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‘Fact-Checker’ Alt News publishes misleading report: Claims that Election Commission portal features applicable pan India are barriers for West Bengal voter lists

Raju Das
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‘Fact-Checker’ Alt News publishes misleading report: Claims that Election Commission portal features applicable pan India are barriers for West Bengal voter lists

Alt News published an article on 3 April 2026 titled “Bengal SIR: The wall ECI built around electoral data and how we broke through it” claiming that the Election Commission of India (ECI) has deliberately made the voter lists in West Bengal inaccessible. The article focuses on the publication of Special Intensive Revision (SIR) draft electoral rolls for West Bengal in 2025–26. It alleges deliberate barriers specifically for the state, like downloads limited to ten polling booths per attempt, CAPTCHA protection on every download, and rolls provided only as “scanned PDF images” that are non-searchable and cannot be meaningfully analysed.

These measures, Alt News claims, create a “barrier” and a “wall” around public data. Alt News claims that this format is “not a technological limitation” and contrasts it with systems like Aadhaar or UPI, arguing that providing text files would be “trivial.” Alt News implied that these barriers are specific to West Bengal, creating nm impression that such measures are not applicable for voter lists of other states.

The article said that while attempting to work with the SIR Final Rolls 2026 for two Kolkata constituencies, they faced these obstacles. The organisation claimed to have digitised two Kolkata constituencies (Bhabanipur and Ballygunge) at a reported cost of approximately ₹11,800.

These claims by Alt News are completely false and misleading. The access restrictions and file formats described as ‘obstacles for West Bengal’ are actually standard ECI policy applied uniformly across all States and Union Territories, not a Bengal-specific design. The ECI has long mandated image-based non-editable PDFs with CAPTCHA gating precisely to safeguard the integrity of electoral rolls. Voter lists are generated digitally from the central ERONET system and exported in a secure, non-manipulable format. What Alt News claims to be faults are actually by design, and there are valid reasons behind them.

Below is a point-by-point examination of the facts.

The 10-area limit per attempt and CAPTCHA requirement are default nationwide behaviours

The ECI’s Voters’ Services Portal and the websites of all Chief Electoral Officers (CEOs) operate with identical technical safeguards. Users can download electoral rolls, including SIR drafts, only in limited batches, typically ten polling stations at a time. Moreover, each attempt is protected by a CAPTCHA challenge containing letters, numerals, and special characters. This is explicitly required by ECI instructions to all CEOs.⁠

This can be easily verified by going to the Voters’ Services portal and selecting any state under the Download Elector Roll option. These controls exist for every State/UT, not just West Bengal, as Alt News is claiming. Moreover, this is not a new feature; it is part of the ECI portal for a long time. For example, this Livemint article published in August 2025 describing how to check names in voter list after SIR in Bihar says in step 4: “Enter your district, Assembly constituency, Select language, ‘Roll Type [SIR draft roll] and ‘Part No and Part Name’; finally, enter captcha and proceed.”

These measures have been implemented to prevent automated bulk scraping that could overload ECI servers, enable distributed denial-of-service-style attacks, or facilitate unauthorised mass harvesting of personal data. Alt News falsely presents the restrictions as evidence of intent aimed solely at Bengal.

Electoral rolls published as “image PDFs” across India for security and integrity reasons, upheld by the Supreme Court

Alt News claims that voter lists are provided as non-text image files is another barrier, and that publishing text files like CSV files should be easy. While it is true that the commission can easily export text voter data from its data, they have not done this on purpose. Had Alt News performed research on this before publishing the article, they would have known that the ECI instructions specifically say that “only image PDF (non-editable) of electoral rolls, with only details and without photograph of electors, shall be hosted on the CEOs’ website” and “Access to view such image PDF to be strictly provided through CAPTCHA.”

ECI has a clear policy of not publishing machine-readable voter lists, and this ‘barrier’ is by design. Soft copies supplied to recognised political parties also follow the same image-PDF-only rule.⁠

The ECI has repeatedly explained why text-based or machine-readable formats such as searchable PDFs or CSVs are not provided for public download. Text files are easily editable, which could allow malicious actors to insert, delete, or alter entries and then circulate “evidence” of manipulation, undermining public confidence in the rolls.

PDFs with text can be easily edited by software such as Adobe Acrobat and other similar programs, making them vulnerable for malicious changes to create controversies. On the other hand, image-PDF files can be edited only with graphics software like Adobe Photoshop, and even in such attempts, it is hard to match the font, colour, texture, etc., which makes any manipulation very hard.

In 2018, Congress leader Kamal Nath had moved the Supreme Court seeking direction to the ECI to publish voter lists in text format like MS-Word files. The former Madhya Pradesh CM, along with other Congress leaders, had also approached ECI with this demand, claiming that text-based voter lists will enable easy identification of duplicate, repeat, multiple, illegal, invalid and false entries in electoral rolls.

However, ECI had rejected this demand, saying that its instructions were to publish only image-only files, in view of the safety and privacy concerns. The poll commission told the apex court that if the voter list is supplied in text form, it will enable data mining in large scale, potentially creating risks for the integrity of the database.

The Supreme Court, in its judgment, upheld the ECI’s prerogative to decide the format, rejecting demands for searchable versions on the grounds that the Commission must balance transparency with the prevention of misuse. The court said that ECI has given valid reasons for not publishing text files.

Last year CEC Gyanesh Kumar reiterated that the voter list cannot be published in machine-readable format as it can be edited and can lead to its misuse.

The Supreme Court had made it clear that the Election Commission is not required to provide text files, and told the petitioner that if he wants, he can get the image-PDF files converted to text data on his own efforts.

Therefore, the claim of Alt News that they spent money to convert such voter lists from Kolkata is as per the Supreme Court order.

The PDFs are not “scanned” photographs of printed pages, they are digitally generated

Alt News repeatedly claimed in the article that the voter list files are “scanned PDF images — effectively photographs of printed pages,” but that is incorrect. The rolls are produced centrally through the ECI’s ERONET application. ERONET is the national, standardised system that processes all forms, manages elector data, generates unique EPIC numbers, and produces the final electoral rolls.

The PDFs are created programmatically from this database, commonly using libraries such as iText Core, and exported directly in a rasterised image-based format. It can be easily verified by opening the PDF file in Adobe Reader and checking the Description tab under Document Properties. This ensures the files are non-editable and tamper-proof without any physical printing and scanning.

For example, given below is the properties screen of the voter list PDF for one of the booths in Bhabanipur constituency in West Bengal, cited by the Alt News article. It clearly states that the file was created by iText Core 8.0.1, which means this PDF file was created directly from the database, it was not scanned, even though it only contains images.

The larger file sizes noted by Alt News, approximately 228 times bigger than a plain-text equivalent, are a direct consequence of this deliberate design choice, each page is rendered as an image layer to prevent text extraction or editing.

Watermarks hide names

Alt News said that a large number of voter entries carry a diagonal “UNDER DJUDICATION” watermark, and that it hinders automated data extraction using OCR software, and sometimes even manual reading becomes difficult.

It should be noted that watermarks such as “UNDER ADJUDICATION” and “DELETED” are also system-generated overlays applied where relevant during the process, they are not physical ink stamps. These are standard features of ERONET output, visible in rolls published by CEOs in every State.

The claim of using the stamps to hide the names in West Bengal is false and misleading, such stamps appear in voter lists of all states. While the “UNDER ADJUDICATION” stamp is specific to SIR, other stamps like “DELETED” appear in all voter lists of all states and UTs, they are not aimed at hiding any name.

While third parties and software may not recognise some names due to such stamps, respective voters, families and neighbours are easily able to read such names. Moreover, the list also contains the voter ID number for any further validation.

Therefore, the ‘stamp hiding name’ affects only third parties and tools attempting mass data analysis or data harvesting from voter lists, which is not the intended purpose of the published lists. Actual intended users of the voter lists, the voters, are not impacted by these stamps.

Voter lists exist for voters, not as free raw data for third-party automation

The ECI’s official position, reiterated in multiple roll-revision cycles, is that voter lists are public records meant for individual citizens to verify their own entries, not bulk datasets for third parties to subject to automated analysis. Recognised political parties already receive free soft copies for scrutiny, and booth-level party workers are supposed to work with the voter lists of only one or a few booths under their jurisdiction.

Voter lists are maintained under the Representation of the People Act, 1950, primarily to enable citizens to verify their own electoral status and to allow recognised political parties to scrutinise the rolls under controlled conditions. The ECI has explicitly argued in court and in the media that unrestricted machine-readable formats would facilitate large-scale data mining and misuse, which is why image-based PDFs with access controls remain the norm. As explained by the ECI in the Kamal Nath case, such restrictions help prevent bulk exploitation of voter data while preserving transparency for legitimate purposes.

The portal is not intended as a free API or data dump for NGOs, political consultancy firms or media organisations to run large-scale automated scripts. The electoral rolls are for voters, not for third parties or other organisations to run demographic analysis to customise their political strategies. If such organisations want to run automated analysis on voter lists, they must get the data converted to machine readable format themselves, as suggested by the Supreme Court.

The ECI provides multiple avenues for legitimate scrutiny, including individual search on the National Voters’ Service Portal (NVSP) using voter ID number, download of polling station-wise voter lists from the portal, free hard and soft copies supplied to recognised political parties, and physical inspection at Electoral Registration Officers’ offices. Before elections, political parties print such lists and distribute them among their booth-level workers to mobilise voters and inform voters about their polling station, serial number, etc.

Bulk automated extraction by any entity is deliberately restricted by design to protect server stability and the integrity of the official record. The ECI has consistently argued that unrestricted machine-readable data could be weaponised to create duplicate or fake voter claims, eroding trust in the electoral process.

Conclusion

Alt News’s report frames routine, nationwide ECI technical and procedural safeguards as a politically motivated “wall” erected specifically around West Bengal’s electoral data. In reality, the 10-area download limit, CAPTCHA protection, and image-PDF-only format are uniform ECI policy documented in official instructions to all Chief Electoral Officers and upheld by the Supreme Court. These measures exist to prevent server overload by bots, stop easy manipulation of voter data, and ensure that the rolls remain authoritative public records rather than editable datasets open to misuse.

While these restrictions can undoubtedly be frustrating for researchers, journalists, and analysts seeking large-scale or automated access, they are by design and the ECI has valid reasons for implementing them. In effect, they are features, not bugs.

