjid and other Islamic buildings that are still visible today.

Ali Muhammad Khan, in his book “Mirat-e-Ahmadi”, describes the Mughal period, depicting Ahmedabad as a prosperous trading city. With the decline of the Mughal Empire after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, Ahmedabad became increasingly unstable. The city’s name remained Ahmedabad during this period, as the Mughals and subsequent rulers retained the symbol of the victory of the Akrantas and religious brothers rather than accepting their Hindu origins. Even during this period, the remains of Karnavati – the Karnsagar Lake and the Karneshwar Temple – remained hidden.

Is Karnavati completely over?

The question is whether the name ‘Karnavati’ had completely died out or whether it had survived in some form. Historically, the name ‘Ahmedabad’ had become established at the administrative level, but the mention of ‘Karnavati’ in local traditions and historical references had not completely died out. This is the same situation that is seen in many other cities in India, where the old name persists in cultural memory despite the official name change. The name of Karnavati has also survived in history and tradition, even though it has ceased to be used administratively. 

Over time, Ahmedabad developed into a major urban centre, which retained its Islamic identity during the Mughal period, the Maratha period and finally the British rule. The name ‘Ahmedabad’ continued to be used throughout all these periods, thus establishing the name permanently. However, the historical context of ‘Karnavati’ has not completely died out. In modern times, when there is a discussion on history, identity and cultural restoration, the name comes up again.

The demand to bring back the name Karnavati is not new. In 1990, the BJP-controlled Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation passed a resolution. In 2018, the then Chief Minister Vijay Rupani spoke about examining the legal and other aspects. In 2023, ABVP and Bajrang Dal campaigned and in April 2026, Ashok Rawal of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad appealed in a video statement to include this demand in the BJP manifesto before the AMC elections.

This demand is part of the civilisational correction, like changing Allahabad to Prayagraj and Aurangabad to Sambhajinagar. From a Hindu perspective, the name Ahmedabad keeps alive the conquests of the aggressive Ahmad Shah, while Karnavati revives the glory of the Solanki king Karnadeva. The Prabandha Chintamani and other Jain-Hindu sources prove this Hindu heritage.

The Hindu community does not accept the fears of UNESCO and the arguments of the opponents, because correcting history is the work of removing injustice. In the present time, when India is moving towards self-reliance and cultural revival, making Ahmedabad Karnavati is a matter of pride for Gujarat and the entire Hindu community. History reminds us that a name is not just a word; it is a symbol of identity. The story of Ashaval-Karnavati is one of Hindu conquest and glory, while Ahmedabad is one of invasion. The time has come for us to reclaim our heritage. 

This controversy is not limited to a name, but is linked to the question of how much a city’s identity should be linked to its original historical context and to what extent it can be restored. Ahmedabad, named after Ahmad Shah, is a modern city today, but the layers of Ashaval and Karnavati remain within it. These layers remind us that history never completely ends; it only changes form and resurfaces from time to time.

References :

(This article is the translation of the original article published on OpIndia Gujarati.)

Opposition for optics, not principle: Congress, SP and allies cry “haste” on Women’s Reservation Bill despite earlier demanding immediate rollout — hypocrisy exposed

Rukma Rathore
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Opposition for optics, not principle: Congress, SP and allies cry “haste” on Women’s Reservation Bill despite earlier demanding immediate rollout — hypocrisy exposed

On 3rd April (Friday), Union Minister of Parliamentary Affairs Kiren Rijiju informed that the Women Reservation Bill of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam is going to be discussed in a special session of Parliament from 16th to 18th April. “We are convening the Parliament on 16th April. We will take up the Women’s Reservation Bill then. Empowerment of women is our commitment. We must come together for the empowerment of women, not play politics,” he stated. The announcement elicited strong reactions from the opposition parties.

Opposition challenges and the government respond

The Indian National Congress complained about a potential breach of the Model Code of Conduct and accused the centre of pursuing political gain prior to the assembly elections. Mallikarjun Kharge, the leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha, alleged that he demanded an all-party meeting twice after 29th April.

“We are not against women’s reservation. We are the first ones to bring that. It has become unanimous with our support only. These people take credit whenever they want. Everybody agrees, but at what time, how to bring it, and how to do it. Stop your games. If you had to do it, why didn’t you bring it at the beginning of this session? We discussed rural development for three days. Could we not have discussed this? You call after the election. We will all cooperate. Don’t take credit before the election,” he accused.

Kharge was countered by Leader of the House and Union Minister JP Nadda, who charged, “You were not able to pass it in 30 years. We have already taken credit for it. You always see everything from the angle of politics, not humanity.”

Rajya Sabha MP Jairam Ramesh likewise insisted, “Kharge had back then demanded that it should be immediately implemented, as you don’t need a census or delimitation, but they said these were necessary. They kept sleeping for 30 months. The only objective of this special session is to grab political mileage and influence the elections in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Could it not have been called 15 days later?”

However, Rijiju conveyed that the critical issue was already discussed with more than 80% of the parties and added that the Indian National Congress had written to the government asking for the Parliament session to be organised following the assembly elections. He highlighted that the government is consulting with all parties and lawmakers. The minister asserted that their action is not arbitrary and these reservations should receive unanimous approval from the Parliament.

“For us, this has nothing to do with a specific state election. We have to take it forward because we face certain limitations when looking at the time scale. The principal opposition party has written to us requesting that we convene the meeting after 29th April. We have noted down,” he expressed.

Ramesh even referred to the move as another part of “Weapons of Mass Diversion,” launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, which aimed “to change the narrative from his foreign policy failures and setbacks and from the LPG (Liquefied Petroleum Gas) and energy crisis facing the country.”

On 5th April (Sunday) Samajwadi Party’s national president Akhilesh Yadav contended that the proposed bill’s foundation was “baseless” because it was founded on data that had been gathered 15 years earlier. He added that reservations should rely on the current proportion of women in the population to achieve proper representation.

“When the count itself is wrong, how can the reservation be right? Doubts should not exist when it comes to sincere intentions,” he wrote on social media. According to him, the notion that women should receive a one-third reservation is predicated on the reality that they constitute a sizable portion of the population. However, as the premise is built on demographic information from the 2011 census, the current number of women will not serve as the cornerstone for this provision.

“That is why our biggest objection is this: First conduct the census, then raise the issue of women’s reservation. A government that doesn’t even want to count women, how will it possibly give them a reservation? We will not allow the BJP and their allies, who want to deceive women, to play this trickery with them. In short, this is what we say to the government: Until there is a census, there will be no debate on women’s reservation,” Yadav announced.

Manickam Tagore, the Congress whip in the Lok Sabha and MP from Tamil Nadu’s Virudhunagar, stressed that the Bharatiya Janata Party intends to deny OBC (Other Backwards Classes) representation in the women’s quota. “Because a caste-based census would provide clear data on the OBC population, it would lead to demands for fair representation of OBCs within the women’s quota. BJP’s hidden agenda is to deny the OBC women the right to have a reservation in Parliament. That’s why they advanced the delimitation,” he alleged while talking to The New Indian Express.

He further submitted that the estimated 50% increase in lower house seats could lead to an inequality in representation, arguing that although southern states might receive more members, their relative power in Parliament might decrease in comparison to northern states. Notably, PM Modi has already assured that the Southern states will not lose any seats in the forthcoming delimitation exercise.

From wanting swift implementation to resisting it: The multiple U-turns of the opposition

The opposition, headed by the grand old party, has begun fearmongering that several states, especially those in the south, northeast and northwest, might face “dangerous consequences” from a “rushed attempt” to amend the Constitution for delimitation and the aforementioned reservation.

Congress, which is lashing out at the ruling party for taking credit for the bill, not only boasted about it as its brainchild but also criticised the government for not putting it into effect promptly after its introduction in 2023. Interestingly, the party is currently exploring strategies to attack the government, maintaining that the reservation cannot be carried out before the delimitation and census. Meanwhile, it had consistently indicated that there was no link among the trio previously.

