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Investigation of recently busted Hizb-ut-Tahrir (HuT) terror group taken over by NIA, says MP HM, 16 were arrested earlier and booked under stringent UAPA

ANI
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Investigation of recently busted Hizb-ut-Tahrir (HuT) terror group taken over by NIA, says MP HM, 16 were arrested earlier and booked under stringent UAPA

Madhya Pradesh Home Minister Narottam Mishra on Friday said that that the National Investigation Agency (NIA) took over the investigation of the recently busted Bhopal-Hyderabad module of the radical Islamic organisation Hizb-ut-Tahrir (HuT). 

Mishra told reporters, “NIA team has come to Madhya Pradesh on Thursday. International connections of the accused associated with HuT have come to the notice. Now, the NIA will investigate it further. The investigation diary has been handed over to them.” Madhya Pradesh is an island of peace, here no accused will not be spared, he added. 

Madhya Pradesh Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) had arrested 16 members associated with HuT from different locations on May 9. Of these members, ten persons were arrested from Bhopal, one from Chhindwara, and five from Hyderabad. 

The MP ATS team also recovered anti-national documents, technical equipment, radical literature and other materials from the accused at the time of arrest. 

A case was registered against these accused under UAPA (Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967) and other relevant sections. Notably, Bhopal NIA court had sent these accused to judicial custody till June 2. 

Meanwhile, Mishra also took a jibe at the congress party after their meeting got postponed and said that date after date were being given for meetings in Congress, but the meeting was not being held. 

“There are two types of leaders in the Congress party, one is popular leaders and others are leaders of ’10 Janpath’ (referring to leaders close to Gandhi family as ’10 Janpath’ is residence of Sonia Gandhi). Those who are popular are not allowed to move forward and those who are close to ’10 Janpath’ are able to do anything,” Mishra added. 

Reacting to the allegation made by senior Congress leader and Rajya Sabha MP Digvijaya Singh related to disturbance in livelihood and saving officials, Mishra said, “I do not take the words of Digvijaya seriously. He makes allegations and we ask for proof but he is not able to give proof. He only does the work of character assassination.”

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

Court grants NOC to Rahul Gandhi for 3 years, his lawyer had argued that people with graver offences, like 2G, Coal scam, given passports for 10 years

OpIndia Staff
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Court grants NOC to Rahul Gandhi for 3 years, his lawyer had argued that people with graver offences, like 2G, Coal scam, given passports for 10 years

The Rouse Avenue Court of Delhi on Friday partly allowed an application moved by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi seeking a No Objection Certificate (NOC) for the issuance of a fresh ordinary passport. 

The Court granted No Objection Certificate (NOC) to Rahul Gandhi for 3 years. The additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Vaibhav Mehta on Friday said Rahul Gandhi is granted NOC valid for 3 years. 

Advocate Tarannum Cheema appearing for Rahul Gandhi said that there is no condition in the bail orders about the Applicant. 

“People who have been involved in graver offences have been granted passports for ten years. It includes 2G and Coal scam etc. Issuance of passport for ten years is given as a matter of routine,” advocate Cheema added. 

During submissions earlier, former Rajya Sabha MP Subramanian Swamy filed the reply in the Delhi Court, opposing Rahul Gandhi’s plea and submitted that the Applicant (Rahul Gandhi) has no-valid or effective reason for the passport to be issued for 10 years. 

In the reply, it is submitted that “The application is devoid of any merit for issuance of Passport for 10 years”.

Swamy in reply submitted that the court may exercise the discretion to grant permission after scrutinizing and analyzing all other correlated matters in deciding on the litigation of the Applicant in the broad spectrum of areas of justice and law. Swamy further stated that at this stage, the NOC for the passport for the Applicant may not be more than one year and may be reviewed annually or as deemed fit by this Court. 

“The right to hold a passport, like all other Fundamental Rights, is not an absolute Right and is subject to reasonable restrictions imposed by the Government in the interest of national security, public order, morality, and prevention of crime,” Swamy added. 

On May 24, the Rouse Avenue Court asked Subramanian Swamy to file his written submissions by Friday while hearing the plea for a fresh passport by Rahul Gandhi, an accused in the National Herald case. 

Gandhi had moved the court seeking a ‘no objection certificate’ (NOC) to secure a fresh “ordinary passport” after having surrendered his diplomatic travel document upon his disqualification as an MP. 

Counsel for Gandhi, Advocate Tarannum Cheema who appeared along with advocates Nikhil Bhalla and Sumit Kumar sought the grant of the no objection certificate (NOC), saying there are no criminal cases pending against him. 

“The applicant ceased to be a Member of Parliament in March 2023 and as such he surrendered his diplomatic passport and is applying for a fresh ordinary passport. By way of the present application, the applicant is seeking permission and no objection from this Court for issuance of a fresh ordinary passport to him.” 

Rahul Gandhi’s advocates submitted that there are no criminal proceedings pending and that travelling abroad is a fundamental right. 

The applicant ceased to be a Member of Parliament in March this year following his disqualification as a member of Lok Sabha. He was convicted in a Surat court in a criminal defamation case. He surrendered his diplomatic passport and decided to apply for a fresh ordinary passport. 

By way of the present application, the applicant is seeking permission and no objection from the Court for the issuance of a fresh ordinary passport to him, stated Rahul Gandhi’s lawyers. 

The lawyer also added that the complainant’s request to put restrictions on travel was rejected in 2015. Moreover, since the bail order, the applicant has travelled several times without permission as no permission was required and there are no travel restrictions. 

In 2015, the Court while granting bail to the applicant Rahul Gandhi in the National Herald case did not put any condition on travel for the applicant and others as well, Rahul Gandhi’s lawyers noted. 

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday moved Delhi’s Rouse Avenue Court seeking no objection for the issuance of a fresh ordinary passport to him. 

The National Herald case is being argued in a Delhi court and was filed by Subramanian Swamy against Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and some persons associated with them. 

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

The Hindu contradicts itself on Sengol to be placed in the new parliament, claims govt’s version is baseless after publishing the same claims

Raju Das
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The Hindu contradicts itself on Sengol to be placed in the new parliament, claims govt’s version is baseless after publishing the same claims

On 24 May, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced that a Chola Dynasty Sceptre named Sengol will be placed at the new parliament building on 28 May after its inauguration. The Sengol was specially commissioned in 1947 and was handed over to India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, as a symbol of the transfer of power from the British, as the same sceptre was handed over to new Chola kings at the beginning of their terms. Since then, the history of the Sengol, how it was quietly forgotten after August 1947 and how it was mislabelled as Nehru’s walking stick and was languishing at Anand Bhawan in Allahabad have been widely reported by almost all media houses.