The ECI’s approach reflects a deliberate balance between transparency and the security of one of India’s most critical democratic instruments. Voter lists are not intended as free, machine-readable fodder for third-party analysis, they are tools for citizens to confirm their own electoral status.

The Alt News article actually mentions ECI’s argument against text voter lists, and accepts that image files only withhold usability, not information. That is what the Election Commission is also saying.

By omitting the fact that these rules apply to all the states and UTs and implying that they are implemented only in West Bengal’s voter lists, so called fact checker ended up spreading fake news. It is clear that Alt News has presented a selective and inaccurate narrative. This is not evidence of any Bengal-specific conspiracy, it is standard electoral administration applied equally across the country.

Guess who is representing Mamata govt after mob violence in Muslim-dominated Malda, where judicial officers wailed for their lives and SC said it was pre-planned: Kapil Sibal, of course

Shraddha Pandey
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Guess who is representing Mamata govt after mob violence in Muslim-dominated Malda, where judicial officers wailed for their lives and SC said it was pre-planned: Kapil Sibal, of course

The 1st of April 2026, witnessed what could be described as a collapse of democracy and law and order in West Bengal’s Malda district as seven judicial officers, including three women, who were on election duty for the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, were gheraoed at a BDO office by a Muslim mob. Taking sou motu cognisance of the matter, the Supreme Court blasted the TMC for its abject failure in protecting the judicial officers.  Among the lawyers who represented the Mamata Banerjee-led government was senior advocate Kapil Sibal.

The Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice Suryakant came down heavily on the state government. The bench described the Malda violence and the failure of the TMC government to uphold law and order as a “complete breakdown of constitutional machinery.”

Kapil Sibal, however, requested the court to delete this strong observation.

Interestingly, Kapil Sibal has throughout his career been a part of landmark cases, many anti-Hindu, many anti-India. Sibal has consistently been on the “wrong side”.

Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Title Dispute

The Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Title Dispute remains one of Kapil Sibal’s most controversial legal engagements. The ex-Congress leader and UPA Minister fought the Ram Janmabhoomi case for the Sunni Waqf Board, opposing the building of a magnificent Ram Mandir at the then-disputed site in Ayodhya. He also employed dilatory tactics and asked the Supreme Court to delay the decision in the Ram Janmabhoomi case till the 2019 general elections, assuming that a decision in the Hindu side’s favour could benefit the BJP. Despite the blatant politicisation of the issue concerning the Hindu faith and way above electoral politics, the Supreme Court’s 2019 ruling favoured the construction of Ram Mandir at the Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya.

The trauma of losing the case has stayed with Kapil Sibal, which reflected when Prime Minister Narendra Modi performed the Pran Pratishtha of Shri Ram Lalla in the newly-constructed Ram Mandir at the Janmbhoomi site in Ayodhya. Sibal had called the ceremony that essentially marked the triumphant culmination of a 500-year-long struggle, “a show off”.

Kapil Sibal represented Shafin Jahan in the Hadiya Love Jihad case

Kapil Sibal had represented Hadiya’s husband, Shafin Jahan, in the Supreme Court, challenging the annulment of Hadiya and Shafin’s marriage by the Kerala High Court in the Shafin Jahan vs KM Ashokan case, also known as the Hadiya Love Jihad case.

A Hindu girl named Akhila had changed her name to Hadiya after converting to Islam and marrying a muslim man named Shafin Jahan. Hadiya/Akhila’s father, a retired Indian Army soldier, had alleged that it was a case of love jihad. While the Supreme Court ruled in Jahan’s favour, upholding Hadiya’s right as an adult to choose her religion and spouse, it emerged that the now-outlawed Islamic terror outfit Popular Front of India (PFI) spent Rs 99,52,324 on the case.  Of this, Rs 93,85,000 was reportedly paid to four senior lawyers, Kapil Sibal, Dushyant Dave, Indira Jaising and Marzook Bafaki who fought the case on Shafin Jahan’s behalf.

Back in 2020, the Enforcement Directorate alleged that the PFI received huge funding to fuel anti-CAA protests across the country following the passage of the Citizenship Amendment Act by both houses of the parliament in December 2019. It was reported that PFI spent about 120 crores in a month to orchestrate the violent riots in the country, naming eminent lawyers Kapil Sibal, Indira Jaising and Dushyant Dave also as the beneficiaries of PFI’s funding. Sibal was reported to have received Rs 77 lakh. However, the senior counsel issued a ‘clarification’ saying that the amount he received from the now-outlawed Islamic jihadist outfit was his fees for services as a lawyer in the Hadiya Love Jihad Case.

Kapil Sibal represented PFI member Siddique Kappan

Kapil Sibal’s association with the PFI was not confined to the Hadiya Love Jihad case alone. In 2020, a habeas corpus plea was filed in the Supreme Court seeking the release of Siddique Kappan, one of the four PFI members arrested by UP police for planning to create caste-based unrest and communal tension over the Hathras case.  Appearing as a legal representative of Kerala Journalists’ Union, and Siddique Kappan, an active PFI member also working as a journalist, Sibal unsuccessfully requested the Supreme Court to let him approach them under Article 32 of the Constitution.

Sibal represented anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid in the Supreme Court

The legal eagle, Kapil Sibal, has, despite criticism, been consistent in taking up cases of anti-Hindu elements. Representing the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid, in the Supreme Court, Kapil Sibal went overboard and allegedly indulged in forum shopping.

In February 2024, a bench of Justices Bela M Trivedi and Pankaj Mithal allowed Umar Khalid to withdraw the bail plea. Senior advocate Kapil Sibal, appearing for Khalid, told the bench that the petition is being withdrawn, given a “change in circumstances” and to seek bail afresh before the trial court. Kapil Sibal also withdrew a separate petition questioning the legality of certain sections of the UAPA, especially dealing with bail.

OpIndia highlighted earlier that out of the 14 adjournments in 2023 and 2024, 7 delays and adjournments were sought by Umar Khalid himself. This deliberate delay was caused by Khalid’s counsel, Kapil Sibal. 

OpIndia reported earlier how the adjournments and the subsequent withdrawal were the result of a failed attempt at forum shopping by Kapil Sibal.

Former Chief Justice of India, DY Chandrachud had also said in 2025 that the real problem lies in the mindset of some lawyers and political groups who want their cases heard only by certain judges. Highlighting what OpIndia has reported multiple times, the former CJI said that court records showed that Khalid’s legal team, led by Sibal, had sought at least seven adjournments before finally withdrawing the bail plea in February 2024, citing “a change in circumstances.”

Kapil Sibal lied in court to peddle Muslim victimhood bogey

In 2022, Kapil Sibal lied in the Supreme Court and falsely claimed that BJP leader Parvesh Verma called for a boycott of the Muslim community, even as Verma did not name any community. When Justice KM Joseph asked Sibal whether Muslims have been making hate speeches, he denied knowledge of such a development, even as there were numerous incidents of Muslims delivering hate speeches that year against Hindus, including those by AIMIM leaders, Ajmer Dargah Khadim Syed Adil Chishti, Sawar Chishti, who gave open calls for an economic boycott of Hindus.

Kapil Sibal and other Rajya Sabha MPs moved impeachment motion against Allahabad HC judge for calling Islamic extremists “Kathmulla”

In December 2024, a motion to remove Allahabad High Court Judge Shekhar Kumar Yadav from office was submitted to the Rajya Sabha Secretary-General over his allegedly controversial comments at a Vishwa Hindu Parishad event. The motion was submitted by a delegation headed by Kapil Sibal and others, including Vivek Tankha, Digvijaya Singh, P. Wilson, John Brittas, KTS Tulsi, Manoj Kumar Jha and Saket Gokhale.

“But these kathmullah… this may not be the right word… but I won’t hesitate to say it because they are harmful to the country…they are detrimental, against the nation, and people who incite the public. They are the kind of people who do not want the country to progress, and we need to be cautious of them,” the judge had stated during the event.

According to the motion for impeachment, Justice Yadav  broke  “the secular ethos of the constitution and the judge’s oath of office.” Justice Shekhar Yadav’s judicial roster was altered by the Chief Justice of the Allahabad High Court four days after his statement, and the alterations took effect on 16th December. He was also summoned by the Supreme Court Collegium to clarify his position on the matter after the apex court took cognisance of his speech on 10th December. In January 2025, the Allahabad High Court dismissed the PIL seeking Justice Yadav’s impeachment.

Sibal defended NC leader who raised the Pakistan Zindabad slogan, sought referendum in Kashmir

In September 2023, the Supreme Court heard pleas challenging the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35 of the Indian Constitution. One of the petitioners in the case was a National Conference (NC) leader named Mohammad Akbar Lone, who had raised pro-Pakistan slogans in the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in 2018. The counsel representing Lone was none other than Kapil Sibal. Back then, CJI Chandrachud had pulled up Sibal for the pro-Pakistani remarks of Lone.

Kapil Sibal had shamelessly argued that raising the issue of ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ sloganeering by his client, Mohammad Akbar Lone, would lead to ‘unnecessary’ media coverage.

Sibal also represented other petitioners who challenged the constitutional legality of the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35A. He had vehemently opposed the removal of these temporary provisions giving special status to Jammu and Kashmir.  Even though these provisions granting special autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir obstructed full integration of J&K into India by allowing separate laws, restrictions on non-residents from settling or owning property, and perpetuating Jihadist separatism by curbing central authority. This fuelled decades of unrest, terrorism and discrimination against Kashmiri Hindus. OpIndia has reported time and again how Jammu and Kashmir has been witnessing an unprecedented wave of development and economic growth following the removal of Article 370.  

While arguing against the abrogation of Article 370, Sibal called for a Brexit-like referendum in Kashmir. His outrageous and treacherous demand, however, was turned down by then CJI Chandrachud.

When Kapil Sibal represented the Karnataka Waqf Board and insinuated that Muslims would be ‘provoked’ if Hindu festivals were to be celebrated on ‘Waqf land’

Back in August 2022, the Supreme Court denied permission for Ganesh Chaturthi celebrations at the disputed Idgah Maidan in Bengaluru. The court ordered a status quo on the Maidan on a petition by the Karnataka Waqf Board

The Idgah Maidan’s ownership was contested as both the Karnataka Waqf Board and the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike laid their claim.

Representing the Waqf Board, Kapil Sibal had argued before the apex court that the Karnataka HC’s order violates the 1964 order passed by the Supreme Court. Sibal had put up a rhetorical question to the judges: If other religious festivals are allowed on the grounds owned by Waqf, where only Islamic religious festivals are held, ‘Your Lordships know what will happen’.