Rahul Gandhi, the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, remarked that the bill could be adopted the next morning as there is a consensus among all parties. “All you have to mention is that 33% of the seats will be reserved for women in both the Lok Sabha and the Vidhan Sabha. It is very straightforward. There is nothing beyond that. If the BJP were genuinely committed to this, that is what they would implement. There is no relationship between granting women reservations and the census or delimitation. The three are not tied.”

He reiterated this, regularly blaming the government for unnecessarily prolonging the enactment for 10 years upon the completion of the delimitation and census. The sentiment was echoed by other leaders as well.

“We demand that the women’s reservation bill that has been passed recently should be implemented from the 2024 elections. Whatever hurdles have been put by the BJP government, the first census will happen, then delimitation will be done, and then reservation will be given. We want these conditions to be removed. We want the bill to be implemented immediately,” stated President of All India Mahila Congress, Alka Lamba. “We want the census to be done, but connecting the census with women’s reservation is injustice,” she added at the time.

The former head of Congress, Sonia Gandhi, who was a Lok Sabha MP during that period, expressed that the women of the country have been waiting for their political responsibilities for the last 13 years, and the government is instructing them to wait for additional years. “How many more years should they endure this? Is this behaviour towards Indian women appropriate? Congress demands instant implementation of the bill,” she declared.

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra similarly insisted that the government was appropriating the credit for the bill yet had no intention of enforcing it for at least ten years. She had proclaimed, “We, the women of India, do not have any more time to lose. It is our right to participate in the political process. I demand that our work be appreciated and respected.”

“We won’t back down on our demand: Immediate implementation of the bill, with provision for reservation for OBC women,” the party shared, touting its “15 press conferences in 15 cities to expose the Modi government” on the matter.

Congress spokesperson, Supriya Shrinate, hit out at the government, alleging that the bill would not come into force until 2029 owing to census and delimitation and this “jumla” has been put forth out of fear of losing in the 2024 general elections.

Other political parties were also engaged in levelling similar allegations against the government, stating that it was not granting the rightful dues owed to women. According to Sanjay Singh, an AAP Rajya Sabha MP and accused in the Delhi excise policy scam, the reservation is nothing but a ruse, as the government has always fallen short of its promises. “The women have been misled by them this time. This is their fresh jumla. We do not even know how long it will take for the bill to be passed, or if it will ever be approved,” he argued.

Another AAP leader and former Delhi Chief Minister, Atishi Marlena, termed the bill as a means of fooling women, as the reservation was not for the 2024 general election and would instead depend on the census and delimitation. Hence, it would not be enacted for at least the next few years.

The All India Trinamool Congress Lok Sabha MP, notorious for her shrill voice, uncouth antics and divisive politics, also described the bill as a “jumla,” charging that the dates for the census and delimitation were unspecified. Therefore, the bill could not be executed even by 2029, mocking that it is the “Women Reservation Rescheduling Bill” and should be named accordingly.

Conclusion

The opposition, which has a track record of opposing simply for the sake of it, has resumed its shenanigans. They have accused the government of misleading women by linking the reservation to the census and delimitation. Now, the latter has made the announcement they sought. However, they have found new ways to object by retracting their earlier statements and crying about the assembly elections.

India is a vast country, and elections are held every year in different states. Thus, pivotal decisions cannot be held hostage to the electoral process. Furthermore, the same parties furiously reject “One nation, one election,” arguing that it would benefit the BJP. Thus, there is truly no reasoning with them, as their actions are not based on merit but guided by political gimmicks.

US rescues injured soldier from deep inside Iran: How the sophisticated operation unfolded and why the ‘ground war impossible’ narrative is now busted

Sanghamitra
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US rescues injured soldier from deep inside Iran: How the sophisticated operation unfolded and why the ‘ground war impossible’ narrative is now busted

US President Donald Trump on April 5 posted on social media about a significant combat search and rescue (CSAR) operation that the US forces, aided by the CIA, have pulled off in the ongoing war with Iran. 

“WE GOT HIM”, Trump declared, terming the operation one of the “most daring Search and Rescue Operations in U.S. History”, he informed that the Weapons Systems Officer, who was stranded in Iran after the April 3 incident where the US lost an F-15E Strike Eagle aircraft inside Iran, has been successfully rescued from deep inside Iranian territory.


The CSAR operation has become one of the most discussed events in the ongoing Operation Epic Fury, the US war against Iran. Here is a breakdown of the events that unfolded.

The April 3 shoot down

On April 3, an F-15E Strike Eagle engaged in a combat mission over the Iranian sky and was shot down somewhere in southwestern Iran, amid the rugged terrain in the Zagros Mountains. Media reports have described the area as somewhere in the Kohgiluyeh or Khuzestan provinces. It was the first confirmed loss of a manned US fighter jet inside Iranian territory, because it meant that the pilots were most likely to be captured alive by Iranian forces.

The two-person crew in the F-15E, a pilot and a weapons systems officer managed to eject safely, but they landed in completely different areas, separately. Speculations were rife in the media and social media, because, capturing US crew alive was definitely going to be a major barganing piece for Iran in the ongoing war. 

The pilot was located and rescued on the same day. Reports say that two Jolly Green II Black Hawks responded to the pilot’s beacon and managed to evacuate him, despite coming under Iranian fire. The helicopters sustained firing, and the crew were injured, but they managed to land safely in an unnamed US base. 

This was no small feat in itself, because it is extremely difficult to locate, land and successfully evacuate a stranded and injured pilot inside enemy territory amid an ongoing war, especially when there are no US troops on the ground in Iran.

On the same day, an A-10 Thunderbolt II ‘Warthog’ was hit by Iranians while circling in the search and rescue corridor. The pilot, however, flew on and managed to eject inside Kuwaiti airspace.

The second man, a Weapons Systems Officer

The WSO who had landed away from his pilot managed to evade capture for nearly 36-48 hours. He is believed to have used complex SERE (Survival, Evasion, Resistance, Escape) training despite injuries. 

The WSO reportedly hiked far away from the crash site, climbed a ridge that was roughly 7500 feet and hid himself inside crevices before activating communication. He maintained intermittent, encrypted communication to evade detection by Iranians.

The Iranians had already launched an aggressive manhunt to locate the WSO, engaging locals and trained personnel to hunt down the WSO. A steep bounty of $60,000 was also announced for the capture of the crew, as soon as the news of the F-15E crashing was out.

The CSAR operation 

The CSAR operation, launched by the US to rescue their man from Iranian territory is being described as one of the most sophisticated, and daring missions that needed multi-domain coordination and hundreds of personnel and the best available military tech.

A team of Navy Seals, working with Delta Force operators, Air Force Pararescue Jumpers were reportedly engaged by the US administration to rescue the WSO. CIA was actively involved in the operation too, engaging ground assets and an elaborate electronic disinformation campaign to confuse the Iranians about the location of the WSO. 

The US engaged MQ9 Reaper drones and other aircraft to blow up any approaching Iranian convoys in a broad radius around the WSO while the rescue team tried to reach his location. ‘Area saturation’ tactic was employed to overwhelm Iranian air defences. The NYT has reported that US attack aircraft dropped bombs and opened fire on Iranian convoys to keep them away from the area where the WSO was hiding.

The rescue team is believed to have reached the WSO, even engaging in firefight with some locals while approaching. The WSO was extracted and evacuated amid active firefight. Reports indicate that the CSAR operation was activated almost as soon as the WSO activated his locator beacon.

Most remarkably, no personnel died in the complex operation. 

US says it blew up its own aircraft to prevent Iranians from getting their hands on tech


Images of US aircraft blown to pieces have been circulated on social media. While Iran claims to have shot down these aircraft, US says that the aircraft, two MC-130J (each worth around $100 million) were ‘stuck’ during the operation, unable to take off, and hence the US forces blew them up with explosives to prevent sensitive technology from reaching enemy hands.