Amid this, left-wing publication The Hindu yesterday tried to find holes in the history of the Sengol, as narrated by the government. In an article titled “Evidence thin on government’s claims about the sceptre” published on 25 May, author Pon Vasanth B A claimed that there is no evidence in the claim that the sceptre was used as a symbol of the transfer of power in August 1947.

The Hindu does not dispute the fact that the Sengol was handed over to Nehru on 14th August 1947 by Sri la Sri Ambalavana Pandarasannadhi Swamigal, the head of the Adheenam in Tamil Nadu. However, it claimed that it was merely a ‘gift’ by the priests, and didn’t symbolise the transfer of power. The article also says that there is no evidence that the sceptre was first symbolically handed over to Lord Mountbatten and then taken back before being presented to Nehru.

The article notes that while the govt has presented several news reports from August 1947 which had reported the handing over the sceptre to Nehru, adding that none of them said it was first given to the British viceroy. It says, “evidence is thin on the government’s claim that this presenting of the sceptre was treated by the leaders and the then government as the symbolic transfer of power.”

However, ironically, while The Hindu is calling the govt claims baseless, it itself had published those same details about the Chola sceptre. In an article titled “The Sengol — A historic sceptre with a deep Tamil Nadu connection”, the newspaper had written that the Sengol “was specially commissioned by the Thiruvavaduthurai Adheenam and was handed over to the soon-to-be Prime Minister Nehru before his historic speech, ‘Tryst with Destiny’, given in the Constituent Assembly to announce the birth of the nation freed from British rule.”

While the Hindu on 25 May claimed that Nehru and others didn’t consider the Sengol as a symbol of the transfer of power, on 24 May it had said that handing over of a sceptre to denote the transfer of power has been in practice for nearly 2,000 years since the Sangam Age. Quoting a well-known historian and researcher of Sangam Literature, the Hindu had written that the use of Sengol has been mentioned in texts such as the Purananooru, Kurunthogai, Perumpaanatrupadai, and Kalithogai.

The article on 25 also claimed that there is no evidence that C. Rajagopalachari had suggested Nehru to use the Sengol as a ceremonial gesture, a day after making the same claim. In the 24 May article, the Hindu wrote, “it was freedom fighter Rajaji (C. Rajagopalachari) who suggested to Nehru the ceremonial gesture, a tradition found to have been documented even in the Chola-era as a symbol of the transfer of power to a new king, according to sources in the Adheenam.”

In that article, the Hindu sad that Rajaji had approached the Thiruvavaduthurai Adheenam in the old Thanjavur district to arrange for the sceptre. It further says, “Sri La Sri Ambalavana Desika Swamigal, the seer of the Thiruvaduthurai Adheenam at the time, then commissioned a five-foot-long, intricately carved, unbending gold sceptre with a miniature replica of Nandi (divine bull on top, and tasked the craftsmen from Vummidi Bangaru, a famous jeweller in Madras, to get it done on time and as per specifications, according to sources in the Adheenam.”

The 24 May article by Hindu was bylined by N. Sai Charan, and it was not just a report on what Amit Shah and the others in the govt had said on the matter. The narration given by Hindu in that article is similar to what the govt said.

It is also notable that Vummidi Ethirajulu, from the Vummidi Bangaru who had designed the Sengol, has said that it was made as per specifications given by the Adheenam seer, and they took almost a month to make it using silver and gold. The sceptre was handed over to the Adheenam, who then handed over to Nehru.

Vummidi Sudhakar, Ethirajulu’s brother, said that they were told that Sengol was being made because it marks the transfer of power, and that is why it was being presented to Nehru.

While questioning the govt claims, the Hindu mention that Sri Chandrasekarendra Saraswathi, the 68th head of Sri Kanchi Kamakoti Pitam, had told a disciple in 1978 that the Sengol was used as a transfer of power from Mountbatten to Nehru. With the claims, the Hindu is basically saying that the seer was lying when he was narrating the incident from his memory.

On the lack of sufficient evidence that it was used as a symbol of the transfer of power, it is evident that while Nehru accepted the sceptre, the ‘rationalist’ Congress leader was not very excited about it. That is why it was quietly forgotten, the sceptre became ‘Nehru’s golden walking stick’, and was lying at his residence turned museum Anand Bhawan in Allahabad for 75 years. Nehru and successive Congress governments never mentioned about it anywhere, and therefore, it was quickly forgotten after some media houses had briefly reported that it was handed over to him by Adheenam seers.

It is notable that in kingdoms and monarchies, generally, new kings assume power only after the death of the previous king. Therefore, in Chola era also, the Sengol was handed over to the new king by the seers. It was not done by the previous kings. Similarly, even if Lord Mountbatten didn’t take and then symbolically handed it back, it does not reduce the importance of the sceptre. Just like the former kings, seers had handed over the sceptre to Jawaharlal Nehru as per traditions, following the rituals, and therefore the event did mark the transfer of power, just like it did during the Chola era.

Stalin opposes Amul after Karnataka Congress rakes up Nandini issue: How ‘local versus outsider’ is becoming the divisive template of non-BJP parties

Gopal Tiwari
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Stalin opposes Amul after Karnataka Congress rakes up Nandini issue: How ‘local versus outsider’ is becoming the divisive template of non-BJP parties

On 25th May 2023, Tamil Nadu’s chief minister MK Stalin wrote a letter to Union Minister of Cooperation Amit Shah requesting him to direct AMUL to desist from procuring milk from Aavin’s milk shed area. After the Karnataka unit of the Congress and Janata Dal (Secular), MK Stalin of Dravid Munnetra Kazhagham was seen opposing the dairy brand of Gujarat in the name of saving the local cooperative sector in the respective states.

This letter by MK Stalin has come days after Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray said that riots don’t take place in areas where Marathi Muslims reside. Mamata Banerjee among other regional leaders is well known for playing the politics of locals versus non-locals. Against this backdrop, it becomes necessary to review such incidents in the country where leaders of the opposition and regional parties have taken up the local versus non-local issue and check the strategy behind it if any, however different for each one involved.

MK Stalin in Tamil Nadu

In his letter to Amit Shah, MK Stalin wrote, “In Tamil Nadu, like in other States with strong dairy cooperatives, a three-tier dairy cooperative system is functioning effectively since 1981 for the benefit of the rural milk producers and consumers. Aavin is our apex cooperative marketing federation. Under the ambit of Aavin co-operative, 9,673 Milk Producers Co-operative Societies are functioning in rural areas. They procure 35 LLPD of milk from about 4.5 lakh pouring members. Under this current arrangement, the milk producers are assured of remunerative and uniform prices throughout the year by the cooperative societies.”