 He also contended that the Karnataka HC’s order might change the ‘character of the maidan’ and that ‘nod to the puja at the maidan might hurt communal harmony.’ Sibal had put up a rhetorical question to the judges, that if other religious festivals are allowed on ground owned by Waqf, where only Islamic religious festivals are held, ‘Your Lordships know that what will happen’. 

Interestingly, Sibal had also represented the Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind, which provides legal aid to accused Muslim rioters and criminals, in the Supreme Court against its plea challenging the constitutional validity of the Waqf Act (UMEED Act) passed in 2025.

 When Kapil Sibal defended TMC govt’s insensitivity and prioritised the reputation of lawyers over justice for the RG Kar Medical College Rape and Murder Case victim

Notably, Sibal, representing the TMC government and making news for all the wrong reasons, is not new. In September 2024, Kapil Sibal, who represented the West Bengal government, objected to the live streaming of the SC proceedings in the brutal RG Kar Hospital rape and murder case. Sibal claimed the reputation built over 5 decades would be destroyed by the live streaming of the case. His request, however, was denied.

Sibal received a massive backlash at that time for defending the Mamata Banerjee-led West Bengal government despite allegations of delayed FIR filing and mishandling by the state authorities. Sibal’s claim that the FIR in this case was filed promptly was questioned by the court itself. Sibal’s insensitivity peaked when he blamed the victim’s parents for the delay in FIR filing.

From Ayodhya Ram Mandir case, Rafale Deal case, peddling the the infamous ‘zero-loss’ theory in the 2G spectrum scam case, pushing for reinstatement of the divisive Article 370 and 35a, representing Islamist organisation against Waqf Act, despite the track record of Waqf Boards arbitrarily laying claim over Hindu-majority villages, houses, colleges and land plots etc, representing anti-Hindu elements, to now representing TMC government in the Malda violence case, wherein a mockery of democracy continued for nine-long hours at the hands of a Muslim mob instigated by a present AIMIM and ex-TMC leader Moffakerul Islam, due to Mamata government’s nonfeasance, Kapil Sibal has been on the wrong side of the issues.

Gopal Sankaranarayanan: TMC’s legal representative, who previously fought the case of a Christian soldier who refused to enter a Gurudwara

Among the lawyers who represented the West Bengal government in the Malda violence case was senior advocate Gopala Sankarnarayanan.

Sankarnarayanan had last year represented Lieutenant Samuel Kamalesan, a Christian Army officer who challenged his termination for refusing to participate in regimental religious parades. In November 2025, the Supreme Court bench comprising Chief Justice of India Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi refused to interfere with the Delhi High Court’s verdict that upheld his dismissal, making it clear that individual religious rigidity cannot override the collective discipline required in a fighting force.

Appearing for Kamalesan, advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan had argued his client was punished for a single act of refusing to enter the sanctum sanctorum of a temple during a regimental parade. He claimed the officer was otherwise compliant and participated in multi-faith spaces but refrained from entering the innermost part of the temple because of his monotheistic Christian beliefs.

His argument, however, was dismissed with strong observations by CJI Suryakant. Advocate Sankaranarayanan had argued that Kamalesan was being forced to conduct Hindu rituals, which would violate his faith. But the bench noted that there was no obligation to perform any rituals, only to participate in the parade as a troop leader.

Interestingly, Gopala Sankarnarayanan had represented one of the petitioners in the Supreme Court in July last year in the plea seeking a stay on the SIR exercise in Bihar.

One of the main petitioners in this case was the NGO Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), while opposition leaders had also approached the top court against the EC’s order, including RJD MP Manoj Jha, TMC MP Mahua Moitra, Congress leader KC Venugopal, NCP’s Supriya Sule, CPI’s D Raja, SP’s Harinder Singh Malik, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Arvind Sawant, JMM’s Sarfaraz Ahmad, and CPI (ML) leader Dipankar Bhattacharya.

Representing one of the petitioners, Gopal Sankaranarayanan had contended that almost 7.9 crore individuals can be impacted and expressed puzzlement as to why Aadhaar and voter ID cards are being disregarded.

The court, however, refused to stay the SIR exercise and said that there’s nothing wrong with conducting such an exercise. The top court had also rejected the argument of the petitioner’s counsel, Sankarnarayanan, regarding the rejection of Aadhaar cards and voter ID cards as valid documents.

Advocate Gopal Sankarnarayanan has been a vocal critic of OBC reservation, particularly the inclusion of ‘dominant’ caste groups which “discriminated against SCs and STs”. 

Gopal Sankarnarayanan had conceptualised the red and black leather pocket-sized constitution that Congress leader Rahul Gandhi often flashes as a prop while he acts as a self-declared champion of Dalits and defender of the constitution. Ironically, while Gandhi is a desperate advocate of breaching the 50% ceiling to give more reservations to SC, ST and OBCs, and cries ‘Jitni Aabadi Utna Haq, Sankarnarayanan is strongly opposed to breaching this ceiling.

In 2018, a plea was filed by Samta Andolan Samiti, the umbrella body of general and OBC government employees and nine people belonging to the SC/ST community. Sankaranarayanan represented the petitioners and sought the introduction of the creamy layer concept in SC/ST reservations to keep the rich among them out, to ensure that the benefits go to the poor and the needy.

Back in 2023, Sankarnarayanan gave an interview to a legal portal, Law School Policy Review & Kautilya Society, wherein he expressed dismay over the increasing demand for reservation by communities who supposedly did not face historical discrimination.

In 2022, Sankarnarayanan had represented an organisation named  ‘Youth for Equality’ before the Supreme Court in the case challenging the constitutional validity of the amendment that provided 10% quota for the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS). The senior advocate had submitted that the EWS quota breaches the ceiling of 50% quota and is thus “unconstitutional”.

Menaka Guruswamy: TMC’s legal counsel, who previously represented Delhi Riots instigator and Islamist Tahir Hussain

Appearing for the state government in the Malda violence case on 1st April, advocate Menaka Guruswamy argued that the judicial officers who were gheraoed and harassed for hours were ECI-appointed and attempted to pass the blame to the poll body for the collapse of law and order that occurred due to the state government’s deliberate inaction.

TMC’s picks for legal representation are rather interesting. Back in 2023, Menaka Guruswamy appeared for 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots instigator, and former AAP councillor Tahir Hussain in the Supreme Court. The Tahir Hussain, who had earlier confessed in a disclosure statement that he chose his own house as a launchpad for the riots.

She represented the same Tahir Hussain who also confessed that he and his co-conspirators had started collecting stones, bricks, and other ammunition, well in advance so that they could teach those, who were in support of the CAA, a lesson when the time was right. 

She argued that anti-riot laws cannot be used to initiate money-laundering proceedings, saying that in the lack of an FIR for a money-laundering offence, the High Court had retrieved the prosecution case and relied on its simplicity.

In March 2026, CM Mamata-led Trinamool Congress government in West Bengal gave aRajya Sabha ticket to advocate Menaka Guruswamy, since she is a member of the LGBT community. While the TMC is notorious for Muslim appeasement and enjoys a massive Muslim votebank, its decision to give RS ticket to an LGBT community member had sparked backlash from Islamists who see homosexuality and related themes with absolute contempt as mandated by their religious texts.

In January this year, Guruswamy represented the West Bengal government in the I-PAC- coal smuggling and pilferage racket case. During a hearing on 14th January, Guruswamy, appearing for TMC, objected strongly when Additional Solicitor General SV Raju referred to West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee as “Ms Banerjee.” Guruswamy insisted that Banerjee should be addressed by her position and even demanded that she be referred to as a “multiterm Chief Minister,” saying this was about showing proper respect in court.

However, the way the objection was raised drew wider attention. Guruswamy shouted at SV Raju and repeatedly told him to “mute yourself” while he was trying to present his arguments calmly. The incident had sparked online backlash against Guruswamy for her rude behaviour.

Extortion, molestation, death threats and more: Arvind Kejriwal cries “vendetta” to attack BJP over FIRs against party leaders in Gujarat, fails to mention their serious offences

પ્રાર્થના અમીન
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Extortion, molestation, death threats and more: Arvind Kejriwal cries “vendetta” to attack BJP over FIRs against party leaders in Gujarat, fails to mention their serious offences

The Gujarat state president of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Isudan Gadhvi, along with 17 supporters, was arrested for causing a disturbance at the Jam Khambhaliya police station in Dwarka. In light of this occurrence, the leadership of the party at both the Gujarat and national levels has started to engage in political tactics. Confusion is being created through baseless allegations, without disclosing the actual circumstances of the incident to the public.

AAP National Convenor Arvind Kejriwal is also not refraining from contributing to this. However, the claims made by him are in direct contradiction to reality. In a recent statement, he accused the BJP government in Gujarat of pursuing a political vendetta against the members and leaders of his party. He asserted that in the last three months, 145 FIRs have been filed against AAP leaders, and over 160 AAP workers have been arrested. Referring to the situation involving Gadhvi as a particular instance, he described it as a manifestation of dictatorship.

Kejriwal’s statements are considerably inflated. He has not succeeded in offering any evidence to support his claims regarding the filing of 145 FIRs and the arrest of 160 people, nor has the Aam Aadmi Party released any such list. Kejriwal is also attempting to assert that the cases against Aam Aadmi Party members and leaders are politically motivated. While it is indeed the case that AAP leaders are sometimes charged in Gujarat, these are not politically driven. Some are facing allegations related to liquor offences, while others have been incarcerated for kidnapping accusations. Additionally, there have been instances where Aam Aadmi Party workers have been detained in cases of assault and extortion.

What is the Isudan Gadhvi case

The issue brought up by Kejriwal relates to the Khambhalia Police Station located in Dwarka district. On 1st April, over 30 individuals, including Gadhvi, caused a ruckus at the police station. This event arose from a chain-snatching case filed against an AAP member named Deepak.

According to the police, a robbery case was logged on 31st March involving Deepak, a native of Bihar. Considering this case to be “false,” Gadhvi, together with Dwarka District President Ramji Parmar and others, arrived at the Khambhalia Police Station in the morning. They called for the dismissal of the case and for another case to be opened against a different person.

After the police declined to accept this demand, they created a scene and caused an uproar within the police station. Furthermore, AAP workers obstructed police duties, pushed police officers, used aggressive language and engaged in live recording the instance. According to the police, they also insisted on inspecting the police registers. Due to the escalating tension, the police were compelled to take action.