Reports say that an MH-6 Little Bird and an F-16 have also been damaged in the rescue operation. These are in addition to the F-15E and the A-10 Warthog that were destroyed on April 3.

Why this rescue operation is remarkable: Demolition of the ‘ground war impossible’ bogey

The daring, action-movie style rescue operation is significant for two reasons. First, it reestablished the ‘leave no man behind’ policy of the US military, where they risk anything and go to unbelievable lengths to rescue their personnel. It is already being hailed as among the most sophisticated and challenging CSAR operations in the history of modern warfare. 

Second, the operation has dealt a blow to the Iranian narrative that US forces are incapable of launching a ground war in the ongoing conflict. The rescue displayed that the US is capable of carrying out group operations deep inside the enemy territory, amid extremely hostile conditions. 

Since the beginning of the Iran war, Iranian officials and state media have repeatedly claimed that US and Israeli operations were confined to the air domain, and the attacking forces were incapable of carrying out ground operations, because of Iran’s rugged terrain and dominance of Iran’s ground forces. That idea has been shattered. 

Though the CSAR mission to extract the WSO was extensively aided by air power, it involved remarkable and cutting edge ground capabilities under extremely hostile conditions. 

The WSO had hidden himself, braving the cold in the high terrain of mountain ridges. The extraction force, reportedly a SEAL Team Six, Delta Force and Pararescue Jumpers inserted via helicopters, possibly moved on foot or with small vehicles, engaged in direct firefights with the IRGC and managed to successfully evacuate the wounded WSO from high-elevation ridges and crevices. 

The US-Iran war is far from over, but the rescue operation is going to be counted among the most sophisticated missions in modern warfare, probably inspiring movies and books in the near future.

40 years ago Khalistani terrorists kill six cops, free undertrials linked to Ramesh Chandra murder – A reminder of the dark times

Anurag
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40 years ago Khalistani terrorists kill six cops, free undertrials linked to Ramesh Chandra murder – A reminder of the dark times

On 5th April 1986, over half a dozen Khalistani terrorists ambushed and killed six Punjab Police personnel and escaped with three undertrials from the new district courts in Jalandhar. The accused were brought to the court in connection with the Ramesh Chander murder case. Ramesh Chandra was son of Lala Jagat Narain, founder of Hind Samachar media group. When Ramesh was killed on 12th May 1984, he was serving as the editor for the Hind Samachar Group that included prominent newspapers, including Punjab Kesari.

Source: Indian Express

According to an Indian Express report from 1986, the attack on police personnel to free Khalistani terrorists appeared to be a well-rehearsed operation. Four others, including a constable, were injured in the attack. Two constables tried to chase the jeep in which terrorists escaped and were gunned down by the escaping Khalistanis.

Indian Express quoted unnamed police sources that said the terrorists used Thomson machine carbines, a .455 pistol and sten guns. At least 50 rounds were fired by the terrorists.

The incident took place when three of the terrorists appearing for the case asked to go to the toilet. Three constables were waiting outside when the terrorists opened fire at them. Some eyewitnesses stated there could be over a dozen terrorists who disappeared in the crowd, making it difficult for the police to chase them.

40 years have passed since the incident but the wounds of Khalistani insurgency in Punjab are still paining. This particular incident was one of many such attacks where general public and police personnel became targets of the terrorists.

It also reminded of the gruesome murder of Ramesh Chandra, son of Lala Jagat Narain. Both father and son were gunned down by terrorists for their fearless writing against Khalistani terrorists.

Who was Ramesh Chandra and why he was killed

Ramesh Chandra, also spelled as Romesh Chandra, was born on 24th December 1926 in Lyallpur, now known as Faisalabad in Pakistan, to parents Lala Jagat Narain and Shanti Devi. Both of his parents were freedom fighters. Ramesh himself had participated in the freedom struggle and was among the students who took part in the Quit India movement. Ramesh was arrested and subsequently sent to jail where he continued his studies. According to the website created in his memory, he was arrested and jailed several times during the freedom struggle.

After the partition, Lala Jagat Narain and his family migrated to Jalandhar in 1947. Soon, they started publishing the Urdu daily named Hind Samachar. Later, in 1965, Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari was added.

In 1975, Ramesh was elected as an Independent Member of Legislative Assembly from Jalandhar North. In June 1981, he became the Director of Press Trust of India, PTI, and served as Indian Newspaper Society’s president from 1973 till his demise.

Ramesh Chandra was elected MLA in 1975. Source romeshchandra.com

In 1981, Lala Jagat Narain was brutally murdered by Khalistani terrorists after which Ramesh took charge of the publication house as the editor. He was immensely popular, just like his father, for his fearless writing against insurgents. Chandra denounced the Khalistani terrorists for using the Golden Temple as a “storehouse for arms”.

On 12th May 1984, he was invited to speak at a meeting on communal harmony. He was returning from the meeting when he was ambushed and murdered by Khalistani terrorists. Media reports from the time noted that he was shot 64 times. His murder brought the number of persons killed in religious violence to 192 in just 11 months.

On the eve of his death, Chandra wrote a prophetic note in his editorial. He wrote, “No one knows whose turn will come next. All Punjab has become a slaughterhouse.”

Following his death, second son of Lala Jagat Narain, Padma Shri awardee Vijay Kumar Chopra, took charge of the editor in chief’s position which he continues to serve even at the age of 94.

The murders of Lala Jagat Narain and Ramesh Chandra, followed by attack on police personnel to free accused in Ramesh’s murder case, remain stark reminders of the time when journalists, police and ordinary citizens were openly targeted for resisting Khalistani terror. These incidents are just tip of the iceberg of the scale of violence Punjab has witnessed since independence.

Congress claims Himanta Biswa Sarma’s wife has 3 passports: Read how the documents presented by Pawan Khera are forged with mismatched details

OpIndia Staff
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Congress claims Himanta Biswa Sarma’s wife has 3 passports: Read how the documents presented by Pawan Khera are forged with mismatched details

Just 4 days before the assembly elections in Assam, Congress leader Pawan Khera tried to create a controversy around CM Himanta Biswa Sarma’s family by claiming that Riniki Bhuyan Sharma, wife of the Chief Minister, holds three foreign passports. In a press conference held in Delhi, Khera claimed that she has passports from the UAE, Egypt and Antigua and Barbuda. However, both the CM and his wife have denied the claims, saying that they will file criminal and civil defamation cases against Khera for ‘malicious, fabricated, and politically motivated lies’.

The documents in question, one UAE identity card misrepresented as a passport and two supposed passports from Antigua & Barbuda and Egypt, were presented by Congress spokesperson Pawan Khera during the press conference as evidence of dual or multiple citizenship.

CM Himanta Biswa Sarma and Assam BJP have said that the ‘passports’ shown by Congress in the press conference are fake, and have pointed out several specifications that show that these are not genuine documents. In a series of posts on X, Himanta Biswa Sarma described the materials as “poorly executed” fakes riddled with inconsistencies that no genuine official document would contain.

Here is a point-by-point breakdown of the discrepancies, as highlighted by CM Himanta Biswa Sarma:

Surname Mismatch

Every single “passport/ID” uses the spelling Riniki Bhuyan Sarma. However, the official and correct spelling of her surname is Sharma. It can be assumed because the spelling of CM’s surname is Sarma, Congress also assumed that his wife’s surname is also written as Sarma. But actually, she uses the spelling Sharma.

In Assam, various spellings of this surname are used, including Sarma, Sharma, Sharmah, Sarmah, etc. While the CM’s wife’s maiden name was Riniki Bhuyan, she chose to use the more common spelling Sharma after her marriage to Himanta Biswa Sarma.

