Global politics took a fresh turn after Donald Trump’s tariff move against India backfired. Instead of giving in to pressure, India is mending is further strengthening its ties with Russia, and improving its ties with China. Notably, President Donald Trump has accused India of funding Russia’s war in Ukraine by buying discounted crude oil from Moscow. To pressure India, Trump’s administration has imposed a 50% duty on a wide variety of Indian goods.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security formally notified the hike, saying the additional taxes were a reaction to “threats to the United States by the Government of the Russian Federation.” Any Indian product arriving after 27th August at 12:01 am (Eastern Daylight Time/EST) would face the extra duty, effectively doubling costs for Indian exporters, the notification read.
#NewsFatafat | US Slaps Additional 25% Tariff on India Effective 12:01 AM ET, August 27#USTariff #IndiaUSRelations #TradeWar #GlobalTrade #TariffHike #InternationalBusiness pic.twitter.com/3cwCkrHLQY
— ET NOW (@ETNOWlive) August 26, 2025
Trump signed Executive Order 14329 authorising the move and has even threatened “very big consequences” for any country that continues to trade with Russia. While India has been directly targeted, curiously, Washington has avoided imposing similar penalties on other major buyers of Russian oil, including China and several European nations.
Trump first announced a 25% duty on Indian goods, but he subsequently declared that he would increase it to 50% by adding 25% more as a penalty for purchasing Russian oil, which he insisted “funded war in Ukraine.”
He had set the implementation date for 27th August. Interestingly, his government has been accusing India and the “wealthiest Indian families” of profiting from Russian oil while continually defending Beijing.
This uneven strategy has generated universal criticism that the U.S. is selectively employing tariffs as an instrument of bullying instead of an equitable global policy. For India, the tariffs remind it that economic coercion is being employed as leverage in geopolitics.
India’s response: Energy security first
India, however, has not taken this lying down. Prime Minister Narendra Modi was adamant in his response, “The pressure on us may increase, but we will bear it all.” He emphasised that national interests of farmers, small and medium-scale industries, and common citizens are given priority.
External affairs minister S Jaishankar also strongly endorsed India’s energy decisions, asserting that New Delhi would keep making choices that serve its strategic autonomy and national interest.
Dr Jaishankar pointed out that the US tariff issue is being misrepresented as “oil dispute”. He pointed out that bigger importers like China and European countries have not received the same criticism as India for buying Russian oil.
India has been purchasing more than a million barrels of Russian crude daily, most of it at discounted prices. These imports help India manage fuel costs for its 140 crore citizens, keeping inflation under check in a volatile global market. Indian officials have pointed out that after the war began, Europe diverted much of its oil supply, leaving India with limited options but to look toward Russia.
Dr Jaishankar has also repeatedly reminded Western leaders of their double standards that Europe continues to purchase Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) in massive quantities, and the United States still imports Russian uranium for its nuclear plants. Yet, India alone is being singled out and punished with tariffs.
Defence ties with Moscow
India’s ties with Russia are not limited to energy. Nearly 60-70% of India’s defence equipment originates from Russia, ranging from fighter jets to missile systems. New Delhi has consistently argued that abruptly cutting off these supplies would harm its national security.
Here too, Western criticism appears selective. NATO member Turkey purchased Russian S-400 missile systems in 2019. While it faced some sanctions, Turkey continues to remain a NATO member and engages in trade with Russia. India, on the other hand, is being targeted despite not being bound by any alliance obligations to the West.
PM Modi at the SCO Summit
The Indian Prime Minister reached the SCO Summit on Sunday, 31st August. He landed in Tianjin, China and attended the official reception for Heads of State and Heads of Government.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed the plenary session of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China, on Monday, 1st September. He spoke strongly against terrorism and outlined India’s priorities as a member of the grouping in the session.
In a major diplomatic success for India, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) strongly condemned the 22nd April terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, which claimed 26 innocent lives. The Tianjin Declaration, signed on 1st September, expressed deep condolences to the families of the victims and demanded that the perpetrators, organisers, and sponsors of the massacre be brought to justice.
Modi-Putin bonhomie at the SCO summit
On Monday, 1st September, Russian President Vladimir Putin greeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi with a warm hug at the plenary session of the SCO Summit.
The two leaders, hold a bilateral meeting today on the sidelines of the Summit, meeting for the first time after the US imposed 50 per cent tariffs on India over its Russian oil imports.
