Home Blog Page 143

Delhi Court quashes lower court’s order restraining publication of defamatory content on Adani group, orders fresh hearing in defamation case

0

A Delhi Court today quashed an ex-parte injunction imposed by a lower civil court restraining publication of defamatory content on Adani Group. The court allowed the appeal filed by journalists Ravi Nair, Abir Dasgupta, Ayaskant Das and Ayush Joshi, criticizing the trial judge for failing to provide an opportunity for the defendants to be heard before declaring certain media content as “prima facie defamatory” and ordering its removal.

District Judge Ashish Aggarwal of the Rohini Courts passed the order accepting the pleas of the journalists, and quashed the September 6 order by Special Civil Judge Anuj Kumar Singh. The judge observed that the articles had been in public domain for long and hence, the civil judge ought to have heard the journalists before directing take down of their articles.

However, the injunction against journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta remains, as his appeal was heard by another court and the order in that hearing has been reserved by District Judge Sunil Chaudhary.

The advocates representing the journalists argued that the order was procedurally flawed and overreached into the domain of free speech protections under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution.

The impugned order had directed the journalists, along with websites such as pranjoy.in, adaniwatch.org, and adanifiles.com.au, to expunge allegedly defamatory material within five days. It also mandated compliance from social media intermediaries under the Information Technology Rules, 2021.

Delivering the verdict, the Court observed, “I am of the opinion that the civil judge ought to have made observations of material shown to it as defamatory after giving opportunity to defendants to put forth their stance.” The court further noted the irreversible impact of such orders, stating, “The effect would be in the event of the court of senior civil judge subsequently finding that the articles are not defamatory, after defendants put forth their defence, it is not feasible that articles which have been removed would then be restored.”

The court emphasized adherence to the Code of Civil Procedure (CPC), 1908, particularly provisions requiring hearings even in urgent ex-parte matters. It highlighted that while the lower court had scheduled the next hearing for October 9, beyond the mandatory 30-day window for deciding interim applications, it failed to balance the urgency with due process.

“The impugned order is not sustainable. It is all the more imperative to note that while passing ex-parte injunction the trial court didn’t bear in mind provisions of CPC,” the judge remarked.

Without delving into the merits of the defamation claims, the court set aside the entire impugned order and remanded the matter back to the Senior Civil Judge for fresh consideration. “The case be listed before senior civil judge. The court shall take up the interim application for consideration after hearing appellants and also plaintiff. The court may decide application uninfluenced by any observation,” the judge directed.

Background of the Case

The case stems from a series of articles and social media posts by Thakurta and other journalists, including Ravi Nair, Abir Dasgupta, Ayaskant Das, and Ayush Joshi, dating back to as early as 2017. Adani Enterprises Ltd (AEL) alleged these publications contained “unverified and incorrect” claims, such as comparisons likening Gautam Adani to Elon Musk in the context of political influence, causing reputational harm to the conglomerate.

AEL, represented by Senior Advocates Anurag Ahluwalia, Jagdeep Sharma, and Vijay Aggarwal, argued during the hearing that the content used “atrocious language” and lacked evidentiary basis, referencing the Supreme Court’s observations in the 2023 Hindenburg Research controversy involving Adani stocks.

The lower court’s order had extended its restraints to Adani group companies not directly party to the suit. In a related development, the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) had issued takedown notices to 13 news publishers and platforms, citing the injunction.

‘Journalist’ Gafira Qadir peddles fake victimhood over Songs of Paradise, demonises movie for showcasing journey of female singer in conservative Muslim society

The movie ‘Songs of Paradise”, which is inspired by the life story of Kashmir’s first female playback singer, Padma Shri Raj Begum, has come under the attack of propagandists allegedly for not portraying Kashmir as they want it to be portrayed.

The movie, set in the 1950s, captures the journey of a Kashmiri Muslim female singer, Zeba Akhtar, in a deeply conservative society, without zooming in on the politics of Kashmir at that time. While the movie is receiving praise for highlighting the rich poetic and musical culture of the region with a fresh perspective, without making it all about Kashmir’s conflict, the propagandists are unhappy because, for them, the movie is a lost opportunity for propaganda.

A review of the movie written by ‘independent journalist’ Gafira Qadir published in the Middle East Eye described the movie as an attempt “to depoliticise and deflate Kashmiri stories through banal art”. Qadir begins her review by accusing the entire Bollywood industry of misrepresenting Kashmir’s “ravaged conflict” and romanticising the valley’s beauty.

Screengrab of the article by the Middle East Eye

Even though most of the movie’s cast includes actors from Kashmir, along with director Danish Renzu, who himself is Kashmiri, an enraged Qadri terms the project as “Bollywoodification of Kashmir” and sanitising the story.

Apparently, Qadri not only has a problem with this particular movie but with the entire Bollywood and with the way Kashmir has been portrayed in Bollywood movies over the years.

“For decades, Indian cinema has reduced Kashmir to romance, mountains, violence, or stereotypes, never to people. Kashmiris themselves are rarely shown as people with agency and history. Their existence has been shaped by a long, painful history, militarisation, and conflict. 

But even on the question of representing Kashmiri culture, the film fails to depict it accurately,” writes Qadri, whose disappointment does not originate from the cinematic experience the movie offers, but from the fact that the movie is not what she wanted it to be.

For Qadri, the movie is “a long-time settler tactic”, which “tells a story of an individual feminist triumph at the expense of the native people”.