This fundamental error appears in the name fields of all three documents from the UAE, Antigua & Barbuda, and Egypt. No authentic government-issued travel document would contain such a basic misspelling of the holder’s legal name.

Here is the copy of the affidavit submitted by CM Sarma for the ongoing elections, it clearly mentions his wife’s name as Riniki Bhuyan Sharna.

Photograph Appears to Be a Publicly Available Image

CM Himanta Biswa Sarma noted that the photographs seen in the documents presented by the Congress party appears to be publicly available photos, not standard biomatrix capture. His claim appears to be correct, as the photographs do not match standard passport photos.

UAE Document not Passport, DoB and country mismatch

The document presented as the UAE passport is actually not even a passport, it is a Golden Visa card, a long-term residence visa. It can be easily seen that it is a card with a chip, and not a passport.

Notably, the printed Date of Birth on the card is 31/07/1973. However, as per the ID Number, the year of birth should be 1996. As per the format of the UAE ID number, this ID belongs to someone born in 1996. Because, in the 15-digit ID number, the first three digits 784 represent the country code of the UAE. The 4 digits after that show the year of birth of the cardholder, followed by a seven-digit unique identifier, and a final check digit.

As the ID number is 784-1996-5557498-8, the birth year should be 1996.

The card says “Nationality: Egypt” in English and Arabic, yet the MRZ code on the back of the card reflects a different country code structure. The MRZ code is ILARE1326077316784199655574988 7307317F1710272ATG<<<<<<<<<<03 BHUYANSARMA<<RINIKI<<<<<<<<<<<, where ATG is the nationality code. ATG refers to Antigua and Barbuda, but the card mentions nationality as Egypt.

Moreover, the check digit for this data should be 5, but the mentioned check digit is 3, which means the numbers in the MRZ code were manually changed, and it does not pass the algorithm check.

The MRZ code for passports and country ID cards are system generated, genuine codes can’t contain such grave errors.

Egyptian Passport

The Egyptian passport also contains a big error. In the main part, the document shows nationality as Egyptian, but it does not match the nationality encoded in the MRZ code. The code on the passport is PPEGYBHUYAN<SARMA<<RINIKI<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< A207998834IND7307317F2902120<<<<<<<<<<<<<<08, and here the letters IND after the passport number indicate that nationality is Indian. The same passport can’t mention two different nationalities, because the MRZ code is system-generated from available information.

However, contrary to claims, there is no mismatch in the passport number, the digit 4 after the number in MRZ is a check digit.

Invalid QR

The Congress party also claimed that Riniki Bhuyan Sharma has massive investments in foreign countries, and presented a document as evidence. The document contains a QR code. But, the QR resolves to no URL to verify the document, it just shows some random letter that does not mean anything. This indicates that the document is also forged.

CM Sarma has already said that he and his wife will file both criminal and civil defamation cases within the next 48 hours against Pawan Khera. He said, “I categorically reject every allegation made by him. These are malicious, fabricated, and politically motivated lies aimed at misleading the people of Assam.”

The CM said that once the truth is established in a court of law, Pawan Khera will face the consequences of his actions, and the law will take its due course.

Riniki Bhuyan responded to the allegations, saying that she “expected a spokesperson of a national party to exercise basic due diligence, rather than circulate poorly fabricated images of imaginary passports and documents.” She added, “I will now be letting the law take over. Criminal charges are being initiated. We can continue this in court,” implying that she and her husband are moving ahead with filing the defamation case.

However, the assembly election in Assam will take place on 9th April, and the case may not be even listed in court if it is filed within next two days. Therefore, the purpose of Congress party appears to be to create doubts among voters, even if they are using forged documents. They know that it will take years to prove them wrong, and their purpose will be served by that time.

From sacred relic to subject of controversy: Why the Shroud of Turin fuels debates over authenticity, narrative building, and attempts to link it to India

Shriti Sagar
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From sacred relic to subject of controversy: Why the Shroud of Turin fuels debates over authenticity, narrative building, and attempts to link it to India

The Shroud of Turin has once again become the centre of global attention after a fresh scientific claim triggered widespread discussion online. It all really kicked off following a viral discussion sparked by an NDTV tweet and subsequent reports highlighting a major scientific development. 

Researchers have discovered DNA traces from India on the famous linen cloth, which many believe to be the burial shroud of Jesus Christ. Using advanced genetic testing, scientists found both human and plant DNA linked to India embedded deep within the cloth’s fibres. 

The study, published as a pre‑peer‑review paper on bioRxiv on 31st March, suggests that the shroud may have been woven in India or spent a considerable amount of time there centuries before it surfaced in medieval Europe. This has effectively reopened one of history’s most debated mysteries, blending faith, genetics, and global trade history into one viral moment.

What is the Shroud of Turin?

The Shroud of Turin is a long piece of ancient linen cloth that bears a faint, almost ghost-like image of a man who appears to have been crucified. For centuries, many Christians have believed this cloth to be the burial shroud of Jesus Christ.

The cloth first appeared in Europe in the 14th century and has since been preserved at the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist in Turin, Italy. Over time, it has become one of the most studied and controversial religious artefacts in the world.  It was first located in France in 1354, and for nearly half a millennium, it has remained at the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist in Turin, Italy, since the 16th century.

What makes the Shroud unique is the image it carries. It shows the front and back of a man’s body, with visible marks that resemble injuries described in Biblical accounts of crucifixion. These include wounds on the hands, feet, and side, along with marks that look like scourging.

The science behind the stains: What the latest study tells us

The current wave of interest is driven by a study where scientists used Next Generation Sequencing (NGS) technology to examine tiny dust particles and fibres recovered from the Shroud. 

By extracting mitochondrial DNA from both human and plant remains, the team, led by Gianni Barcaccia at the University of Padova, found some startling things. The results showed clear genetic links to the Indian subcontinent. Specifically, they found human DNA lineages that are commonly found in South Asia and plant DNA from species like cowpea, which is native to India.

According to the study, researchers analysed minute biological material originally collected during a 1978 scientific examination. By using modern genomic sequencing, they identified DNA fragments from a massive variety of sources, including humans, plants, animals, and even insects. This indicates that the cloth has been handled by many people and exposed to incredibly diverse environments over the centuries. 

Most notably, the researchers found that around 38% to 40% of the human mitochondrial DNA recovered could be traced back to lineages associated with India. The rest largely corresponded to populations from the Near East (like modern-day Israel and Syria), with a much smaller portion linked to Western Europe. These findings suggest two main possibilities: either the cloth was handled extensively by people of South Asian origin, or the linen yarn itself was manufactured in India, a region historically famous for high-quality textile production.

Why is this cloth linked to Jesus?

The narrative goes that after the crucifixion, Joseph of Arimathea wrapped Jesus’s body in a clean linen cloth before placing him in a tomb. The Shroud of Turin matches the Gospel descriptions of a “fine linen” cloth. It depicts the entire body of a middle-aged man with a moustache, beard, and long hair. One half shows the front of the body, and the other shows the back, as if a single long strip of cloth had been folded over the head and under the feet.

The Shroud became a global sensation in 1898 when an Italian lawyer and photographer named Secondo Pia took the first official photographs of it. When he developed the negatives, he was shocked to find that the image on the cloth was actually a “positive” image, meaning the cloth itself acted like a photographic negative. 

In these photos, the man’s features, the wounds, the swelling, and the bloodstains appeared much more clearly than they did to the naked eye. Worshippers and researchers point to the reddish stains that look like blood and wounds on the wrists, feet, and side. There are also markings consistent with a crown of thorns and bruises on the shoulders, which many believe were caused by carrying a heavy cross. 

Religious importance for many Christians 

For many Christians, the Shroud is more than just an artefact; it’s a “silent witness” to the central event of their faith. The Gospels of Mark, Matthew, and Luke all mention that Jesus was wrapped in “clean linen.” This specific piece of fabric, measuring roughly 4.36 meters long and 1.1 meters wide, is seen by some as that very wrap. 