The police apprehended 18 individuals, including Gadhvi, and filed a case against a total of 30 individuals (18 named and others unidentified). The allegations include violations related to rioting, obstructing police duties, impeding public services and assembling unlawfully. Deputy Superintendent of Police Vismay Manseta stated that the accused also applied pressure on the authorities and threatened the PSO.

After the revelation of this incident, various AAP leaders, including Arvind Kejriwal, have labelled this action as a political vendetta and a “BJP conspiracy.” Kejriwal alleged that the political pressure on AAP workers in Gujarat is increasing. AAP leaders Gopal Italia and Chaitar Vasava also expressed their discontent, calling the incident an act of “intimidation and harassment.” AAP workers contended that they had simply gone to visit a fellow party member and to protest against “fabricated cases.”

The police clarified that this incident was not a political protest, but rather a direct obstruction of police operations. The workers had disturbed public order by causing a commotion within the police station. Following this event, teams from the DySP, LCB, and SOG also arrived at the location. Several individuals, including Gadhvi, were apprehended. They were later granted bail, although the legal proceedings concerning the case are still in progress.

The AAP leaders have a history of involvement in criminal activities

Yuvrajsinh Jadeja’s “dummy exam candidate” scam: AAP leader Yuvrajsinh Jadeja was apprehended in relation to the “dummy candidate scam” concerning competitive examinations, facing serious accusations of extorting ₹1 crore from two individuals as hush money by threatening to reveal the identities of “dummy students.” He was placed in judicial custody for not cooperating with the investigation and based on the evidence collected, however, the court later approved his bail application. As part of his bail conditions, he must adhere to strict requirements, including surrendering his passport, cooperating with the investigative agency, avoiding witness intimidation, and not traveling outside Gujarat without the court’s authorisation.

Charges of molestation against Rakesh Sorathiya: In 2024, a significant case surfaced involving accusations of molestation against Rakesh Sorathiya, the Principal of Saraswati Educational Complex School (located on Kothariya Road, Rajkot) and a leader of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). The case involved four minor girls aged 11 to 14 who were students at the same school. It is reported that the accused summoned the students to his office, where he subjected them to physical molestation and made obscene demands. The parents filed a complaint, following which the Bhaktinagar Police arrested him. Prior to this incident, the police had already registered a case against this leader, who had previously been implicated in allegations of molestation, under various sections of the IPC and the POCSO Act.

Extortion case filed against AAP corporator: In the North Varachha region of Surat, the Utran Police apprehended AAP corporator Rajesh Moradiya along with his associate, Pankaj Patel, for soliciting an extortion amount of ₹1 lakh from a stationery vendor, threatening him to close his business and intimidating him with a knife. Additionally, he was accused of having extorted ₹50,000 from a farmer. As a result, the party had to tell him to resign after the major row.

Abduction and death threats to female employee: Recently, Hasmukh Patel, owner of HBC Life Science (located in Sector-25 GIDC, Gandhinagar) and State Vice President of the Aam Aadmi Party was apprehended in relation to the abduction and assault of a female accountant working at his firm. The employee, who had identified suspicious transactions totaling approximately ₹80 to ₹85 lakhs and uncovered undisclosed accounts within the firm, was forcibly taken away under Hasmukh Patel’s orders, assaulted inside a moving vehicle and threatened with death. When the victim sought help regarding this matter, the aforementioned leader pressured her against filing a police report. Nevertheless, the Sector-21 police eventually registered a case and commenced legal action against Hasmukh Patel who earlier served as state organisation minister of AAP. 

Fraud and intimidation allegations against Ahmedabad AAP president: The Ghatlodia police in Ahmedabad apprehended Amit Panchal, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) City Vice President and Sabarmati Assembly in-charge along with his father, on accusations of defrauding a mason of outstanding payments amounting to ₹4.30 lakh and issuing death threats against him. According to a complaint filed by Dhanpal Yadav, a resident of Memnagar, Amit Panchal, instead of settling the payment for plastering work completed at his residence, illegally took cleaning materials worth ₹5 lakh. Furthermore, when the labourer attempted to recover the materials, Panchal threatened to throw him into a canal. Before this incident, the police had also initiated legal action against the AAP leader, filing a case under various sections for his participation in intimidation activities.

Allegations of misconduct against Chaitar Vasava involving a female panchayat president: Chaitar Vasava, the AAP MLA representing Dediapada, has been accused of inappropriate conduct towards a female panchayat president. Moreover, it is stated that when a BJP leader tried to intervene, the MLA retaliated by throwing a mobile phone and a glass of water at him. In the aftermath of this incident, the police commenced legal action against Vasava, filing a case under serious allegations, including attempted murder and infringement of a woman’s dignity. Furthermore, Vasava has been accused of calling a Forest Department employee to his home, issuing threats, and physically assaulting him. Following the registration of an FIR concerning this issue, the police apprehended his wife, his Personal Assistant (PA), and another individual. After evading capture for several days, Vasava was eventually taken into custody. He was later granted bail after spending a number of days behind bars.

Death threat against an employee: The Varachha police have taken into custody Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) Councillor Vipul Suhagia on allegations of verbally assaulting and striking an Ayushman Card program worker at a hospital in Surat. As per a complaint lodged by the hospital staff member, the Councilor entered the office and instigated a dispute with the personnel, questioning, “Why are you not answering the phone?” He subsequently slapped the employee and made threats to kill him. In the aftermath of the incident, the police filed a case under several sections, including hindrance to government duties, assault and commenced legal action.

Moreover, the Junagadh police apprehended five supporters of the AAP for making offensive comments about S.N. Sonara, the female PSI of Mendarda. Babu Damor, the AAP President for the Mahisagar district, was also taken into custody on accusations of illegally occupying government land to build a house. Furthermore, allegations were made against Jitu Kachhadiya, an AAP Corporator from Surat, asserting that he solicited a bribe of ₹10 lakh from a parking contractor.

Upon reviewing these incidents, it becomes clear that when one evaluates the police actions directed at Aam Aadmi Party leaders and workers in Gujarat, which are being characterised as instances of “political vendetta,” a notable discrepancy emerges between Arvind Kejriwal’s assertions and the actual circumstances on the ground. When the statistics referenced by Kejriwal, specifically the 145 FIRs filed are evaluated on the basis of truth, it is apparent that these cases were not initiated in relation to any ideological revolution or public interest movement but instead pertain to serious personal and social violations.

The recent arrest of Gadhvi and other activists in Dwarka serves as evidence that there was an attempt to pressurise major institutions, such as police stations and to obstruct the legal process through political means. Disturbing the peace inside a police station and threatening government officials in an attempt to secure the release of someone involved in a robbery crime, such as chain-snatching, does not amount to genuine democratic dissent. It is, in fact, an effort to provoke anarchy.

The so-called “dictatorship” that Kejriwal refers to is marked by extortion, kidnapping, assault, bribery and various other serious crimes. Whether it is Jadeja’s scandal or the extrotion of funds from businessmen and farmers by Surat corporators, these offences are directly associated with the exploitation of ordinary citizens. Instances of physical violence and intimidation against hospital personnel or employees of the Forest Department illustrate that many AAP office-bearers have to face legal repercussions for taking matters into their own hands.

The Gujarat Police have substantial evidence, including statements from complainants and technical data, for each individual case. If these cases were truly “baseless,” the judicial system would have dismissed them a long time ago. Nevertheless, the reality that the courts either deny these leaders’ bail requests or grant bail with strict conditions clearly indicates that, prima facie, a case is present against them. Kejriwal’s claims may simply be a tactic to boost the morale of his party members, however, for the citizens of Gujarat, the offences perpetrated by these leaders are an unpleasant truth.

This is the translation of the Gujarati report available here.

Mofakkerul Islam, AIMIM rable-rouser arrested for being the mastermind of Malda mob violence also has a TMC connection: Picture with Kalyan Banerjee, endorsement of Mamata govt and more

OpIndia Staff
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Mofakkerul Islam, AIMIM rable-rouser arrested for being the mastermind of Malda mob violence also has a TMC connection: Picture with Kalyan Banerjee, endorsement of Mamata govt and more

On Friday (3rd April), the West Bengal police arrested All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) rabble-rouser Mofakkerul Islam for instigating violence against judicial officers in the Muslim-dominated district of Malda. Although a member of Asaduddin Owaisi’s radical Islamic party, Mofakkerul has close connections with several Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders.

The Background of the Case

For the unversed, a frenzied mob held 8 judicial officers (including 3 women) hostage inside the BDO office in Malda’s Kaliachak. Angry over the removal of names of illegal voters through the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, the mob also resorted to stone pelting when the victims were being rescued by the authorities.

The hostage situation and the eventual violence broke out after Mofakkerul Islam incited the mob through his provocative speech.

He challenged the local administration and the central agencies, such as the Intelligence Bureau (IB), to come and arrest him. “Where are the DM, the SP, the CID and the IB? Where are they all? Come here,” Mofakkerul can be heard shouting.

“It is a movement to save our sons and daughters. Once we are here, we won’t leave empty-handed,” Mofakkerul told the people gathered there. “Fresh blood will be shed here. Nara e Takbeer, Allah hu Akbar,” he screamed.

After the video went viral, Mofakkerul planned to escape to Bengaluru but was arrested at the Bagdogra airport. He is currently booked in 3 cases. Reportedly, he was en route to Kolkata on Wednesday (1st April) but stopped at Murshidabad and Malda to make provocative speeches

His aide, Akramul Bagani, who runs anti-Hindu propaganda portal ‘Insaf News’, was also apprehended.

Mofakkerul is also an advocate at the Calcutta High Court and boasts of over 2 million followers on Facebook. He previously incited Muslims against Hindus during the Waqf Amendment Act row.

The rabble-rouser was fielded by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) from the Itahar Vidhan Sabha constituency in Uttar Dinajpur district in the 2021 West Bengal election. It is unclear whether he remained or quit the party following his humiliating defeat in the election.

As per a Facebook post by ‘Vote for AIMIM’ group, Mofakkerul Islam re-joined the party in September 2025.

Post by AIMIM Facebook group

Mofakkerul Islam and his TMC connection

Following his arrest by the West Bengal police, TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee took the credit for ‘exposing’ the conspiracy behind the Malda hostage crisis and violence.