MK Stalin added, “Recently, It has come to our notice that the Kaira District Cooperative Milk Producers’ Union (Amul), has utilised their multi-state cooperative license, to install chilling centres and a processing plant In Krishnagiri District and has planned to procure milk through FPOs and SHGs in and around Krishnagiri, Dharmapuri, Vellore, Ranipet, Tirupathur, Kancheepuram and Tiruvallur districts in our State. It has been a norm in India to let cooperatives thrive without Infringing on each other’s milk-shed area. Such cross-procurement goes against the spirit of ‘Operation White Flood’ and will exacerbate problems for consumers given the prevailing milk shortage scenario in the country.”

MK Stalin further said, “his act of AMUL Infringes on Aavin’s milk shed area which has been nurtured in true cooperative spirit over decades. Therefore, I request your urgent intervention to direct Amul to desist from milk procurement from the milk shed area of Aavin in Tamil Nadu with immediate effect.”

While the assertion of regional identity and the vocal opposition to Hindi has always been the core of DMK politics, MK Stalin has tried to give an economic and financial angle to regionalism as well. The local versus non-local issue in Tamil Nadu is thus highlighted in the current AMUL versus Aavin row.

With the success of this local vs non-local narrative in West Bengal and Karnataka, hurting the national integrity of the country does not seem to matter, as long as regional parties can stir up regional sentiments to win political brownie points and finally, the elections. Stalin is not the first person to stir up such cock-eyed regionalism for the sake of politics. The local vs non-local issue seems to have been turned into a template by regional parties who wish to keep BJP at bay.

Raj Thackeray in Maharashtra

When Raj Thackeray started his party he made it very clear in the very name of his political outfit that whatever ‘Navnirman’ his ‘Sena’ wills to do will be ‘Maharashtra’ centric. But while doing so, an appetite for Marathi votes the junior Thackeray had, has subtly and unknowingly transformed into ignorance towards Dharmic issues as he tried to appease what he calls Marathi Muslims in the recent controversy around Trimbakeshwar temple – a Jyotirlinga in the Nashik district of Maharashtra.

On 13th May 2023, a group of Muslims barged into the Shiva temple under the guise of offering fumes of frankincense to the Hindu deity as Muslims had taken out a procession after Sandal rituals at a local Dargah during its annual Urs. Reacting to this incident, Raj Thackeray said, “If it is an age-old tradition it is pointless to put a stop to it. This is an issue of the people of Trimbakeshwar. There are hundreds of mandirs and masjids in Maharashtra where you see such syncretism.”

He added, “These are traditions that need to be continued. Our religion is not so weak that it will get corrupted if a person from another religion enters a temple. I have gone to various masjids. It is in some of our temples that people from a certain caste are only allowed entry into the sanctum sanctorum. People who are hyping this issue I feel their outlook towards religion is rather constricted.”

He concluded by saying, “Wherever Marathi Muslims live, there is no communal tension. This is my experience. They live there. Their kids learn in the local schools. They live peacefully. That’s why there is no communal tension in such places. But some people disrupt this harmony. In a Hindu-majority state, how can a Hindu be under threat?”

Raj Thackeray’s MNS would rely on Marathi versus non-Marathi issues in the initial phases. Its core issue was the migrants from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh coming to Mumbai and nearby cities like Thane, Pune, and Nashik and seizing job opportunities there. MNS also blamed them for the increased crime rate in the cities and the state.

In the recent two-three years, Raj Thackeray came back to vocal Hindutva and started addressing issues like loudspeakers in mosques and illegal Mazars. But in an attempt to lure Marathi Muslims, he appropriated an incident wherein Muslims tried to barge into a temple that was taken back after a long fight.

MNS seems unaware of the fact that Marathi Muslims is an imaginary term and can only be compared with a term like Arab Hindus. For all practical purposes, it is ‘Muslims in Maharashtra’, which looks evident from the examples in various cities across the Marathi state. But in an attempt to target Muslim votes in Maharashtra, Raj Thackeray – the cartoonist – went on to differentiate between Marathi Muslims and non-Marathi Muslims.

Also, there have been so many incidents of communal tensions in the interiors of Maharashtra. Yavatmal, Akola, Amravati, and Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar are places in the state where Muslims are as local and Marathi as Raj Thackeray expects them to be. But their actions are screaming that they relate themselves more to Islam than the Marathi vibe.

MNS has not vocally condemned the acts of violence committed by Muslims in these cities in the recent past. It rather preferred to play the local versus non-local card even within the so-called minority community in the state.

Congress and JDS in Karnataka

While Congress identifies itself as a national party, it has very smartly played the local versus non-local politics on various occasions. It displayed its core competencies of divide and rule in Karnataka as it matched voice with the Janata Dal (Secular) in opposing AMUL’s milk delivery plans in the capital of the Kannada state.

Before the Karnataka assembly elections, which were held in May this year, social media was rife with misinformation about Amul taking over the State’s local dairy brand Nandini. The controversy began on April 5 when the official Twitter handle of Amul posted an infographic with the caption, “The #Amul family is bringing in some Taaza into #Bengaluru city. More updates coming in soon. #LaunchAlert”. The archive of the tweet can be accessed here.

In fact, in December 2022, Union Home Minister Amit Shah called for greater cooperation between Amul and Nandini, which is owned by the Karnataka Milk Federation (KMF). He said, “Amul and KMF together will work towards ensuring there is a primary dairy in every village of the state. Amul and KMF have to work together to boost the cooperative dairy in Karnataka.”

But his statement was deliberately misconstrued to suggest that Amul might buy Nandini shortly and thus sell the local dairy brand to ‘North Indian businessmen.’ Some vested interests went on to claim that Amul is trying to ‘root out’ Nandini and thus undermine the Kannadiga identity and culture. The controversy was re-ignited after Amul tweeted about its plans to launch its brand in Bengaluru.

Opposition political leaders in Karnataka tried to use the Amul-Nandini controversy to whip up regionalism ahead of the state elections. Former Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah even appealed to the Kannadigas to boycott the Amul brand. Congress leader DK Shivakumar suggested a larger conspiracy in the entry of Amul into the Karnataka market.

While speaking about the matter, Siddaramaiah had said, “In addition to language treason by the imposition of Hindi and land treason by trespassing within the state borders, now the BJP government is going to betray the farmers by shutting down Karnataka Milk Federation (KMF), which is the livelihood of millions of dairy farming families in the country.”