Its survival through fires, including a mid-16th-century fire in France that left dark streaks and diamond-shaped singe marks on the cloth, is viewed by some as miraculous.

Interestingly, the India connection isn’t entirely new to those who look at the Shroud through a historical or “alternative history” lens. Holger Kersten, in his controversial book Jesus Lived in India, argued that the cloth’s weave suggests an Eastern origin. The fibre is “twilled together in a ratio of 3:1, creating a fishbone weave.” 

This kind of complex loom work was rare in Judea but was common in the Roman province of Syria and, more importantly, linked to the high-end textile trade coming out of India. 

Even in the 1st century, India was the world’s hub for cotton and fine textiles. Roman historians like Pliny the Elder wrote about the massive amounts of gold leaving Rome to pay for Indian fabrics. So, the idea that a high-quality shroud used for a burial in Jerusalem could have originated in India is historically plausible, even if it remains scientifically unproven as the “actual” shroud of Jesus.

Scepticism and the “Medieval Fake” argument

Despite the deep reverence many hold for the Shroud, there is a massive mountain of scepticism. For many scientists and historians, the Shroud isn’t a 2,000-year-old miracle, but a very clever medieval fabrication. 

The biggest blow to its authenticity came in 1988, when carbon-14 dating was performed by three independent labs. They concluded that the flax used to make the linen was grown somewhere between 1260 and 1390 CE. This date range coincides perfectly with when the Shroud first appeared in the historical record in France in 1354.

Recent studies have added more weight to the “artist” theory. A 3D digital analysis of 2025 by Brazilian expert Cicero Moraes suggests the image wasn’t created by a human body at all. When Moraes virtually draped a cloth over a 3D human model, the resulting image was warped and distorted, a phenomenon called the “Agamemnon Mask effect.” 

However, when he draped the cloth over a low-relief sculpture (a shallow carving), the resulting imprint matched the Shroud’s image almost perfectly. This suggests the Shroud might have been created by an artist using a shallow wooden or stone mould, perhaps applying heat or pigment to create the faint image.

The early exposure a “Fraud”

The idea that the Shroud is a fake isn’t just a modern “atheist” take; it was a common belief even in the 14th century. Recent research into the writings of Nicole Oresme, a famous 14th-century scholar and bishop, shows that he denounced the Shroud as a “patent” example of clerical deception as early as the 1370s. 

Oresme warned that many clergymen deceived the public to elicit offerings for their churches. He explicitly cited the Shroud in Lirey, France, as an example of a forged miracle.

Even the Church at the time was cautious. In 1389, the Bishop of Troyes, Pierre d’Arcis, wrote to the Pope claiming that the Shroud was a painted fake and that the artist who made it had been discovered. The Pope eventually allowed it to be displayed, but only on the condition that it was called a “representation” or an “icon” of the Shroud, rather than the “true” relic. It is one of the great ironies of history that an object so clearly labelled as a forgery by medieval thinkers has become the most famous holy relic of the modern age.

An attempt to “localise” Jesus

Critics argue that these scientific findings are being repurposed into a specific narrative. By finding DNA traces from India, some see an attempt to “localise” Jesus, portraying him as a figure with deep roots in the Indian subcontinent. This isn’t just about history; critics see it as an evangelisation strategy. If Jesus can be projected as a “local” figure or someone who had a physical connection to India, it makes the religion feel less “foreign” and helps expand its reach in the region.

This is where the “warfare” of information comes in. In the age of social media, these narratives spread like wildfire. A scientific paper about mitochondrial DNA gets boiled down to a headline like “Jesus’s Shroud Was Made in India,” which then gets shared thousands of times. 

On social media platforms like X and WhatsApp, these claims take on a life of their own. Even supporters who mean well end up amplifying these narratives without fully understanding the scientific nuance.

The “India connection” is a powerful tool for those looking to bridge the gap between Western Christianity and Indian culture, but it is also a flashpoint for those who believe religious history is being subtly rewritten for modern gains.

Conclusion: The need for critical thinking  

Ultimately, the Shroud of Turin remains a “choose your own adventure” of history. It is important to remember that differing views exist among the world’s top scholars and researchers, and no single study has “settled” the debate once and for all.

The viral nature of the Shroud’s recent “India connection” serves as a reminder that we live in an era where science and faith are often used to bolster cultural and religious narratives. While the discovery of South Asian DNA on the cloth is a fascinating scientific fact, what that fact means is still up for debate. 

As these stories continue to pop up on our feeds, there is a growing need for scrutiny and critical thinking. We should enjoy the mystery, but we must be careful not to blindly share viral claims without looking at the full, complex picture of history, science, and the motivations behind the message.

Judiciary, chatbots and hallucinations: As Gujarat High Court draws a red line on AI, why human judgment is non-negotiable

Anurag
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Judiciary, chatbots and hallucinations: As Gujarat High Court draws a red line on AI, why human judgment is non-negotiable

In a notable move, the Gujarat High Court has effectively drawn a thick boundary around the use of artificial intelligence in judicial functioning. On 4th April, the court issued a policy that does not merely regulate AI but confines it with precision.

The main aspect of the policy is the restrictions that have been imposed by the court on the use of AI. According to the policy, AI shall never be used for judicial reasoning, order drafting, judgment preparation, bail or sentencing considerations, or any substantive judicial process. These restrictions are not limited to direct use. Even indirect influence of AI on findings of fact, findings of law, or operative orders has been barred by the court, even if it is later reviewed by a judge.

In a way, the court has clearly stated that adjudication cannot be assisted, influenced, or shaped by machines in any form. Furthermore, the policy also restricts the use of AI for sorting evidence, classifying documents, organising evidentiary material, assessing credibility, filtering relevance, or even summarising depositions and testimony.

Basically, any task that involves evaluation or categorisation of proof should remain exclusively within the human domain. This is significant because global trends are moving in the opposite direction, as AI is often used for such functions.

Furthermore, the policy has placed strict limits on the data that is shared with AI tools. According to the court, no confidential or sensitive information, including names of parties, witness details, case records, legal strategies, or personal data such as health, financial, biometric, or caste-related information, can be shared with public AI tools. Even if the High Court approves an enterprise AI tool, the use of such data is heavily restricted moving forward. The court has clearly shown concern about privacy protection and data leakage into external systems.

The court has also prohibited reliance on AI-generated citations or legal references without independent verification from authoritative sources. The court has clearly stated that judicial officers must go back to the source and verify all details before using the citations.

Courts have explicitly acknowledged that AI systems can generate plausible but non-existent judgments. In simple terms, no matter how developed or advanced an AI system is, it can always hallucinate and give details that do not exist in the real world. Therefore, no citations given by a chatbot can be trusted unless verified from a recognised legal database.

The policy has also established a strict accountability framework. Any output that is generated by AI, once signed or authenticated by a judge or court officer, becomes the sole responsibility of the signatory authority. The use of AI cannot be cited as a defence in cases of error, misconduct, or professional negligence. Furthermore, the court has given strict instructions to legal assistants and research staff to disclose any use of AI to the concerned judge so that there is transparency in the system.

Notably, the court has left a narrow path for the usage of AI tools. According to the policy document, AI may be used for legal research, including retrieval of judgments, identification of precedents, extraction of ratio decidendi, and preliminary analysis of statutory provisions. However, the policy restricts the usage to an assistive nature, and it must be verified against primary sources.

AI is also permitted for administrative and non-adjudicatory functions. These include automation of IT-related tasks, preparation of training materials, drafting of circulars and notices, and management of internal workflows. In addition, AI may be used to improve the language, structure, and clarity of draft documents, provided that the substantive legal reasoning remains entirely that of the judge.

Certain operational uses are also allowed, such as anonymised case allocation, scheduling, and statistical reporting, where decisions are based purely on objective metadata rather than subjective inputs.