She had claimed, “The Election Commission of India transferred 483 of our officers and posted new people. But our CID tracked down the main conspirator. We have long maintained that AIMIM and the BJP are trying to create disturbances in Bengal. The Congress and the Left are involved too.”

In a desperate attempt, Mamata Banerjee attempted to absolve the close connection of Mofakkerul Islam and the Trinamool Congress party. However, a casual glance at his X (formerly Twitter) posts from 2018 reveals a different story.

He had promoted several flagship schemes of the Mamata government and criticised the BJP.

Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam
Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam
Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam

Around the same time, Mofakkerul met several high-profile Trinamool Congress leaders. In one of the images, he was seen meeting heavyweight TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee.

Mofakkerul Islam with TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee

The rabble-rouser was also spotted alongside other TMC leaders.

He had also endorsed TMC members holding important party designations.

While the Mamata govt is busy distancing itself from Mofakkerul, his social media endorsement of the party punctures its lies.

Education Ministry notifies NCERT as Deemed University: Read what it means and how the organisation will change

Raju Das
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Education Ministry notifies NCERT as Deemed University: Read what it means and how the organisation will change

The Union Ministry of Education has formally notified the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) as an institution deemed to be a university, enabling the apex school education body to offer its own degree programmes and conduct research for the first time.⁠

In a notification issued on 30 March 2026 under Section 3 of the University Grants Commission (UGC) Act, 1956, the ministry declared NCERT, along with its six constituent units, including the Regional Institutes of Education in Ajmer, Bhopal, Bhubaneswar, Mysuru and Shillong, and the Pandit Sunderlal Sharma Central Institute of Vocational Education in Bhopal, as a deemed university under a “distinct category”. The move came on the advice of the UGC, which approved the recommendations of an expert committee during its 595th meeting on 30 January 2026.⁠

The decision had been in the pipeline for nearly three years. Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan first signalled the government’s intent in September 2023 during NCERT’s foundation day, stating that the status would help transform the organisation into a research-driven institution capable of greater global academic engagement.

The process began with NCERT’s application on the UGC portal, followed by a Letter of Intent (LoI) issued by the Ministry in August 2023. NCERT then submitted its compliance report in November 2025 after fulfilling the conditions outlined in the Letter of Intent. An earlier proposal to designate NCERT as an “institution of national importance” was set aside in favour of this route.⁠

What the new status means

Until now, NCERT’s primary mandate has been the development of school curricula, textbooks and teacher-training materials. The deemed-university status significantly expands this role. The 63-year-old council can now independently launch diploma, undergraduate, postgraduate, doctoral and specialised programmes in education and related fields.

It will also be able to conduct research and award its own degrees, while retaining its core responsibilities in school education.⁠ The government notification directs the institution to “take appropriate steps to commence research programmes as well as doctoral and innovative academic programmes” in line with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.

The “distinct category” tag recognises NCERT’s specialised national role, and grants it autonomy to design and run academic programmes while distinguishing it from conventional universities.  A deemed-to-be-university is a specific category granted to institutions that demonstrate academic strength in a defined area. Such deemed universities enjoy full academic autonomy, and they can design courses, develop curricula, set admission criteria and fix fees. 

With this status, NCERT will be able to function as a full-fledged research university. It will be able to initiate in-house research programmes and formally enter higher education and doctoral training. However, its funding will be continued to be done by Department of School Education and Literacy under the Ministry of Education. This means its role as creator of school education framework will remain strong.

This will also change the status of the Regional Institutes of Education (RIEs) in Ajmer, Bhopal, Bhubaneswar, Mysuru and Shillong, along with the Pandit Sunderlal Sharma Central Institute of Vocational Education in Bhopal. Until now, these institutes were affiliated with universities in their respective states, and therefore, they were governed by different universities. Now these institutions will come under NCERT deemed university.

Regulatory oversight by the UGC

However, the notification brings NCERT squarely under the UGC’s regulatory framework. All academic programmes must now conform to the norms and standards prescribed by the UGC and other statutory bodies. Any new courses, off-campus centres or offshore programmes can be started only with UGC approval and in line with its guidelines. The council is explicitly barred from engaging in commercial or profit-making activities.

Several mandatory requirements will come into force as a result of this change. NCERT will have to initiate research programmes, doctoral studies and innovative academic offerings in emerging areas, in alignment with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. The institute and its programmes will have to obtain accreditation from the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) and the National Board of Accreditation (NBA) respectively.

It must participate in the National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) on an annual basis. Moreover, an Academic Bank of Credits (ABC) system must be implemented, with student identities created and credit scores uploaded to digital lockers.⁠

These steps will integrate NCERT more fully into India’s higher-education ecosystem while maintaining its distinct focus on school education. As per the notification, it will not engage or indulge in any activities that are of a commercial and profit making in nature.

Why did the government take this step

Officials say the move is designed to strengthen teacher education, promote educational research and innovation, and align NCERT more closely with the vision of NEP 2020. By evolving into a research-oriented body with degree-granting powers, NCERT is expected to bridge school-level education with advanced academic and global collaboration, ultimately improving the quality of curriculum development and pedagogical practices across the country.⁠

The notification marks a structural shift for NCERT, positioning it as both the guardian of school education and a recognised player in higher education and research. Implementation will now proceed under the UGC’s oversight, with the council required to meet the stipulated conditions to realise the full potential of its new status.

Yogi govt in UP to grant legal land ownership to over 2,500 Bangladeshi Hindu refugee families living in India for decades: Read details

OpIndia Staff
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Yogi govt in UP to grant legal land ownership to over 2,500 Bangladeshi Hindu refugee families living in India for decades: Read details

The government led by Yogi Adityanath in Uttar Pradesh has launched a substantial initiative for Hindu refugees who migrated from what was previously referred to as East Pakistan (currently Bangladesh). These efforts transcend the usual governmental rehabilitation procedures and instead, signify a long-overdue act of justice for a prolonged historical injustice faced by Hindu victims.

From the 1960s until 1975, a considerable number of Hindu families, escaping religious persecution, riots and instability in East Pakistan, relocated to and settled in various districts of Uttar Pradesh, such as Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Kheri, Bijnor and Rampur. The acceleration of the process to grant legal ownership rights over the land where they have built their homes, farms and resided for many years has now finally taken place. Consequently, major transformations are also being observed within the Hindu demographic landscape.

Historical background: The exodus that did not end even after the partition

The situation for the Hindu community in East Pakistan remained unfavourable after the partition of 1947. Throughout different periods, their migration continued relentlessly due to communal strife, religious bias, encroachment on property, assaults on temples and systematic persecution at the local level.

The period between 1960 and 1975 saw this migration wave affecting several regions in North India, including Uttar Pradesh. Thousands of Bangladeshi Hindu refugee families were moved to various districts by the centre and Uttar Pradesh governments in these years.

These families established their homes in various villages in places including Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Kheri, Bijnor and Rampur. They received residential plots and agricultural land. However, they were most often unable to obtain full possession of the land due to the existing legal framework, inconsistencies in official documentation and subsequent administrative modifications.

These persecuted Hindu refugees from Bangladesh made India their permanent home, and generations of their descendants spent their lives in the country. Their names are present on all official documents from voter identification cards to ration cards, yet they are either categorised as occupants of “State Government Land” or have incomplete entries in the land records.

The decision of the Yogi government: Fulfilment of a moral obligation

Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath directed that Hindu refugees from East Pakistan should be granted rights to land ownership at a high-level meeting in July 2025. According to reports, he made it clear that this issue should not be perceived solely as a rehabilitation case, but as a matter of “social justice, humanity, and national responsibility.”

His directives prominently featured several specific provisions. Firstly, the land-related cases concerning around 10,000 families who were displaced and settled in Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Kheri, Bijnor and Rampur between 1960 and 1975 are to be examined. Secondly, the land rights of those families who received land for housing and agricultural purposes are to be addressed. These rights are presently unresolved due to legal irregularities and inconsistencies in official documentation.

Third, alternative land must be designated in cases where land is not available at a particular site or legal allocation is impractical. Fourth, the legal vacuum that emerged after the old government grants framework (as per the Government Grants Act) is to be resolved through a different mechanism, thus providing these families with their rightful entitlements.

CM Yogi clearly directed officials, asserting that “the law is intended to benefit the public, not to cause them distress.” These measures were originally designed specifically for the Pilibhit region. The state government ensured that these resolutions were not merely theoretical and as a result, the process for conferring land ownership rights was commenced for around 2,196 families in the region.

Verification reports concerning the Hindu refugee families residing in 25 villages have been submitted to the government and arrangements are being made to deliver the final documentation promptly upon receipt of formal guidelines. Additionally, initiatives are in progress to apply this same model in Lakhimpur Kheri and other districts.

The evolving situation in Lakhimpur Kheri: 331 families, 4 villages, 3 tehsils

Official data presented a distinct overview of the circumstances in Lakhimpur Kheri. As per official documentation, 331 families who were displaced from East Pakistan (currently Bangladesh) have been relocated within the district. These families have established their residence across three tehsils: Gola, Dhaurahra and Mohammadi.

According to the report, 97 families were settled in the village of Sutkuiya located in Dhaurahra Tehsil, 37 families were placed in Village Number 3 of Gola Tehsil. Furthermore, 41 families were settled in the village of Mohanganj (Colony) within Mohammadi Tehsil.

Moreover, the most significant settlement of Bangladeshi Hindu refugees in Lakhimpur Kheri is situated in Fayaznagar which is part of Mohammadi Tehsil where 156 families have been established in this specific area alone. Collectively, these four settlements are united by a common historical memory despite being geographically separated.

Family composition: The story of three generations

The document further presents information about the average family size. This figure illustrates the actual scale of the “population” being examined. The families generally have around 1 to 8 members in Gola Tehsil. The family sizes vary from about 1 to 6 members in Dhaurahra Tehsil, and these can consist of approximately 1 to 10 members in Mohammadi Tehsil.

When viewed in this context, the estimated total population of these 331 families is between 1,500 and 1,800 individuals. This population now includes a combination of second- and third-generation descendants. The first generation was made up of those who crossed the border, the second-generation experienced life in uncertain resettlement and the third generation is currently waiting for their legal rights to that land.

Lakhimpur Kheri microdata related to land holdings

The officially published report includes an in-depth description of the residential and agricultural land owned by each family. An average of 3 bighas of agricultural land has been distributed among 37 families in Gola Tehsil. Approximately 60 families were allocated around 1.620 bighas of agricultural land each in Sutkuiya village, situated in Dhaurahra Tehsil. In Mohammadi Tehsil—particularly in Mohan Ganj (Colony).