Janata Dal (Secular) leader H D Kumaraswamy also resorted to regionalism over the Amul-Nandini row. “Amul is being pushed into Karnataka from the backdoor with the support of the Central government. Amul is strangulating the Karnataka Milk Federation (KMF) and the farmers. Kannada people should rebel against Amul,” he said.

“We as Kannadigas should oppose Amul and protect the interest of Karnataka farmers unitedly. Our people and customers should use Nandini products on priority and save the livelihood of farmers,” HD Kumaraswamy further claimed. However, Congress – and not JDS – successfully milked this controversy as the grand party came to power in Karnataka after the recent elections.

Tejashwi Yadav and Nitish Kumar in Bihar

In 2015, Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United), Tejashwi Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal, and Congress came together in the Bihar state assembly elections against the Bharatiya Janata Party. Calling BJP led by Amit Shaha and Narendra Modi ‘Bahari’ meaning Outsider, the alliance asked Bihari people to vote for them. Nitish Kumar and Tejashwi Yadav profoundly peddled this narrative as two of the tallest figures in the BJP hail from Gujarat.

It is notable that before leaving NDA in 2013, Nitish Kumar ruled the state in an alliance with the BJP for 8 years. Even after breaking the alliance with RJD and Congress in 2017, he remained in alliance with the BJP till 2022. BJP leaders from Bihar – and not from Gujarat – were sharing power with him all this while. Still, in the 2015 assembly elections of Bihar, he nourished the narrative of the local versus outsiders. Tejashwi Yadav often uses it even now.

Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal

Mamata Banerjee – the chief minister of West Bengal and the president of the Trinamool Congress Party added multiple flavours to this locals versus non-locals politics. She said during the run-up for the 2021 assembly elections of West Bengal, “Gujaratis are trying to capture Bengal by bringing goons from UP and Bihar.” Mamata Banerjee also vowed to not let her State turn into Gujarat. The West Bengal CM emphasised, “We will not allow Bengal to become like Gujarat.” She made the remarks during an election rally in the Howrah district.

It was not the first time that she was blaming outsiders and played the politics of locals versus non-locals. She indulged in such things since 2019. She has blamed ‘outsiders’ for incidents of violence and unrest that took place in the State. The objective behind it was to evade responsibility for failing to provide safety and security to the residents of West Bengal.

It also had the unintended consequence of instilling a heightened sense of fear within the Bengali community, suggesting that their culture, language, and safety were being threatened by migrants from other states. Although this tactic of regionalism and subsequent polarization proved beneficial for the Mamata Banerjee government in the 2021 West Bengal elections, it further divided society and left ‘outsiders’ susceptible to both casual discrimination and actual physical assaults.

Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi in Uttar Pradesh

What is so local and non-local in and about Hindi speaking state of Uttar Pradesh which is surrounded by so many similar states? Well, that question may arise in one’s mind unless he or she is an Akhilesh Yadav or a Rahul Gandhi. During the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections of 2017, these two scions of their respective parties led a campaign run by the Congress-Samajwadi Party alliance. The campaign was branded as ‘UP Ke Ladke’.

The Congress had contested the assembly election of Uttar Pradesh held in 2017 in alliance with the Samajwadi Party of Akhilesh Yadav. Akhilesh Yadav was the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh from 2012 to 2017 and his father has been an MP as well as chief minister of the state as well. Similarly, Rahul Gandhi at that time was MP from Amethi, a seat his family had won for generations before Smriti Irani defeated him in 2019. His mother also is an MP from Rae Bareli. His family has always claimed to have roots in UP.

This is why during the 2017 election campaign, Yadav and Rahul Gandhi both referred to themselves as ‘UP Ke Ladke’ (UP boys) like they were part of some elite club. ‘UP Ke Ladke’ means ‘boys from UP’. It is notable that at the time of this campaign, both these boys were around 45 years old.

Not only this, during the election rallies they went on to indirectly call Modi and Shah donkeys from Gujarat. Akhilesh Yadav called them ‘Gujarat Ke Gadhe’ which means donkeys from Gujarat. Giving a befitting reply to this, Narendra Modi said that he was proud to take inspiration from the donkey that serves its master day in and day out without prejudice and caring for itself. Modi said, “The people of the country are the bosses. I work tirelessly for them and will continue to do so.”

This experiment of locals versus non-locals, however, miserably failed. the alliance could not withstand the phenomenal surge of the BJP which won over 300 seats in the assembly of 403 only to give Uttar Pradesh a chief minister like Yogi Adityanath.

Conclusion

We have seen how Tamil Nadu and Karnataka focussed on language and cooperative business issues. While Raj Thackeray appropriated Muslims in his so-called Marathi and Hindutva politics by calling them Marathi Muslims, regional political leaders in Bihar cried about outsiders controlling the governance of the state.

Mamata Banerjee seemed more worried about outsiders conquering TMC’s core competency – hooliganism. Therefore she complained that BJP is bringing goons from UP and Bihar. The boys from UP could not survive the ones whom they called donkeys from Gujarat. Their circus however gave UP a strict ringmaster.

Looking at the anti-BJP form the wrestler’s protest is getting into, it is highly possible that local versus non-locals – rather Jat versus non-Jat – politics can be played by the opposition in the state of Haryana before the upcoming assembly elections. Jharkhand is currently led by Hemant Soren of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and backed by the Congress party which has always taken political advantage in the guise of addressing regional aspirations by opposing dominations of outsiders.

Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir are regions that limit the scope of popular arguments of locals versus non-locals to an argument of outsider majority versus locally concentrated minority – Sikhs in Punjab and Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir. Interestingly, like Jats in Haryana – these so-called minorities are the majority in the two border states.

For a grand, vast and varied nation like India with a civilisational, ancient identity, politicians should ideally focus on issues that bind the nation instead of pulling it apart, however, that does not seem to be a campaign they think would fetch them votes.

Movie ‘Ajmer 1992’ set to release: The scandal where 250 girls were raped and blackmailed by caretakers of Ajmer Dargah, including Congress leader

OpIndia Staff
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Movie ‘Ajmer 1992’ set to release: The scandal where 250 girls were raped and blackmailed by caretakers of Ajmer Dargah, including Congress leader

Taran Adarsh, a prominent film critic, took to Twitter on Friday to announce the theatrical release date for the much awaited movie ‘Ajmer 92.’ This hard-hitting picture, produced by Reliance Entertainment in collaboration with U&K Films Entertainment, Sumit Motion Pictures, and Little Crew Pictures, will be released on July 14, 2023.