In short, the court has not rejected the technology but disciplined its usage in the judicial system.

Supreme Court flags a growing ‘menace’

The policy did not appear out of thin air. The Supreme Court of India has already sounded the alarm. In a recent observation, a Bench of Justices Rajesh Bindal and Vijay Bishnoi described the growing use of AI-generated, non-existent judgments as a “menace” that is now rampant across courts, not only in India but on a global platform. The court’s concern arose from a case where submissions appeared to have been generated using AI tools such as ChatGPT, as they included references to judgments that did not exist.

The court noted that such AI-generated judicial documents waste the court’s time and undermine the integrity of proceedings. Furthermore, it reiterated a principle that is now emerging as judicial consensus, that AI may be used to assist research, but there is a corresponding and non-negotiable duty on judicial officers to verify each and every output.

In a similar observation in February, bench led by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant, along with Justices Joymalya Bagchi and BV Nagarathna, said it has been increasingly noticing pleadings that appear to have been drafted with the help of AI tools. During the hearing, the Chief Justice said the court had been informed that some lawyers have started depending on AI for drafting petitions. He made it clear that such practice, if not properly verified, can mislead the court.

When machines fabricate, courts pay the price

The consequences of AI-generated judicial documents have already been seen inside courtrooms. One of the earliest warnings came when Michael Cohen, a former lawyer who appeared as attorney of US President Donald Trump, admitted to passing along AI-generated case citations that turned out to be the result of chatbot hallucinations.

In India, a similar case came up before the Delhi High Court, where a dispute among homebuyers became a talking point. One of the petitions was found to be full of fabricated case laws and imaginary citations. The petition referred to specific paragraphs of a judgment that did not exist.

While the judgment only contained 27 paragraphs, the petition cited paragraphs 73 and 74. The inconsistencies led to the withdrawal of the petition. The court noted that several cited precedents did not exist at all, while others were misquoted.

The illusion of intelligence

There is a misconception that AI “knows” the law. In reality, it predicts text based on patterns. When those patterns are incomplete or ambiguous, it fills gaps by generating plausible-sounding information, even if it is incorrect or far away from reality. This is what is now widely referred to as hallucination.

In the legal world, plausibility is not enough. A single fabricated citation can alter the course of a case, mislead a court, and waste valuable judicial time. Unlike other professions, the cost of error in law is not merely technical. It has the potential to destroy someone’s life completely and irrecoverably.

The courts are now recognising this inherent limitation and prohibiting AI from entering the decision-making chain.

Why human intervention is non-negotiable

The judicial system operates on accountability. Every order passed, every observation made, and every finding included in the proceedings carry the authority of a human judge whose reasoning can be scrutinised, appealed, and held to constitutional standards. AI, no matter how sophisticated, has no responsibility.

The chatbot can simply say “sorry” and move forward without an iota of responsibility. Even the makers have no responsibility, as these chatbots are continuously learning and improving. Any mistake can be brushed off as an “oops moment”, no matter how costly it is in the real world.

Relying on AI even for a part of judicial reasoning dilutes accountability. In the worst-case scenario, it introduces a layer of opacity. An AI system produces an output based on opaque training data. The reasoning it provides, therefore, cannot be interrogated in the way human reasoning can.

This is why the Gujarat High Court’s approach is highly significant. By imposing personal liability on users and rejecting AI as a defence, the court has reinforced the principle that responsibility cannot be outsourced.

The same logic applies to lawyers. The duty to verify citations, test propositions, and ensure accuracy is fundamental to advocacy. AI may accelerate research, but it cannot replace professional judgment.

A tool, not a substitute

None of this suggests that artificial intelligence has no place in the legal ecosystem. Used correctly, it can assist in research, improve efficiency, and reduce administrative burden. It can help lawyers navigate vast databases of case law and support courts in managing caseloads. However, the distinction must remain clear. AI is a tool, not an authority. It can assist the mind, but it cannot replace it.

The road ahead

AI is continuously evolving. It is not going anywhere and will penetrate more into day-to-day lives. The question is not if it should be used, but how it will be controlled. It is essential to preserve the credibility of the judiciary. Hence, it is a must for judicial authorities to ensure that technology remains subordinate to human judgment. It will require not only policies but also discipline within the Bar and Bench.

The legitimacy of the judicial system is not just about efficiency, but it is about trust. The trust that people show even if a case drags on for years. Such trust cannot be built on machine-generated reasoning. It must continue to rest on the human mind, tested, accountable, and guided by law.

Hindu faith hasn’t died in the Islamic country of Iran: Read the story behind the 134-year-old Lord Vishnu temple in Bandar Abbas

सौम्या सिंह
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Hindu faith hasn’t died in the Islamic country of Iran: Read the story behind the 134-year-old Lord Vishnu temple in Bandar Abbas

On the shores of Bandar Abbas, a historic port city in Iran, stands a quiet yet powerful symbol of faith, a 134-year-old Hindu temple dedicated to Lord Vishnu. In a country where the majority follows Islam, this temple tells a different story, one of migration, trade, belief, and cultural connection that has survived for more than a century.

A story that began with sea trade

Bandar Abbas has long been an important centre for trade in the Persian Gulf. For centuries, ships from India regularly arrived here, carrying goods and traders. Merchants from regions like Gujarat, Kutch, and Sindh were especially active in this trade network.

Many of these Indian traders began staying in Bandar Abbas for long periods due to business. Slowly, some of them settled there. Even though they were far from home, they did not leave behind their traditions. They continued speaking their languages, celebrating festivals, and practising their religion.

But living in a foreign land created a need for a place where they could gather, pray, and stay connected to their roots. This is how the idea of building a temple was born.

Built in 1892, still standing strong

(Photo Credits: sindhrenaissance)


The temple was constructed around 1892, during a time when Bandar Abbas was growing rapidly because of trade. It was built when Mohammad Hasan Khan Saad-ol-Malek was the local administrative ruler of the region.

Today, the temple is around 130 to 134 years old and still stands in much of its original form. It is not just a building, but a reflection of the life and culture of the Indian community that once lived there.

Built by Indian merchants, for their faith

The temple was not built by any king or government. It was the result of a collective effort by Indian traders living in the region. These merchants were financially stable and came together to fund the construction.

The temple was dedicated to Lord Vishnu, who is known in Hinduism as the protector and preserver. For the Indian community, this temple became a spiritual centre, a place where they could pray, celebrate festivals, and feel at home.

It also acted like a small “Little India” in Iran, where people met, shared their lives, and supported each other.

A unique mix of Indian and Iranian architecture

One of the most interesting things about this temple is its design. Unlike typical Indian temples, its structure shows a blend of Indian and Persian styles.

The main hall of the temple is square-shaped and topped with a large dome. This dome reflects Islamic and Persian architectural influence, which makes the temple look different from traditional Hindu temples in India.

Materials like coral stone, clay, lime, and mortar were used in its construction, showing the use of local resources. The dome also has small decorative elements that resemble minarets, while still keeping some Indian design touches.

Inside, the walls were once decorated with colourful paintings and religious symbols. During renovation work, a painting of Lord Krishna was also discovered, showing that religious art and traditions were an important part of the temple.

From a lively temple to a silent heritage site

In its early days, the temple was full of life. Daily prayers, aartis, and rituals were regularly performed. Festivals like Janmashtami and Diwali were celebrated with great enthusiasm, bringing the entire Indian community together.

The temple was not just a place of worship, but also a social centre where people met, discussed problems, and stayed connected.

However, things began to change by the mid-20th century. Trade patterns shifted, and many Indian merchants started returning to India. As the community became smaller, activities in the temple slowly reduced.

Over time, the temple stopped functioning as an active place of worship and became quiet. Today, it is preserved as a cultural and historical monument by Iran. It is now visited by tourists and people interested in history.