Fifteen families were granted three bighas of land each, in the village of Mohanganj (Colony) in Tehsil Mohammadi. Furthermore, nine families were assigned seven bighas of land per family, while an additional seventeen families received five bighas of land each. In addition to these groups, approximately 156 families who settled in Fayyanagar village (Mohammadi Tehsil) were allocated around 4.75 bighas of agricultural land per family for farming purposes.

These statistics clearly indicate that the Hindu refugees from Bangladesh residing in Lakhimpur Kheri are not completely landless nor are they extensive landowners. They are small to medium-scale farmers whose means of subsistence rely on landholdings that vary from 1 to 7 bighas. Hence, the challenge was not their inability to acquire land, but instead, the issue was that they had not, until this point, obtained full legal documentation in their own names despite having cultivated the land for generations.

Pilibhit’s 2,196 families and a 62-year wait

The conditions in Pilibhit reveal yet another crucial facet of this significant choice made by the Uttar Pradesh government. Within the Pilibhit district, roughly 2,196 families, identified as Hindu refugees who moved from East Pakistan, are established across 25 villages.

While they were given land for housing and agricultural purposes in the 1960s, they were never granted legal ownership rights. In official records, the land was at times recorded under the jurisdiction of the Forest Department. In other cases, property mutation (the transfer of title) was not executed and in some situations no clear legal route remained to formalize their titles after the repeal of the old Government Grants Act.

After CM Yogi’s intervention, the District Magistrate of Pilibhit indicated that verification reports for 1,466 of the 2,196 families have already been submitted to the state government. The process of issuing land titles to these families is anticipated to commence as soon as the final guidelines are received. This initiative is not limited to Pilibhit and is being implemented in all districts of Uttar Pradesh where such refugees were resettled.

A significant technical challenge arose from the fact that these lands were originally allocated under the “Government Grants Act.” This act was annulled in 2018, resulting in the absence of a clear or direct legal route to authenticate these earlier land grants. Officials informed CM Yogi that this was the main reason the process of conferring ownership rights, even to legitimate refugee families, had come to a standstill, as there were no specific legal provisions that allowed for the alteration of land titles in their names.

“The law is not intended to trap individuals in distress, but rather to assist them,” he responded. Officials were tasked with identifying and formulating an alternative legal solution to address the issue following this directive. Documents from Lakhimpur Kheri suggest that the state government has not excluded these families from other welfare initiatives. As per reports, these refugee families have consistently received benefits from various government programs, adhering to the relevant rules and eligibility requirements.

These initiatives have included programs such as the Pradhan Mantri Kisan Durghatna Kalyan Yojana, crop insurance schemes, the Pradhan Mantri/Chief Minister Kisan Samman Schemes, pensions for senior citizens, widows and individuals with disabilities, marriage grants (including the Mukhyamantri Samuhik Vivah Yojana), educational support, scholarships and school-related benefits, health and nutrition initiatives, the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Rural), rations under the National Food Security Act, the Swachh Bharat Mission, rural road projects, rural employment and livelihood schemes, among others.

Due to the initiatives led by CM Yogi and his government, these Hindu families have started to gain the respect and dignity that is granted to citizens. In the past, they were classified as “incomplete refugees” in relation to land ownership. With the current initiatives of the Yogi government, land rights are now being integrated with welfare scheme benefits, with the goal of enhancing their economic stability.

The initiatives undertaken by the Uttar Pradesh government demonstrate that, at the state level, the processes of preparing documentation for refugees and granting them land rights are not mutually exclusive, but rather complementary.

The Uttar Pradesh model: A benchmark for refugee welfare

The Yogi administration in Uttar Pradesh has intensified its initiatives on various fronts concerning the welfare of Bangladeshi Hindu refugees. They have received recognition, and the government has formally acknowledged that these families have lived here for many years. Although they were allocated land previously, they were not granted ownership rights. The Yogi administration has corrected this historical error.

Consequently, they were given a legal resolution. Currently, alternative options are being looked into to address the legal gap that emerged following the repeal of the Government Grants Act. The aim is to validate previous land allocations and, in turn, grant land ownership rights to these families.

Moreover, the administrative implementation has been significantly reinforced. A comprehensive process has been initiated that includes the verification of each family, the accurate measurement of their land holdings and the subsequent preparation of required documentation by requisitioning district-specific reports, identifying, for instance, 2,196 families in Pilibhit and 331 in Lakhimpur Kheri.

Simultaneously, the Yogi government has shown a clear political commitment by forwarding lists of refugees to the central government. It seeks to include them under the provisions of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), ensure their ongoing access to welfare schemes and facilitate their transition from the status of mere “refugees” to that of “settled citizens and farmers.”

Hence, it can be stated that Uttar Pradesh serves as an active and exemplary model in addressing the critical issues of welfare, dignity, and land rights for Bangladeshi Hindu refugees within the current landscape, a model that transcends mere relief measures to adopt a rights-based approach to problem-solving.

To declare that “the Yogi government of Uttar Pradesh is working for the welfare of Bangladeshi Hindu refugees” is not simply a political statement but it is a concrete, historic and legally grounded initiative that is fundamentally connected to the land, homes and identities of thousands of families. Whether it involves the 2,196 settlements in Pilibhit or the small agricultural plots cultivated by the 331 families in Lakhimpur Kheri, all of these factors contribute to this transformative story.

Muslim mob goes on a rampage in Malda, gheraoing Judicial officers, pelting stones: Read how the violence was instigated by AIMIM leader Mofakkerul Islam and TMC netas

Aditi
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Muslim mob goes on a rampage in Malda, gheraoing Judicial officers, pelting stones: Read how the violence was instigated by AIMIM leader Mofakkerul Islam and TMC netas

Tension gripped the Malda district of West Bengal on Wednesday (1st April) as a savage mob gheraoed seven judicial officers at the Block Development Officer (BDO) office in Kaliachak-II, a Muslim-dominated area. The judicial officers were overseeing the verification documents of voters whose names were marked “under adjudication” during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise conducted by the Election Commission of India in the poll-bound state. The outburst was linked to the deletion of the names of several infiltrators living in the area from supplementary voter lists released recently.

It is reported that some of the so-called protestors wanted to meet the judicial officers, but were not allowed. As a result, they held the judicial officers, including four women along with a five-year-old child of one of the officers, hostage for about nine hours. The judicial officers were left stranded in the BDO office without access to food and water.

District authorities, the Superintendent of Police and the Additional District Magistrate rushed to the spot around midnight to rescue the judicial officers by dispersing the mob, which had hijacked the law and order in the area. After the collective efforts of the central forces and the police, the judicial officers were rescued past midnight, but the mob did not calm down.

As the judicial officers were being escorted, the mob tried to stop their vehicles by placing bamboo poles on the road and pelted stones and bricks at them. The so-called protestors also blocked the National Highway 12 (Kolkata-Siliguri National Highway) in Malda, disrupting connectivity between North and South Bengal.

AIMIM leader Mofakkerul Islam masterminded the Malda incident, arrested

Turns out that the Malda incident was not a benevolent demonstration by people enraged over the deletion of voter names in the SIR, but a pre-planned conspiracy to create unrest and panic ahead of the assembly polls. The Malda incident was reportedly orchestrated by a local advocate and All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) leader Mofakkerul Islam.

The night before the Malda incident, Islam led protests at Sujapur Hospital Crossing in Malda. He delivered a provocative speech during the protest, which is said to have resulted in an aggressive mob surrounding the judicial officers at the BDO office in Kaliachak-II.

Mofakkerul Islam, who contested the 2021 West Bengal Assembly polls from Itahar on the AIMIM ticket, was arrested by the West Bengal CID at Bagdogra Airport on Friday (3rd April) while trying to flee. An arrest warrant was issued against Islam the day before, on Thursday, at the direction of the Supreme Court.

Several videos of Mofakkerul Islam have been going viral on social media, where he can be seen making inflammatory statements using a loudspeaker and challenging the local administration and the central agencies, such as the Intelligence Bureau (IB), to come and get him. “Where are the DM, the SP, the CID and the IB? Where are they all? Come here,” Islam can be heard shouting. “It is a movement to save our sons and daughters. Once we are here, we won’t leave empty-handed,” Islam told the people gathered there. He called for the shedding of blood and shouted Allahu Akbar. “Fresh blood will be shed here. Nara e Takbeer, Allah hu Akbar,” Islam screamed.

As per reports, Mofakkerul Islam practices in both the Raiganj District Court and the Calcutta High Court. His family, including his wife and children, reside in Kolkata. His mother, Fatema Bibi, lives in Itahar in the Uttar Dinajpur district. His mother denied knowing his whereabouts and said that he had visited once in the past five months. Islam had held a rally in the Muslim-dominated Itahar while contesting the 2021 assembly polls.

TMS leaders held protests at the BDO office before the Malda incident

Notably, before the Malda incident, several TMC leaders, led by Minister of State of North Bengal Development of West Bengal Sabina Yeasmin, sat on a protest in front of the BDO office in Kaliachak-II on Wednesday. The BJP has accused the ruling TMC of inciting people, plotting the attack on the judicial officers in Malda and the blocking of the national highway.

Speaking to the media, Leader of Opposition in Bengal Assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, said that the Malda incident was plotted by the TMC top brass under the leadership of CM Mamata Banerjee. “What happened in Malda has crossed all limits. This is a planned attack to break the connection between north and south Bengal,” Adhikari said. He termed the Malda incident an “organised crime” and demanded the arrest of Sabina Yeasmin, calling her the “primary architect of implementation”.

“Sabina Yeasmin, Minister of State of North Bengal Development of West Bengal, was given charge to orchestrate this attack. The entire plan was made by the TMC in Kolkata. This is an alarming situation. I demand that Yeasmin and others be arrested,” Adhikari said.

BJP president Shamik Bhattacharya said that a “demographic invasion” has been taking place in West Bengal, and fake currency was being distributed. He added that the judiciary is being targeted in the state. “We don’t have any issues with Indian Muslims. Wednesday’s incident was a planned attempt to incite riots. The lower judiciary is under threat. We are the only political party that has said infiltration must be stopped. Only Indians should be on the electoral roll,” Bhattacharya said.