Based on true events, Ajmer 92 tells the story of the grim plight of as many as 250 girls who were trapped, sexually exploited and blackmailed for years by caretakers of Ajmer Dargah, including many influential men in the area and Congress leaders in the city of Ajmer in Rajasthan in 1992.

The film stars Karan Verma, Sumit Singh, Sayaji Shinde, Manoj Joshi, Shalini Kapoor Sagar, Brijendra Kalra, and Zarina Wahab, among others.

Speaking about the movie, film producer Sushil Sachdeva said, “We made this film so that the entire country knows what the young college girls had to go through. This is all we have tried to show to the public.”

The plot of the film uncovers one of the largest rape scandals India has ever witnessed, in which hundreds of girls were blackmailed into being violently raped by influential people with political connections. The majority of the girls were from wealthy homes, the daughters of IAS and IPS personnel, but the perpetrators were never brought to court.

We have seen many cases of rape, gang rape and exploitation in our country. But the sheer scale and brazen impunity in the Ajmer scandal is something very unusual and had shaken to the conscience of the entire country.

The 1992 Ajmer Rape and Blackmail Scandal

In the year 1992, it was revealed that over 250 girls were raped and blackmailed in Ajmer, Rajasthan. The news of the scandal broke after a local paper, ‘Navjyoti’ published some nude images and a story which spoke about school students being blackmailed by local gangs.

It all started with Farooq Chishti grooming a female student of Sophia Senior Secondary School and raping her. He took objectionable photographs of the minor and threatened her to introduce other girls to him. Later, those girls were raped and blackmailed.

Farooq Chishti was the president of the Ajmer Youth Congress while two other accused, Nafis Chishti and Anwar Chishti were the vice-president and joint secretary respectively of the city Congress unit.

Numerous girls were trapped, sexually exploited and blackmailed for years by Farooq Chishti and his gang, including many influential men in the area with political connections. Since the main culprits were associated with the Khadims, the religious caretakers of the Ajmer Dargah, and had power and political links, the matter was suppressed by the police. Reports mention that over the years, many victims had even committed suicide.

The gang and its territory kept growing, adding more pain and suffering. As per reports, all the girls were between the ages of 11 to 20. When the scandal got exposed, the police initially stalled the matter because of political pressure. However, the protests spread rapidly in the region, and eventually, police arrested several accused in the case. After years of investigation, eight of the accused were convicted, including Chishti.

The editor of Navjyoti, Deenbandhu Chaudhary, had admitted that the local law enforcement authorities were aware of the scandal almost since a year before the story broke, but they allowed the local politicians to stall the investigations. Even Choudhary himself was hesitant before running the story, the reason was the perpetrators of the crime belonged to the family of ‘Khadims’. Khadims are the families of traditional caretakers of the Ajmer Dargah, they claim to be the direct descendants of the first followers of Khwaja Moinuddin Chisty and hold significant influence in the local communities. The police had stalled the case because the local politicians warned action against the accuse would lead to massive communal tension.

Chaudhary stated that finally, they decided to go ahead with the story because that seemed to be the only way to wake the local administration into action. Finally, the police lodged an FIR against eight of the accused. Further investigations led to 18 men in total being charged and tensions ran high in the town for several days. Most of the accused were Muslims, many from the families of Khadims and most victims were young Hindu girls.

What followed next was another saga of political influence and administrative incompetence. There are speculations that the matter was suppressed to the point that many witnesses and victims turned hostile, and many details got buried. The witnesses and victims were threatened and blackmailed as well to stop them from coming forward. Some of them turned hostile due to social stigma. The case is often compared to the infamous Rotherham Child Sexual Exploitation Scandal.

The social stigma ran to such an extent that for years after the incident was exposed, people looking for prospective brides in the area used to ask if the girl was one of “those victims”.

‘I am being implicated, once I go to Bengal, I won’t return’: ‘The Diary of West Bengal’ director summoned for questioning by the West Bengal police

OpIndia Staff
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‘I am being implicated, once I go to Bengal, I won’t return’: ‘The Diary of West Bengal’ director summoned for questioning by the West Bengal police

Following the release of the trailer of the upcoming film ‘The Diary of West Bengal’ produced by Jitendra Narayan Singh, the film’s director, and writer Sanoj Mishra has been summoned by the Kolkata police, as it has been claimed that the film attempts to defame the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Sanoj Mishra has been asked to appear before the Kolkata police for questioning on May 30.

This comes after a complaint was reportedly lodged against the film at Amherst Street police station in Kolkata this month over the allegations that the movie tried to defame the West Bengal CM.

Director Sanoj Mishra has been issued a legal notice by Amherst Street police station under Section 41A of the CrPC. Regarding this film, an FIR has been filed under relevant sections of the IPC, the IT Act, and the Cinematography Act.

“Ref: Amherst Street Police Station, Kolkata Case no. 90, Dated-11.05.2023 U/s 120B/153A/501/504/505/295A Indian Penal Code read with section 66D/84B Information Technology Act’ 2000 and section 7, Cinematograph Act’ 1952. In exercise of the power conferred under sub-section (1) of section 41A of CrPC I hereby inform you that during the investigation of above referred case, it is revealed that there are reasonable grounds to question you to ascertain the facts and circumstances of this case,” the notice reads.

The notice further directed Sanoj Mishra to appear before Inspector Subhabrata Kar, Additional Officer-in-Charge of Amherst Street Police Station May 30.

The film ‘The Diary of West Bengal’ is centred around the illegal influx of Rohingya Muslims and Bangladeshis extremist communities in the state. The trailer for the film depicts how the settlement of the Rohingyas and Bangladeshi infiltrators is being facilitated by the state government. 

The trailer also referenced an incident wherein 200 houses of Hindus were burnt down in Naliakhali village in 2013. It additionally portrays Mamata Banerjee’s agitation against the implementation of CAA and NRC laws in the state.

Reacting to the legal notice served by the West Bengal police, Director Sanoj Mishra asserted that his film is based on facts. He also expressed his apprehension that the West Bengal police might arrest him and get him killed in the jail itself. Mishra also clarified that his intention is not to malign the image of the state. 

“I made a film based on facts.” I urge Prime Minister Modi and Union Home Minister to take note of the situation. West Bengal is experiencing a spike in mass murders, rapes, and a Hindu exodus. I did much research, and the film is entirely factual.”

“Once I go to West Bengal I will not return. I am being implicated in a bogus case. They have charged me under such sections as if I am a criminal or terrorist. However, I have completed all of the necessary preparations for the film, which will be released by August, if everything goes smoothly. “I will see to it that the film is released,” he stated. 