Presence of Hindu community in Iran

Iran has a population of around 90 million people, and about 99.4% of them follow Islam. Among them, nearly 89.46% are Shia Muslims and about 9.94% are Sunni Muslims.

Even though the number is small, other communities like Hindus, Christians, and Jews also live in Iran. According to the Pew Research Centre, around 20,000 Hindus were living in Iran in 2010, and this number remained almost the same in 2020.

Most of these Hindus are of Indian origin, traders, workers, and their families. While they are few in number, their cultural impact has been meaningful, and this temple stands as proof of that.

A symbol beyond religion

The Hindu temple in Bandar Abbas is more than just a religious structure. It tells a story of people who travelled far from home but kept their identity alive. It shows how culture and faith can cross borders and still survive.

Even today, though it is no longer active for worship, the temple stands as a reminder that traditions do not disappear easily. Wherever people go, they carry their beliefs with them.

The Guardian peddles fake news about the BAPS temple, attempts to divide Hindus by falsely claiming that Dalit workers were exploited: Read the truth about the case and how US court put an end to the lies

Shriti Sagar
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The Guardian peddles fake news about the BAPS temple, attempts to divide Hindus by falsely claiming that Dalit workers were exploited: Read the truth about the case and how US court put an end to the lies

Months after a US court closed the case in September last year, British daily The Guardian has once again stirred controversy by publishing a report that repeats allegations about the construction of the BAPS Swaminarayan Akshardham in New Jersey, US. The development has reignited a debate that had already been settled after a detailed federal investigation in the United States found no wrongdoing.

The Guardian, a UK-based newspaper, published an article on Thursday, 2nd April, claiming that the construction of the temple involved worker abuse and medical negligence. However, the report is recycling claims that were already examined and dismissed by US authorities months ago.

Screengrab of the article published by The Guardian

A grand temple built through a global volunteer effort 

The BAPS Swaminarayan Akshardham temple of Robbinsville, New Jersey, is the biggest Hindu temple in the Western Hemisphere. Built in 2023, the grand temple is more than just a place of worship; it represents devotion and pride among Hindu devotees around the world.

What makes the temple unique is the scale of participation behind its construction. Over 12,500 volunteers from North America and other countries contributed to building the temple over a span of 12 years. Many of them did not have any formal background in construction, but temple authorities have consistently maintained that their contribution was a form of “seva,” or spiritual service rooted in faith and devotion.

The temple’s intricate architecture, hand-carved stones, and vast campus have made it a major spiritual and tourist attraction since its opening.

Allegations raised again by The Guardian 

In its latest article, The Guardian alleged that beneath the temple’s grandeur lies a “darker story” involving claims of worker exploitation. The report claimed that workers faced issues such as “worker abuse, visa fraud and medical neglect” during the construction period between 2015 and 2023.

According to the article, some workers believed that at least two labourers, Ramesh Meena and Devi Lal, died due to silicosis, a lung disease caused by inhaling fine silica dust during stone carving. The report also mentioned claims of workers suffering from respiratory illnesses like tuberculosis and chronic bronchitis.

Quoting anonymous workers, the article described harsh working conditions, including long working hours of up to 90 hours a week and wages allegedly as low as $1.20 per hour. It further claimed that workers’ passports were taken away and that they had limited contact with their families.

The report also raised fake claims about safety practices, alleging that workers were not provided proper protective equipment. It stated that some workers used cloth or surgical masks instead of the recommended N95 masks while working in dusty conditions. Additionally, the article claimed that medical facilities were inadequate and that workers were discouraged from seeking treatment outside the temple’s internal system.

The article also claims that around two hundred Dalit workers, members of the lowest caste in India’s rigid social hierarchy, came from Rajasthan to New Jersey to work on the temple. Historically subjected to extreme social and economic marginalisation, Dalits have long been relegated to the most dangerous and lowest-paid labour. 

The article further alleged that the Dalit workers are also not allowed to worship in these temples because of their low caste ranking.

The temple authorities, however, have denied all these allegations and maintained that their practices were in line with legal and religious frameworks. They have also invoked the “ministerial exception,” a legal principle in the United States that protects religious organisations from interference in matters related to religious roles and duties.

BAPS has consistently disputed the allegations, saying the workers were volunteers performing religious service, known as seva, rather than employees.

Leaders of the Hindu denomination have said the artisans were motivated by faith and tradition, not coercion, and that some plaintiffs later withdrew from the case after claiming they were misled into joining the lawsuit.

Despite these denials, The Guardian’s report has brought back claims that were already part of a long-running legal and media debate.

U.S. authorities had already closed the case last year

The renewed controversy comes despite the fact that US authorities had already investigated the matter in detail and closed the case. On 18th September last year, the United States Department of Justice and the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of New Jersey officially ended their investigation into the temple’s construction.

The DOJ had been investigating claims made by dozens of former workers who alleged they were recruited from India under religious visas, forced to work long hours on temple construction, and paid as little as $1.20 an hour.

The plaintiffs in the civil lawsuit, many of whom are from marginalised Dalit communities in India, filed their initial complaint in May 2021, the same day federal agents raided the Robbinsville temple complex.

According to statements issued at the time, the investigation lasted nearly four years and concluded without any charges being filed. This was seen as a major relief for the Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha, the organisation behind the temple.

Reacting to the decision, Swami Brahmaviharidas, head of the BAPS Hindu Mandir in Abu Dhabi, strongly rejected the allegations and welcomed the closure of the case. He said, “Satyamev Jayate! We build a temple with love, faith, devotion and a spirit of volunteerism… Some people with little vested interest file false accusations regarding when the temple was built and the craftsmanship.”

He further added, “The US government carried out an investigation into the temple for 4 years and finally closed it, saying no charges were ever filed and no charges were ever true. This restores faith in justice.”

In its official statement, BAPS also said that the US government’s decision sends a “clear and powerful message” supporting the organisation’s long-standing position. It described the temple as “a place of peace, service, and devotion” built through the dedication of thousands of volunteers.

The organisation also emphasised its spiritual philosophy, stating that even in difficult times, it remains committed to “faith, cooperation, humility, and a commitment to truth.”

Pattern of allegations in Foreign Media to divide Hindus

This is not the first time that foreign media outlets have published critical reports about the temple. In the past, publications like The New York Times have also carried stories alleging forced labour, caste discrimination, and poor working conditions.

In a report published in 2023, The New York Times claimed that federal agents had raided the temple construction site in 2021 after some workers made allegations about their working conditions. However, many observers later pointed out that even after the raid and a detailed investigation, no charges were ultimately proven or filed in the case.

The timing of such reports has also raised questions. One of the articles by The New York Times came out just a few days after the grand opening of the temple in October 2023. This was a time when the Hindu community across the world was celebrating the completion of the temple.

In May 2021, a group of Indian artisans in the US filed a lawsuit alleging human trafficking and forced labour and claimed they were confined and forced to work for as low as USD 1 on the construction of the Swaminarayan temple in New Jersey’s Robbinsville. BAPS was accused of luring labourers from India to work on temples near Atlanta, Chicago, Houston and Los Angeles, along with New Jersey, while paying only USD 450 a month.

Back then, BAPS denied the claims and said worship through seva is an integral part of Bhakti in the sect, and volunteers from around the world contribute to the same. The volunteers who take part in such construction activities of the temple regularly interact with people who come to visit. The Hindu organisation had also said the volunteers were regularly in touch with their family members back home.

It must be recalled that the BAPS Temple in New Jersey was also targeted by the left-liberal newspaper The New York Times. In a propaganda piece published in October 2023, the NYT claimed, “Federal law enforcement agents raided the temple construction site in 2021 after workers accused the builders, a prominent Hindu sect with ties to Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India and his ruling party, of forced labour, low wages and poor working conditions.”