Meanwhile, Sabina Yeasmin distanced herself and the TMC from the Malda incident and said that she did not support the violation of law and order in the state. After staging protests against the judicial officers, Yeasmin took a U-turn and said that the judicial officers are guests and that they should be allowed to do their work.

While the AIMIM and the TMC appear to be contesting against each other in the upcoming assembly elections, the presence of their leaders and their common grievance against the Election Commission officials has fanned the speculations of a tacit political understanding.

The investigation into the Malda incident has been handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA) by the Election Commission. So far, 19 people have been arrested in connection with the case.

CEC Gyanesh Kumar hands over Malda violence case to NIA: Here’s what SC observed, DM and Home Secretary didn’t reach scene, even food and water were denied to judicial officers

Shraddha Pandey
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CEC Gyanesh Kumar hands over Malda violence case to NIA: Here’s what SC observed, DM and Home Secretary didn’t reach scene, even food and water were denied to judicial officers

Mockery of democracy has become a routine affair in the Trinamool Congress-ruled West Bengal. On the 1st of April 2026, seven judicial officers, including three women, who were on election duty for the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, were gheraoed at a BDO office in the Muslim-dominated Malda district. The Supreme Court observations in the Malda violence case reveal how the judicial officers endured a nine-hour-long horror because of the Mamata Banerjee-led state administration’s nonfeasance.

A Supreme Court bench comprising CJI Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi and Justice Vipin Pancholi took sou motu cognisance of the Malda violence after being alerted by the Calcutta High Court CJI. The apex court came down heavily on the West Bengal government and the Malda district administration.

Calculated and deliberate move

The court noted that the incident was not routine but a “calculated and motivated move” to demoralise the judicial officers and to stop the ongoing process of adjudicating objections in the left-out cases. The court described the incident as a challenge to its authority.

Moreover, the court observed that the targeting of judicial officers, who are, in essence, an “extension of this Court”, is a “brazen attempt not only to browbeat judicial officers, but also amounts to a challenge to the authority of this Court. This incident certainly cannot be construed to be a routine occurrence and, ex facie, appears to be a calculated, well-planned and deliberate act intended to demoralise judicial officers and obstruct the ongoing process of adjudication of objections in the remaining cases.”

The Bench further observed that such attempts to create psychological fear in the minds of judicial officers to prevent them from discharging their duties, by disrupting law and order, will not be permitted. The court dubbed the gherao and harassment of judicial officers in Malda as a case of “criminal contempt”.

“We have no hesitation in observing that we will not permit any person to take the law into their own hands so as to create a climate of psychological fear in the minds of judicial officers who are discharging their duties. Such conduct, undoubtedly, amounts to criminal contempt within the meaning of Section 2(cl of the Contempt of Courts Act, L97L,” the court said.

The court further noted that the Malda incident “reflects a complete failure on the part of the civil and police administration, in so far as the law and order situation in Maldah District is concerned.” The Bench also took note of the information provided that the judicial officers were deliberately deprived of even essentials like food and water.

“We are informed that the situation was so dire that even food and water were not permitted to be supplied to the judicial officers. The Hon’ble Chief Justice further pointed out that neither the District Magistrate nor the Superintendent of Police had reached the BDO office where the officers were gheraoed,” the Court stated.

Conduct of administration “highly deplorable”: SC seeks explanation

 The Supreme Court highlighted the failure on the part of the Chief Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Director General of Police, the Collector and the Superintendent of Police in taking effective measures to safely evacuate the gheraoed judicial officers despite receiving information.

“It also pains us to observe that the manner in which the Chief Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Director General of Police, the Collector and the Superintendent of Police have acted is highly deplorable. They owe an explanation to this Court as to why, upon being informed that the judicial officers had been gheraoed at around 03:30 p.m., no effective measures were taken to secure their safe evacuation,” the court said,

“It was incumbent upon the State administration to immediately inform the Election Commission of India and seek deployment of central forces, wherever necessary, safety of the judicial officers,” it added.

Orally, CJI Suryakant said that West Bengal is the “most polarised state” where “everyone speaks in political language”. The court also lamented that it was expected that everyone would welcome judicial officers, since they are court-appointed neutral agents; however, even “they were not spared from attacks”.

Supreme Court issues multiple directives

In the wake of the Malda incident, the Supreme Court issued a set of directives to ensure that “no obstruction or impediment is caused to the ongoing SIR process entrusted to the judicial officers, and that their life, liberty, property, and that of their family members are duly protected under the orders and directions of this Court.”

The top court directed the Election Commission of India (ECI) to requisition “adequate central forces and for their deployment at all places where the judicial officers have been deputed for adjudication of objections under the SIR process.”

In addition, the court ordered that adequate security arrangements must be made at hotels and government guest houses, etc., where the judicial officers and their families are residing. The court also directed the police administration to assess threat perception apprised to them by on-duty judicial officers and take necessary measures accordingly and immediately.

Moreover, the court directed the ECI and the West Bengal government to “take all remedial measures that may be necessary to ensure the safety and smooth functioning of the responsibility entrusted upon the judicial officers.”

The Supreme Court directed the Chief Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Director General of Police, all the District Magistrates, Senior Superintendent of Police, and other police officers to ensure that not more than 5 persons enter the premises at any given time for the purpose of filing objections or during the hearing of such objections. These officers have also been ordered to submit a compliance report.

Pertinently, the apex court has directed the Chief Secretary, Malda DGP, DM and SP to show cause as to why suitable action should not be taken against them.

The most important directive issued by the Supreme Court is to the ECI to entrust an investigation into the Malda judicial officers gherao incident to an independent agency like the Central Bureau of Investigation or the National Investigation Agency (NIA). The court ordered the ECI to file a compliance report while the entrusted probe agency to submit a preliminary report post-investigation.

 CEC Gyanesh Kumar hands over the Malda violence case to the NIA

In compliance with the Supreme Court directive to hand over the Malda violence probe to an independent investigation agency, the Chief Election Commissioner CEC) Gyanesh Kumar, wrote a letter to the NIA, entrusting the probe agency to investigate the case.

“I am directed to refer to the order dated 02.04.2026 of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in Suo Moto writ Petition (civil) No(s). 3/2026 (copy enclosed) in respect of the gherao of seven judicial officers involved in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls by anti-social elements at the BDO office, the Kaliachowk area of Maldah District. In this regard, I am directed to request that the necessary inquiry/investigation into the matter be conducted, and a preliminary inquiry report be submitted directly to the Hon’ble court as per the above directions,” the letter signed by ECI Secretary, Sujeet Kumar Mishra, reads.

Background of the Malda Violence case

The case relates to an incident in West Bengal’s Malda district, where seven judicial officers, including three women judges, were gheraoed by a huge mob on Wednesday evening (1st April) for over 9+ hours. The officers were working at the Block Development Officer (BDO) office in Muslim-dominated Kaliachak as part of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

The trouble began around 3:30 pm, when a large group of people gathered outside the office, protesting the deletion of their names from the voter list. The crowd blocked the premises, preventing the officers from leaving for several hours.

According to the court, the situation remained tense well into the night, with little immediate response from local authorities. It was only after the intervention of senior officials, including the Director General of Police and the Home Secretary, that the officers were finally rescued after midnight.

However, even after their release, the officers were not completely safe. As they were heading back, their vehicles were attacked with stones and sticks, raising serious concerns about their security. “Shockingly, when the judicial officers were released around midnight and were returning to their respective places of stay, their vehicles were pelted with stones and attacked with bamboo sticks and bricks,” the Supreme Court noted.

The Supreme Court stated that the Malda violence incident would have a chilling effect on the judicial officers who have been working tirelessly, without availing any leave.

Walk of shame: Maharashtra police adopts a fresh strategy to deal with crime and its glorification, the approach has already yielded positive results in UP

Rukma Rathore
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Walk of shame: Maharashtra police adopts a fresh strategy to deal with crime and its glorification, the approach has already yielded positive results in UP

The police under the government of Maharashtra, presided over by the Bharatiya Janata Party, has discovered an intriguing approach to addressing criminal activities that could be both effective and advantageous. The authorities have begun not only to arrest and subject criminals to legal proceedings but also to publicly shame them. Such scenes routinely unfold outside the Nashik Police Crime Branch office, reported The Indian Express.

The slogan “Nashik zilla kaydyacha balekilla (Nashik district, a fortress of law and order)” is stated as an accused is taken out, sometimes hobbling or held up by cops on either side and told to face the cameras. It has occurred several times during the past six months, including in presence of media and it is now taking place in other places as well. The measure has motivated police in other regions to address the offenders in a similar manner.

Some persons were captured apologising on video for creating reels that glorify gangsterism outside the Mumbra police station in Thane. They were accompanied by police personal and “Thane zilla kaydyacha balekilla (Thane district, a fortress of law and order)” was declared as the new slogan.

The local police in Akola have been employing the same method to post the before-and-after footage of the perpetrators, likewise announcing, “Thane zilla kaydyacha balekilla (Thane district, a fortress of law and order)” as the fresh motto. An official expressed, “While we would take action against those involved in such reels earlier, the way the video is shot and the balekilla reference is from Nashik police.”

Nashik sets the trend with an even-handed approach

Nashik Commissioner Sandeep Karnik initiated the trend and disclosed that the accused had come up with the phrase. A group of young people had called Nashik a “fortress of crime” in one of the earliest videos which gained traction on social media. Afterwards, the police apprehended them and flipped the meaning of their remark.

“This is where we got the slogan from. Henceforth, anyone arrested in such crimes was made to say Nashik zilla kaydyacha balekilla. That this city is a fortress of law and order,” he voiced while talking to the media house. The individuals who undergo this “walk of shame” in Nashik include a wide variety of accused ranging from street-level criminals and youths charged with celebrating crime on the internet to those with political links such as former corporator and Republican Party of India (Athawale faction) leader Prakash Londhe along with his sons.

Notably, even BJP functionary Mama Rajwade was not spared in a strong message outlining impartial and unbiased action. The self-proclaimed godman Ashok Kharat, who is facing accusations of sexually exploiting multiple women, was recently subjected to the same. For locals and the police, this represents prompt, exemplary justice for the state’s fastest-growing urban centres during the last ten years, with manufacturing hubs in locations including Satpur and Ambad.

A limited selection of these videos was posted on the official Instagram account of the Nashik Police, which boasts approximately 70,000 followers, as per IE’s review of over 50 videos. Nonetheless, many of these originated from private accounts and local news channels. Most of the footage depicted the accused outside the Crime Branch office and in some cases they are seen kneeling, holding their ears and expressing remorse while chanting the slogan.