Uttar Pradesh Police arrest 18 for luring Hindus, attempting to convert them to Islam by setting up Mazar and Trishul, degrading Hinduism: Details

OpIndia Staff
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Uttar Pradesh Police arrest 18 for luring Hindus, attempting to convert them to Islam by setting up Mazar and Trishul, degrading Hinduism: Details

On Wednesday, the Uttar Pradesh Police arrested 18 individuals from a village in Azamgarh for attempting to forcefully convert Hindus to Islam. The accused persons were arrested and sent to jail after the police conducted a raid in the village on May 24. The police have also recovered several incriminating documents and material from the arrested persons.

According to the reports, the accused persons have been identified as Farid Mohammad, Mohammad Sabroz, Ramzan, Rasheed, Sahabuddin, Sikandar, Mohammad Javed, Faiyaz, Parvez Azam, Irfan, Sabir Ali, Javed Ahmed, Haseena, Usha Devi, Akash Saroj, Awadhesh Saroj, Pannalal Gupta and Kundan Benvanshi. These arrested persons have been booked under relevant relevant sections of the law.

The incident is said to have happened in the Chirkihit village of Lalganj under the Devgaon police station area. A late-night event was organized in one of the houses of the village by the accused persons who were attempting to convert Hindu persons from the village. The accused had established photos of Muslim religious leaders and a Trishul in the program. Further, a program of Qawwali was also organized to give this conversion event the form of a cultural program.

The mastermind of this whole program has been identified as Sajjad who also has been arrested by the Police. A mazaar-like structure was established at the event and the Hindus were made to believe that all their existent diseases would be cured in the event. The house where the event was organized belongs to one Awadhesh Pasi who had been going to Deva Sharif of Barabanki for the past five years.

By glorifying the negative aspects of Hinduism and the positive aspects of Islam, the people assembled at Awadhesh Pasi’s home were duped into joining Islam. Also, the religion of Islam was discussed by Qawwal Farid Ahmed, who had arrived from Balrampur for the event. In this, the beliefs of the Hindu religion were described as hypocritical and false. People were instigated against following Hinduism.

The State police were informed by one of the persons from the village. On being informed Senior Police Inspector Anurag Arya reached the spot and arrested 18 people including two women from the spot.

All these accused are residents of Azamgarh, Mau, Gonda and Balrampur districts. The Police confirmed that all these accused persons were tricking the innocent Hindu people of the village. The Hindus were also being lured for money. Seven tridents, two religious photos, two drums, a sound mixer, a harmonium, a sound box, bhagona, gas stove, bullet, tempo, car, generator etc. have been recovered from the possession of the accused.

SP Anurag Arya has formed a special team under the leadership of Lalganj CO Manoj Raghuvanshi to investigate the matter. Along with this, police station Devgaon and local intelligence officials have been deployed. The police are also trying to know whether there is any other group of these people, which is engaged in such activities.

SP Anurag Arya also said that as soon as the information was received, a police team in civil dress was sent to the spot at night. These arrested persons have been booked under relevant relevant sections of the law. Further investigations into the case are underway.

First, Hindus and Muslims were separated, then, 94 Hindus were locked in a school, tied up and shot with machine guns: Forgotten 1971 Burunga massacre in Bangladesh

राजन कुमार झा
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First, Hindus and Muslims were separated, then, 94 Hindus were locked in a school, tied up and shot with machine guns: Forgotten 1971 Burunga massacre in Bangladesh

The year 1971 witnessed the remarkable bravery of the Indian Army, leading to the birth of a new nation known as Bangladesh. The courageous people of Bangladesh fought the Bangladesh Liberation War with the goal of achieving Swarajya (self-governance). However, the Pakistani army, in its efforts to suppress this movement, resorted to brutal oppression and committed acts of extreme violence. The local Hindu community actively participated in this liberation struggle, which unfortunately resulted in them enduring the atrocities inflicted by the Pakistani army.

During the Bangladesh Liberation War, radical Islamist Pakistani soldiers engaged in targeted killings of Hindus, perpetrating widespread atrocities. Countless women were subjected to looting and rape by the Pakistani army. Hindu massacres were carried out with alarming frequency, one of which was the infamous Burunga massacre. On May 26, 1971, the Pakistani army mercilessly murdered 94 Hindus at Burunga High School. This appalling incident is just one among numerous horrific massacres inflicted upon the Hindu population in Bangladesh.

Burunga village, located in the Balaganj division of the Sylhet district in Bangladesh, was home to a mixed population of both Hindus and Muslims. As the third week of May 1971 approached, the villagers became increasingly apprehensive about the looming threat of an attack by Pakistani soldiers. While the freedom struggle in Bangladesh was gaining momentum, the people of Burunga lived in constant fear, as they anticipated a potential assault from the Pakistani army.

According to Bangladeshi media reports, the concerned residents of Burunga approached Burunga Union Chairman Injad Ali. On the afternoon of May 25, 1971, Injad Ali, along with Soyef Uddin Master, the Chief of the Union Peace Committee, made a public announcement in Burunga and the surrounding villages. They declared the formation of a peace committee at Burunga High School on the following day, May 26. The primary objective of this committee was to issue identity cards to the villagers. Possessing these identity cards would provide a safeguard against any harm from the Pakistani army. Furthermore, it would grant cardholders the freedom to move unrestrictedly within the region.

Images of the massacre

Upon receiving the assurance from Union Chairman Injad Ali and the peace committee members, both Hindus and Muslims from the village assembled at Burunga High School on the morning of May 26. The purpose of their gathering was to participate in the committee meeting. By 8 am, approximately a thousand individuals had gathered at the school premises. The peace committee commenced the process of compiling a list of the villagers. At around 9 am, the Pakistani army arrived at Burunga High School, accompanied by Abdul Ahad Chaudhary, the commander of the nearby Karansi village Razakar group, and Abdul Khaleque, the village doctor.

The Pakistan Army obtained the list of individuals from the Peace Committee and proceeded to conduct thorough house-to-house searches in the village. Those who had not attended the Peace Committee meeting at the high school were forcibly taken out of their houses and brought to the school grounds. The people’s faces bore clear expressions of fear, as reported. Local Razakars, members of the Pakistan Army, and peace committee representatives segregated the residents into separate groups of Hindus and Muslims based on the provided list.