“Their lawyers said workers who were Dalit, the lowest rung in India’s caste system, were specifically targeted. A federal criminal investigation is ongoing, as is a wage claim lawsuit,” the leftist newspaper further alleged.

This came even as it had been 2 years since the raid on the construction site of Akshardham Mahamandir in 2021, and no charges could be established.

In July 2023, over a dozen artisans, who were part of a lawsuit against the BAPS temple in New Jersey, withdrew their names from the case. At that time, Rajasthan High Court Advocate Aaditya SB Soni issued a press release on behalf of the artisans under the banner of Bharatiya Majdoor Sangh and Patthar Gadhai Sangh, stating the artisans were threatened to be part of the deep-rooted conspiracy to stall the construction of the grand Hindu Temple.

Larger debate around representation and narrative 

The recurring allegations and their coverage have sparked a broader debate about how Hindu institutions are portrayed in international media. Such reports only focus on controversy and know-how peddling lies while overlooking the scale of volunteer participation and the cultural significance of projects like the Akshardham temple.

The latest report by The Guardian has once again brought the spotlight back on the BAPS Swaminarayan Akshardham temple in New Jersey. While the allegations it highlights are serious, they are not new and were already examined during a multi-year investigation by US authorities that ended without charges.

As the debate continues, the episode raises important questions about how such issues are reported and revisited, especially when official findings have already been made. For many, the temple remains a symbol of faith and collective effort, while for others, it continues to be a subject of scrutiny and discussion.

As mob holds judicial officers hostage in Malda’s Kaliachak, read how Muslims resorted to anti-Hindu riots in 2016 at the same place over Kamlesh Tiwari’s “blasphemy”

Divya Bharti
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As mob holds judicial officers hostage in Malda’s Kaliachak, read how Muslims resorted to anti-Hindu riots in 2016 at the same place over Kamlesh Tiwari’s “blasphemy”

The 2016 Malda riots broke out in the same place in Kaliachak, where judicial officers were reportedly held hostage by a mob a few days back. The fresh tension has brought back memories of one of West Bengal’s most violent flare-ups, when a massive protest by Muslims in January 2016 turned into large-scale violence, leaving public property destroyed, police injured, and the entire region on edge.

How a protest turned into a violent riot

On 3rd January, 2016, thousands of people gathered in Kaliachak in Malda district to protest against controversial remarks made by political figure Kamlesh Tiwari. The rally had permission and was organised by Muslim groups demanding strict punishment against him.

What began as a protest soon spiralled out of control. A section of the crowd became aggressive, broke barricades, and clashed with police and security forces. Within a short time, the situation turned into a full-blown riot.

The Muslim mob attacked the Kaliachak police station, vandalised offices, and set vehicles on fire. The block development office was also ransacked. Government records, computers, and files were destroyed. Police personnel were chased away as the mob took over the premises.

More than 30 policemen were injured during the clashes. Several vehicles, including those belonging to the Border Security Force and the North Bengal State Transport Corporation, were torched.

Railway blockade and widespread disruption

The violence did not remain limited to government buildings. Protesters moved towards Khaltipur railway station and blocked railway tracks for hours, bringing train services to a halt.

National Highway 34 was also affected as vehicles were stranded after an NBSTC bus was set on fire. Passengers had to abandon vehicles to save themselves as the mob turned violent.

Shops shut down, roads were blocked, and daily life came to a standstill. Fear spread across nearby areas as people stayed indoors.

Reports of targeted attacks on Hindu properties

Several reports from the time suggested that the violence also took a communal turn. Temples, including Shani Temple and Durga Temple in nearby areas like Baliadanga, were attacked. Around 25 houses and shops belonging to Hindus were vandalised.

These incidents added to the tension, with claims that the riot had elements of anti-Hindu violence alongside the initial protest.

What triggered the protest

The root of the protest lay in remarks made by Kamlesh Tiwari in December 2015. His comments about Prophet Muhammad triggered outrage among Muslim groups across the country.

This controversy itself came after remarks by Azam Khan, who had commented on RSS members in the context of the debate around homosexuality laws.

At that time, the debate was linked to Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which had been reinstated by the Supreme Court in 2013 after being struck down earlier by the Delhi High Court.

Tiwari’s statement led to nationwide protests, with many groups demanding strict punishment, including capital punishment. He was arrested in Lucknow under sections related to promoting enmity and hurting religious sentiments.

Massive crowd and sudden escalation

The rally in Malda reportedly saw participation ranging from tens of thousands to over two lakh people. Eyewitness accounts suggested that the turning point came when protesters encountered resistance from police and security forces while moving through the area.

An altercation involving a bus and security personnel is also believed to have contributed to the escalation. Within minutes, the protest lost control and turned violent.

Police had to fire around 40 rounds of blank shots to disperse the crowd. The Rapid Action Force was deployed to bring the situation under control.

Police action and restrictions

After the violence, authorities imposed Section 144 to prevent gatherings. Additional forces were deployed, and flag marches were conducted to restore normalcy.

Political visits were restricted. A delegation led by BJP leaders, including Samik Bhattacharya and S. S. Ahluwalia, was stopped from entering the area, with officials citing concerns that their presence could worsen the situation.

Several arrests were made in the days following the riot, and investigations were launched to identify those involved.

Was there another motive behind the violence?

While the immediate trigger was the protest against Tiwari’s remarks, later investigations suggested that the violence may not have been purely spontaneous. Police and security agencies indicated that criminal elements may have used the protest as a cover. One key angle was the destruction of records inside the police station.

Kaliachak and the surrounding areas had long been under scrutiny for illegal activities such as fake currency circulation, drug trafficking, and illegal poppy cultivation.

According to officials, enforcement agencies had recently taken action against these networks, including destroying large areas of poppy fields. This crackdown is believed to have angered local criminal groups.

Poppy mafia and illegal trade

The Malda region, especially areas near the international border with Bangladesh, has been known for illegal activities. These include smuggling, fake currency operations, and narcotics production.

Poppy cultivation, which is used to produce opium and heroin, was widespread. Authorities had begun a major drive to destroy these crops just days before the riots.

Some reports suggested that the mob attack on the police station may have been aimed at destroying evidence linked to these illegal operations.

This theory was supported by the fact that records, files, and computers inside the police station were specifically targeted and destroyed.

Geography and demographic context

Malda district has a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims, with some areas like Kaliachak having a Muslim majority. According to the 2011 Census, both communities have significant presence in the district.

Its location bordering Bihar, Jharkhand, and Bangladesh makes it strategically sensitive. The border areas have often been used as transit routes for illegal trade.

This combination of demographic complexity and criminal networks has made the region vulnerable to sudden outbreaks of violence.

Civil society and differing views

Not everyone agreed that the violence was communal in nature. The Association for Democratic Rights (APDR), a civil rights group, stated that the incident should not be seen purely as communal.

Its representatives argued that the violence was more a sign of lawlessness and the involvement of miscreants rather than a planned communal clash.

However, political parties and local reports continued to debate the nature of the riot, with some calling it a deliberate attack driven by communal anger and others pointing to criminal motives.

Lasting impact and relevance today

The 2016 Malda riots left a deep mark on the region. It exposed weaknesses in law enforcement, the influence of illegal networks, and the fragile balance between communities.

Now, as reports emerge of judicial officers being held hostage in the same Kaliachak area, the memory of 2016 becomes even more relevant.

The recurrence of mob action in the same location raises serious questions about governance, law and order, and whether the underlying issues that led to the earlier violence were ever fully addressed.

A pattern of tension

The events of 2016 showed how quickly a protest can turn into large-scale violence when multiple factors religious sentiments, political tensions, and criminal interests intersect.

The recent hostage situation suggests that Kaliachak continues to remain sensitive and volatile.

As authorities respond to the current crisis, the lessons from the 2016 riots serve as a reminder of how fragile peace can be in such regions and how important it is to address both immediate triggers and deeper structural issues.

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