Several videos follow a before-and-after structure. The crime is illustrated as a reel in the initial segment, while the accused is shown being taken into custody, apologising and referring to the city as “a fortress of law and order” in the second.

What is the purpose of this move

Nashik, similar to other areas, has witnessed the extensive impact of social media with youngsters sharing videos that frequently promote local gang culture or criminal behaviour. Hence, the police commenced a crackdown to stop this. Furthermore, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city after multiple killings and ordered Karnik to take tough measures against outlaws regardless of their political ties. Additionally, police introduced a helpline to encourage people to report offensive material or antisocial acts

Karnik pointed out that reels created by criminals were influencing impressionable minds. “In some reels youngsters are seen putting up rap songs which have lyrics glorifying street crime. We want youngsters who may otherwise be influenced by such elements to see what happens to them eventually. We asked our cyber police to trace people who were in these reels and registered an offence in cases that are dire,” he informed.

“These people were arrested, told to delete the particular video and upload new ones where they are seen saying how they were wrong in uploading such videos and saying Nashik zilla kaydyacha balekilla. When people see local politicians from any party, who otherwise try to exert their influence and indulge in criminal acts, fold their hands in these videos and call Nashik city a law-and-order fortress, the common man feels good,” the senior official asserted.

Maharashtra emulates the path of Uttar Pradesh

The significant transformation in law and order in Uttar Pradesh has been one of the highlights of the saffron government. The state, which was once a haven for gangsters and mafia due to political patronage, has an extraordinary shift in handling crime and its perpetrators since Yogi Adityanath was appointed as chief minister. Many criminals have chosen to voluntarily surrender, renounce the illegal path and even leave the state.

Thus, it is not surprising that the Maharashtra police has drawn lessons from a similar playbook in dealing with the problematic elements in society. The Uttar Pradesh police have been displaying offenders in the streets of the state to serve as both an example and a warning to others engaged in similar activities.

Amir Zaidi, a leader of the Samajwadi Party, was booked for sexually abusing a Hindu girl and pushing her to embrace Islam in February. Afterwards, he was arrested and police ushered him barefoot through crowded town crossings. “Sir, I made a mistake, I will not look at another girl,” the accused was heard assuring with folding their hands.

He encountered her when she was 16 years old, following her father’s death in 2013 and exploited her vulnerability. He recorded explicit images and videos of her, which were subsequently used to blackmail her into complying with his demands. He even threatened her fiance with murder.

A case was submitted against Zaidi and his three aides based on the victim’s complaint under the sections relating to rape, criminal intimidation and the applicable provisions of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, the Information Technology (IT) Act and the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act. According to Ghatampur police, Zaidi is a repeat offender with previous allegations related to the Goonda Act, intimidation and assault.

Similarly, 12 history-sheeters were paraded within the confines of the Chandaus Kotwali in Aligarh last month. Officer Satyaveer Singh indicated that there are 65 such individuals registered in their jurisdiction and they are required to report to the police station on various days to participate in an attendance parade each month.

Singh stressed that they are under close monitoring and warned that any form of crime or disorder would not be tolerated. He also added that the fight against crime and criminals is going to continue relentlessly. The same destiny awaited 10 offenders in Gorakhpur.

On 27th October, a violent confrontation transpired between two rival gangs due to a shared dispute at the Aktahwa Bridge in Pipiganj. The members of group assaulted their adversaries with sticks and clubs, leading to 7 injuries. The police were notified and promptly arrived at the location, however, the violators escaped the scene while discharging firearms. Afterwards, 10 accused from “AK-47” and “Red” factions were nabbed and paraded prior to their court appearance. The Gorakhpur authorities proceeded to catch at least 21 accused.

Conclusion

Uttar Pradesh police have distinctly set a precedent for countering crime alongside criminals, and Maharashtra has started to pursue the same route. It is a fact that combating crime takes persistent effort, but the BJP governments have definitely provided a leading example with their strategies, which could significantly contribute to deterring such sinister entities and influence other states.

‘The News Minute’ runs propaganda article trashing BJP for asking people of temple town in Kerala to elect Hindu MLA: Read how the portal had been rationalising Hindu exclusion

Shraddha Pandey
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‘The News Minute’ runs propaganda article trashing BJP for asking people of temple town in Kerala to elect Hindu MLA: Read how the portal had been rationalising Hindu exclusion

Kerala, which has historically seen a power switch between the LDF and UDF, is witnessing a notable rise of the BJP ahead of the state assembly elections. As the BJP intensifies efforts to gain ground in the politically tough terrain, the leftist media is alarmed and is resorting to its usual tactics, painting the party as ‘communal’ for its pro-Hindu stance. In this vein, The News Minute recently interviewed B Gopalakrishnan, a lawyer and BJP candidate from the temple town of Guruvayur, and framed his pitch to voters to elect a “Hindu MLA”, as some sinister ‘laboratory experiment’, ‘promoting enmity’, ‘divisive’ “Yogi Adityanath-type projection.”

The News Minute’s chagrin is rooted in a flex board, featuring BJP’s B Gopalakrishnan, a list of MLAs from 1977 to 2021, who were all Muslims, and a question: “Are you not seeing this?” The BJP’s messaging is urging voters to change this “50 years of neglect”. In March this year, Gopalakrishnan was booked after CPIM lodged a complaint accusing him of making a communally sensitive statement.

“Why doesn’t Guruvayur, an international pilgrimage centre, have a Hindu MLA? I have been called on by Guruvayurappan to rescue the land from this half-century-long imprisonment in the hands of temple looters and temple-opposers. Why don’t the Left or Right fronts field a Hindu MLA?” Gopalakrishnan had said in a campaign video.

After CPIM approached the police and Congress knocked on the door of the court, the BJP leader doubled down and said, “Does Guruvayur have an MLA who can stand at the Guruvayur Temple and say that they believe in Guruvayurappan? Instead, there is the MLA who says lighting lamps is haram, or that the Guruvayur Temple is a myth. I will raise Hindu issues, and I don’t care if I face charges for that.”

In the article titled, “‘Why no Hindu MLA’: Guruvayur becomes BJP’s laboratory for a new pitch in Kerala”, The News Minute laments that while BJP has adopted a rather ‘secular’ approach in Kerala, in sharp contrast to its approach in poll-bound Assam or West Bengal, Gopalakrishnan’s overtly pro-Hindu poll messaging and invocation of religious imagery, particularly, posters featuring him wearing Rudraksh beads and saffron attires, as problematic.

While TNM persistently portrayed Gopalakrishnan’s “Hindu MLA” pitch and assertion that the temple town is lacking development since the Muslim MLAs there lacked faith in the historic Guruvayur Temple, as communally charged and divisive, when the BJP leader claimed that the present CPIM MLA NK Akbar allegedly said that lighting lamps is haram, The News Minute quickly defended the Islamic belief.

“For clarity, there is no publicly documented instance of Guruvayur MLA NK Akbar stating that lighting a lamp in a temple is ‘haram’. While Islamic theology discourages idol worship for adherents, that does not translate into opposition to the religious practices of others,” the TNM article published on 1st April, reads.

Contrary to TNM’s assertion, Islamic ‘theology’ indeed mandates opposition to idol worship and other rituals of polytheists like Hindus, and destruction of idols.

Moving ahead, it is indeed a fact that since at least the 1970s, there has been no Hindu MLA from Guruvayur, the religious-cultural heartland for Hindus. The News Minute article acknowledges this history but somehow finds a BJP leader highlighting it as communal messaging, even though it is a mere publicising of facts. If the pattern was reversed: no Muslim MLA in a Muslim-majority seat for decades, every ‘secular’ party and leftist media outlet would have dubbed it systemic exclusion of one religious community.

Not to forget, just last month, a group of Muslim organisations in Rajasthan submitted a representation to the Congress party, seeking Rajya Sabha candidature for 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid, arguing that Muslims in the state lack political representation. When Muslims believe that they can and should be represented by Muslim politicians only, and political parties heed such demands, nobody has a problem, but when a BJP leader played the same card in Kerala, the same tactic became divisive, communal, and whatnot.

While the onus of presenting evidence about the incumbent MLA NK Akbar’s alleged “lighting lamps is haram”, indeed lies on BJP’s Gopalakrishnan, the repeated fielding of Muslim candidates by both LDF and UDF in a Hindu-majority constituency, where economy and culture revolve around the worship of Shri Krishna, indicates a deliberate neglect of Hindus to appease Muslims.

Although The News Minute’s “Yogi-style” sneer reveals its own bias, the deliberate downplaying of BJP candidate’s campaign raising local issues like water, sanitation, pilgrim infrastructure, and corruption, etc, and overemphasising his “Hindu MLA” pitch and unapologetic expression of his religiosity in poll campaign, comes across as an attempt to portray Gopalakrishnan as a fringe element and not a serious leader with a vision.

It is particularly amusing that leftists find nothing problematic in ‘secular’ parties consolidating the Muslim votebank, but when the BJP attempts Hindu vote consolidation, it becomes a ‘divisive’ communal tactic. The News Minute contrasts it with the BJP’s “moderate, secular approach, including Christian outreach”, as if outreach to Hindus is the anomaly.

It is notable that the Chavakkad Taluk, which encompasses Guruvayur, has a 54% Muslim population, compared to a 42% Hindu population, with Christians comprising the rest, as per the 2011 Census.

BJP leader Gopalakrishnan cited a massive rally held by Kanthapuram AP Aboobacker Musliyar near Chavakkad and said that, only two kilometres away, there was a Hindu Kumbh Mela, yet none of these leaders went there.

 “But just two kilometres away, there was the Kumbha Mela, which was a Hindu religious gathering. If these leaders are truly democratic and secular, they should attend to that as well. But they didn’t. They refused to go. Why? For appeasing a particular community? Why avoid Hindu events? If you are truly secular, you should engage with all communities equally,” the BJP candidate from Guruvayur said.

However, The News Minute dismissed Gopalakrishnan’s argument as ‘evasive’ and attempted to broaden the discussion into a wider narrative about selective secularism and political bias. If questioning why the Hindu cultural heartland of Guruvayur did not have a single Hindu MLA in 50 years, and wearing Rudraksh beads and saffron clothes, is turning a constituency into a ‘laboratory’, then other constituencies where Hindus have faced consistent political neglect should also be turned into such laboratories.

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