The Hindus were directed to the school office, while the Muslims were confined to a classroom. They were compelled to recite the Kalma and sing the national anthem of Pakistan. At approximately 9:30, Abdul Ahad Chaudhry, accompanied by a Pakistani soldier, demanded that the people surrender any money and jewellery they possessed. Following this, the majority of Muslims were released. The Pakistani soldiers instructed the Muslim villagers to procure a nylon rope and tightly tie all the Hindus together. Frightened and defenceless, the unarmed Hindus began shouting in response to this order from the Pakistani soldiers.

According to the reports, Preeti Ranjan Chaudhary, a teacher at the school, was also planning to attend the Peace Committee meeting at Burunga High School, but he arrived late. Upon his arrival, Preeti Ranjan Chaudhary discovered that all the Hindus were confined within an office. The Pakistani soldiers spotted him and apprehended Preeti Ranjan Chaudhary, escorting him to the same office. In a desperate bid for saving his life, Preeti Ranjan Chaudhary searched for an opportunity to escape. He noticed a partially broken window in the room and managed to widen the opening. Preeti Ranjan Chaudhary, along with several others, including Ranu Malakar, seized the chance and successfully fled through the broken window.

The individuals who were unable to escape were forcibly assembled on the school grounds under the watch of Pakistani soldiers. Their hands were bound, leaving them defenceless. Suddenly, a barrage of gunfire erupted, resulting in a harrowing pile of corpses. Srinivas Chakraborty, the second survivor of the massacre, vividly recalled the horrifying scene as machine gun rounds were unleashed upon the helpless Hindus from behind. The assailants proceeded to douse them with kerosene and set ablaze ensuring that no Hindu remained alive. Chakraborty recounted being shot in his left hand. Upon sustaining the gunshot wound, he collapsed to the ground and feigned death.

According to Chakraborty’s account, some of the wounded individuals mustered the strength to rise upon witnessing the departure of the Pakistani soldiers. However, their brief respite was abruptly interrupted when the soldiers returned and resumed firing at the injured victims. It was during this chaos that Preeti Ranjan sustained a gunshot wound to his back, yet remarkably managed to survive. Preeti Ranjan, one of the survivors of the massacre, recalls that after some time, cries of anguish and despair began to echo on the grounds.

A number of wounded individuals were desperately in need of water. Preeti Ranjan’s father, Nikunj Bihari, along with others, helped the injured and provided them with water. Tragically, Nikunj Bihari himself sustained injuries during the incident. Additionally, Preeti Ranjan endured the devastating loss of his father and brother, Nita Ranjan Chakraborty, in this horrific massacre.

The Pakistan Army and Razakars asked Ram Ranjan Bhattacharya, a sick lawyer from Sylhet court, to flee in order to save his life. However, as soon as the ailing Ram Ranjan attempted to rise from his chair, he was shot. Led by Abdul Ahad Chaudhary and Dr Abdul Khaleque, the local Razakars proceeded to pillage the entire village and set fire to the houses of Hindus.

Throughout the war for the liberation of Bangladesh, an estimated three million people lost their lives at the hands of Pakistan. This devastating toll included numerous instances of mass massacres. The Burunga massacre of Hindus in 1971 stands out as one such atrocious event that occurred in Bangladesh.

‘Did my little might like the Ramayana’s squirrel’: Dancer Padma Subrahmanyam narrates how she brought the Sengol to PM Modi’s notice through a letter

OpIndia Staff
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‘Did my little might like the Ramayana’s squirrel’: Dancer Padma Subrahmanyam narrates how she brought the Sengol to PM Modi’s notice through a letter

As the Modi government is set to revive a long-forgotten tradition by installing the historic sceptre ‘Sengol‘ near the Lok Sabha speaker’s chair in the new parliament building on May 28, renowned dancer Dr. Padma Subrahmanyan told India Today how an article she translated from Tamil to English and sent it to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) in 2021, triggered a chain of events that led to the historic development. In the letter, she requested to locate the Sengol explaining its significance, and also laid emphasis on the need to widely publicize it.

Dr. Padma Subrahmanyam spoke about a Tamil article published in Thuglak magazine, written by its editor S. Gurumurthy, that drew her attention toward the story of Sengol.

“It was an article in Tamil that came in Thuglak magazine and I was very attracted to the content of the article, which was about the Sengol. It was about how Kanchi Maha Swami (Chandrasekharendra Saraswati) told his disciple Mettu Swamigal about the Sengol and the whole tale has been retold in a book by Dr Subramaniam.”

Dr. Padma Subrahmanyam also talked about the significance of the golden sceptre in Tamil culture which also finds mention in a Tamil epic.

“The Sengol, in the Tamil culture has great significance. The umbrella, the Sengol, and the throne are the three objects that give you the concept of the reigning power of the king. The Sengol is not only a symbol of power but also of justice,” Dr. Padma Subramanyam said.

“The Sengol is just not something which came to us from thousand years from the later Cholas but Sengol is also mentioned in the Tamil epic Silappathikaram (also spelled Cilappatikaram). It is mentioned with regard to the Chera king (Nedunchezhiyan) who by mistake gave the order to behead the hero (Kovalan) and it was a wrong judgment as Kannagi (Kovalan’s wife) proves that he was wrong, he says my Sengol has bent with that he also dies. So the Sengol is a symbol of justice,” Dr Subramanyam added.

Dr. Padma Subrahmanyam further revealed how she became interested in locating the golden sceptre as she said, “I was interested to know where this Sengol was.” According to the magazine article, the Sengol that was presented to the first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had been kept in Anand Bhavan, Panditji’s birthplace. How did it go there, and what the relationship between Nehru and Sengol was is also very interesting.”

When the British handed over power to Indians in 1947, the occasion was marked by the presentation of a Sengol (sceptre) to first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Dr Padma Subrahmanyam detailed that when it was decided that the British will hand over power to the Indians, Lord Mountbatten asked Pandit Nehru about the cultural symbol that should be used as a representation of the transfer of power.

However, Nehru had no answer. He discussed the matter with Rajaji (C Rajagopalachari). Rajagopalachari then sought guidance from Chandrashekhendra Saraswati who advised him to go to the Thiruvavaduthurai Adheenam in Madurai who have been the Raja Gurus of the Cholas. The Raja Guru used to hand over the Sengol to the king during the coronation and that marked the transformation of power.

Then the Thiruvavaduthurai Adheenam in Madras commissioned the beautiful 5-feet-long Sengol at the request of C Rajagopalachari to mark the transfer of power in 1947. The Adheenam’s pontiff had entrusted the family of Vummidi Bangaru Chetty to craft the golden sceptre.

Following that Dr Subrahmanyam says that the head of the Thiruvaduthurai Mutt Sri La Sri Ambalavana Desika Swamigal sent the Sengol to Nehru, who accepted it to use as a symbol of power. The seer had sent a delegation carrying the sceptre in a special aircraft arranged by the government. 