Always a delight to meet President Putin! pic.twitter.com/XtDSyWEmtw
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) September 1, 2025
In a gesture of togetherness, they travelled together in the same car to their bilateral meeting venue. PM Modi shared on X, “After the proceedings at the SCO Summit venue, President Putin and I travelled together to the venue of our bilateral meeting. Conversations with him are always insightful.”
After the proceedings at the SCO Summit venue, President Putin and I travelled together to the venue of our bilateral meeting. Conversations with him are always insightful. pic.twitter.com/oYZVGDLxtc
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) September 1, 2025
The optics were unmistakable, far from buckling under U.S. pressure, India is strengthening its ties with Russia.
During his bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Tianjin, China, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also addressed the war in Ukraine and said, “We have been continuously discussing the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. We welcome all the recent efforts for peace. We hope that all parties will move forward constructively. A way has to be found to end the conflict as soon as possible and establish lasting peace. This is the call of the entire humanity.”
“We welcome all the recent efforts for peace,” PM Modi said in the meeting.
This was not just a symbolic friendship. It was a calculated statement, India will not be bullied out of its choices.
Putin’s upcoming visit to India
Russian President Vladimir Putin will travel to India in December, the Kremlin made it official on Friday, 29th August. His visit comes at a time when ties between Moscow and New Delhi are becoming stronger after the United States imposed tariffs on India over its purchases of Russian oil.
This is going to be one of Putin’s few overseas trips after the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued a warrant against him over the Ukraine war. India is not a signatory to the ICC, so it is not bound to implement the warrant. Vladimir Putin visited Alaska in US earlier this month for a meeting with President Donald Trump, U.S. is also not a member of the ICC.
Putin’s India trip also highlights the fact that in spite of sanctions and political pressure, Russia has been able to hold on to important strategic partners like India.
The Modi-Xi meeting: Improving ties with China
The relationship between India and China has been complicated in recent times, particularly following the Galwan clashes of 2020. However, at the SCO Summit, both leaders hinted at wanting to move on.
Modi posted after the meeting, “Had a fruitful meeting with President Xi Jinping in Tianjin. We reviewed the positive momentum in India-China relations since our last meeting in Kazan. We agreed on the importance of maintaining peace and tranquility in border areas and reaffirmed our commitment to cooperation based on mutual respect, mutual interest and mutual sensitivity.”
Had a fruitful meeting with President Xi Jinping in Tianjin on the sidelines of the SCO Summit. We reviewed the positive momentum in India-China relations since our last meeting in Kazan. We agreed on the importance of maintaining peace and tranquility in border areas and… pic.twitter.com/HBYS5lhe9d
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) August 31, 2025
Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri later added that both nations discussed narrowing the trade deficit, increasing investment transparency, and enhancing people-to-people contacts through tourism and direct flights. They also discussed cooperation on transboundary rivers and combined efforts to combat terrorism.
PM Modi invited Xi to the 2026 BRICS Summit in India, and Xi welcomed the invitation, pledging support.
The emerging Russia-India-China triangle
Modi’s visible friendship with both Putin and Xi at the same summit. The three leaders exchanging handshakes, hugs, and smiles was a rare sight.
Interactions in Tianjin continue! Exchanging perspectives with President Putin and President Xi during the SCO Summit. pic.twitter.com/K1eKVoHCvv
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) September 1, 2025
Russia’s envoy to international organisations in Vienna, Mikhail Ulyanov, described the growing India-China partnership as part of a “qualitatively new system of international relations,” amid global uncertainties and US tariffs. His comments followed PM Modi’s meeting with President Xi Jinping at the SCO Summit in Tianjin, where both leaders welcomed positive momentum since their last meeting in Kazan.
This is not to indicate that India has turned its back on the West. But it reminds us that Indian foreign policy is not Washington’s or Brussels’ to direct. It is informed by its own national interest, based on strategic autonomy.
Conclusion: India charts its own path
Trump imposed tariffs to punish India for its Russian oil purchases. Instead, they have backfired. India has not reduced its imports; it has doubled down. Far from drifting away from Russia, Modi is welcoming Putin to New Delhi. Far from locking horns with China, Modi is shaking hands with Xi.
The SCO Summit in Tianjin was more than a routine multilateral meeting. It was a turning point, a moment that highlighted India’s refusal to bow to external pressure.
As Putin prepares for his December visit, one thing is clear: Donald Trump’s attempt to bully India has not weakened it. If anything, it has pushed India into an even stronger position, closer to Russia, improving ties with China, and more determined than ever to chart its own independent course in global politics.