The sceptre was then handed over to Lord Mountbatten by Sri La Sri Kumaraswamy Thambiran. The British Viceroy then handed it back to the seer. After that, a purification ceremony of the Sengol was carried out by Sri La Sri Kumaraswamy Thambiran by pouring the holy Gangajal on it amidst the recitation of the Kolaru Patham Thevaram. It comprises 11 stanzas and the last stanza says: it is by order of god you will rule perfectly.

Dr Padma Subrahmanyam lamented that following the transfer of power ceremony, the Sengol was out of sight and the despite being an extraordinary historic event, not much was known to the public. She added that as the country is celebrating 75 years of independence, that historic event should be re-enacted. 

An overjoyed dancer said that her dream has come true as the Sengol will be installed in the new temple of democracy. She further asserted that “the Sengol will stand unbent at the new parliament, inspiring the parliament to be really serving the country.”

Despite being the driving force of the historic resurrection of the forgotten tradition, Dr Padma Subrahmanyam said that she is a nationalist and like the squirrel mentioned in the Ramayana she has done her “little might”.

Tweedledum and Tweedledee of caste politics get upset with the Judge who had dismissed the petition against Bageshwar Dham katha, say will complain to CJI

OpIndia Staff
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Tweedledum and Tweedledee of caste politics get upset with the Judge who had dismissed the petition against Bageshwar Dham katha, say will complain to CJI

Days after the Jabalpur Bench of Madhya Pradesh High Court dismissed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) to stop Bageshwar Dham’s religious event, habitual ‘caste baiters’ sought to exploit the opportunity to target Justice Vivek Agarwal.

In a tweet on Thursday (May 25), The Print columnist Dilip Mandal took to Twitter to suggest that the Judge who dismissed the PIL in the Bageshwar Dham case is prejudiced against Adivasis.

“The collegium judge told the counsel for the tribals – “You people have thought that you will collect huge TRPs by doing bad things… If the judge had said about a lawyer, he would have used the word ‘tum’. Who was this ‘tum log (you people)‘ he was referring to?

Screengrab of the tweet by Dilip Mandal

It must be mentioned that Dilip Mandal is known for raking up unnecessary and trivial issues and falsely alleging caste discrimination.

Advocate Nitin Meshram, infamous for helping child rapist Firoz justify his action, also hopped on the bandwagon of ‘caste baiting’ and vowed to raise the matter with the Chief Justice of India (CJI) DY Chandrachud. “I am complaining about this judge to Chandrachud,” he said.

Both Dilip Mandal and Nitin Meshram are similar to the characters of ‘Tweedledum’ and ‘Tweedledee’ when it comes to caste-baiting.

Screengrab of the tweet by Nitin Meshram

It must be mentioned that ‘Tweedledum’ and ‘Tweedledee’ are fictional characters from Lewis Carroll’s famous novel “Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.”

Tweedledum and Tweedledee are a pair of identical twin brothers who are constantly engaged in nonsensical arguments and disagreements. They have since become iconic characters in popular culture and are often depicted as two foolish individuals who mirror each other’s behaviour.

Their names have even been adopted as a metaphor for two people who are so similar that they are virtually indistinguishable.

The Background of the Controversy

On May 22 this year, the Jabalpur Bench of Madhya Pradesh High Court dismissed the second Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed to stop Bageshwar Dham’s religious event in the State.

The event was scheduled for May 23 and May 24 at Rani Durgavati Mahavidyalay Ground, village Linga in Paraswada of district Balaghat, Madhya Pradesh.

During the hearing, Justice Vivek Agarwal warned the advocate of contempt of court if he continued to argue with the bench inappropriately. The advocate appearing for the “Tribal” organisation claimed that organising such an event would hurt the religious sentiments of the tribals.

When Justice Vivek Agarwal asked him to explain the traditions of the ‘Bada Dev Bhagwan Sthal’ (Religious place of Tribals) of the area and how tribals’ sentiments would be hurt. The advocate read a paragraph from the petition that was vague with no detailed information on the local traditions.

Justice Vivek interrupted the advocate and explained his question in Hindi and English so that the counsel could understand. Confused by the question, the advocate could not provide any detail of the primitive traditions and said they do not have a problem if the event was held at another place.

Justice Vivek said, “You are not answering my question. Who are you to decide where the event will take place and where it cannot take place?” The advocate got agitated and said, “I am trying to explain it through Constitution but you are not listening to me.” Justice Vivek warned him to talk properly. Advocate said, “You are not listening to me. ‘Kuch bhi bole ja rahe hain’ (You are saying whatever you want)” to the judge.

Justice Vivek did not take the advocate’s tone lightly and asked to issue a contempt notice against him. The advocate continued to speak inappropriately and said, “I am trying to mention the provisions under Article 51 but you are not ready to listen.” He further asked the judge to listen to his argument first.

Justice Vivek again warned him of contempt if he continued to speak to the bench in an appropriate manner after which the advocate apologised. The advocate’s associate came and asked him to calm down. Justice Vivek, who was visibly angry at the way the advocate behaved, said, “First answer my questions then we will read the constitution. Don’t try to be over-smart. If you try to argue inappropriately, I will send you directly to jail from here.

The part of the court proceeding that Tweedledee and Tweedledum took offence to was the following:

Justice Agarwal is seen telling Udhe in Hindi, 

“Tum logo ne soch liya hai ki badtameezi karke tum jo hai, apne aap ke liye bohot badi TRP collect karloge? (You people think that by misbehaving you will garner TRPs for yourself?).” 

Udhe then mumbles an apology, which prompts the judge to say,

“You should be sorry.” 

Justice Agarwal then again says in Hindi, 

“Tum logon ko ye sikhake bheja jaata hai ki badtameezi karo? (Are you people tutored and sent to misbehave?)”

They alleged that “tum log” essentially alluded to the caste of the lawyer, however, that is not true. If not actually watching the proceedings, once would realise that the judge and the lawyer had got into an argument much before these comments were made because of the repeated misbehaviour of the lawyer. The lawyer constantly claimed that the event would hurt the Adivasi religious feelings and the judge kept asking him to substantiate his comment.

Another lawyer is then seen asking Udhe to calm down and it is then that Udhe mumbles his apology and Justice Agarwal makes the “tum log” comment. 

It is evident that the Judge, when he said “tum log”, was alluding to lawyers who file sponsored PILs and motivated cases and his comment had nothing to do with caste or the adivasi identity.

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