Qadri, who seems to have difficulty in accepting that Jammu & Kashmir is an inseparable part of India, writes that the director presented a version of the story “made for the Indian eye or the Kashmiri elite” who have the “privilege to see Kashmir as merely an aesthetic”.

In her statement, she makes a sly attempt to dissociate the rest of India from Jammu and Kashmir, insinuating that the rest of the Indians are and have always been ignorant of Kashmir’s problems. Qadri needs to be reminded that the rest of India has not been and cannot be ignorant of the Kashmir problem, as the Indian government has and continues to spend crores of ‘Indian’ taxpayers’ money on keeping Kashmir safe, only to see the so-called “natives” yelling slogans of “Azaadi” and attacking the Indian security forces in return.

From the movie’s beginning till the end, everything from the cast and the director to the story, the dialogues, and even the pronunciation of Kashmiri language words by non-Kashmiri actors, seems to have triggered Qadri.

Besides, she also seems to not have been able to come to terms with the abrogation of Article 370, which separatist mindsets confused with a constitutional validation for their separatist wet dreams, as she writes, “after the abrogation of Article 370, the state’s “integration on paper” was even marketed as freedom for Kashmiri women, while actual Kashmiri women’s voices were excluded from the conversation”.

Qadir’s review of the Songs of Paradise speaks less about the movie and more about her own toxic mentality towards the rest of India and the Indian people, as she accused India of suffocating Kashmir.

She cannot hide her frustration, seeing that Kashmir’s ‘victimhood’ narrative, monopolised and propagated by propagandists like her, is waning.

While Qadri accuses the movie as well as Bollywood of reducing Kashmir’s stories to aesthetics, it is people like her who have reduced Kashmir’s story to a story of conflict, hatred for India, and a perpetual delusional struggle for ‘freedom’.

Rahul Gandhi shrugs off responsibility while repeating ‘vote chori’ allegations against Election Commission: A political hit-and-run masquerading as democratic crusade

There is a saying in Indian politics: allegations are cheap, accountability is expensive. Few leaders embody this maxim better than Rahul Gandhi. Over the last few weeks, the Congress scion has turned “vote chori” into the latest slogan of his political survival, throwing around sensational charges of electoral fraud without offering an iota of proof, and when asked to back them up through proper channels, vanishing behind rhetoric.

His September 18, 2025 press conference was the most recent installment in this soap opera and it neatly exposed what has become his standard operating procedure: shoot, scoot, and stir confusion.

The September 18 press conference: When evasion became the message

At the now-viral press meet, Rahul Gandhi thundered against the Election Commission of India (ECI) under Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, accusing it of facilitating systematic “vote chori.” He promised that in the coming months, a series of presentations would leave “no doubt” that elections had been rigged “state after state and Lok Sabha after Lok Sabha.”

But when a reporter asked him the most obvious question would he approach the courts to ensure his allegations are tested and addressed? Gandhi’s mask slipped. His answer was revealing:

“Frankly, what I am doing here is not my job. My work is to participate in a democratic process, the task of protecting India’s democracy is that of the country’s institutions. But because they are not doing it, I am having to.”

When asked point-blank if he would approach the courts should the EC fail to respond, Gandhi once again deflected, saying it was not his role to “save democracy.” Instead, he described his responsibility as that of an opposition leader to present “the truth” before citizens.

“I was taken aback when people from within the Election Commission came forward with information,” he claimed. “This has apparently been happening for 10 to 15 years. India’s democracy has been hijacked.”

He concluded by insisting that only ordinary citizens can ultimately defend democracy. “Rahul Gandhi can only present the truth. It is the people of India who will save democracy, nobody else,” he said.

This is not just evasion; it is abdication. For someone who claims to be defending democracy, Gandhi is remarkably unwilling to engage with the very institutions designed to safeguard it. Instead, he prefers to play to the gallery, make wild allegations, and retreat from the responsibility that legal action would demand. The moment was made even more symbolic when he literally stepped away from the microphone, a physical retreat that mirrored his political retreat from accountability.

Inside help or inside bluff?

What raised further eyebrows was Gandhi’s claim that “help” was now coming from within the Election Commission itself.

“We started getting help from within the election commission. This was not happening before. We are getting information from within the election commission. This won’t stop. People of India will not accept this (vote chori).”

If this were true, Gandhi should have no hesitation in taking this “inside information” to court. After all, insider leaks are serious business, they can make or break a case. But instead of presenting them as evidence, Gandhi dangles them before the public like a teaser trailer, promising dramatic revelations in a few months. This is not the language of reform or justice. It is the language of propaganda, where the goal is not resolution but perpetual suspicion.

ECI debunks Rahul Gandhi’s voter deletion claims

Hours after Rahul Gandhi accused the Election Commission of ‘software driven voter deletion’ and ‘vote chori’ to benefit BJP, the poll panel has rejected his claims. The ECI clarified that contrary to the claims by the Congress leader, nobody can delete any vote online.

The ECI stated, “No Deletion of any vote can be done online by any member of the public, as misconceived by Shri Rahul Gandhi.”

Referring to Rahul Gandhi’s claim that some persons deleted votes online, the Election Commission said that in 2023, certain unsuccessful attempts were made for deletion of electors in Aland Assembly Constituency and an FIR was filed by the authority of ECI itself to investigate the matter.

The August affidavit episode: How Rahul chickened out

If anyone thought the September 18 episode was a one-off, they need only look back a month earlier. On August 7, Rahul Gandhi had made similar allegations in another press conference, accusing the ECI of “choreographing” the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and alleging voter fraud in Karnataka and Maharashtra.

The Election Commission, to its credit, did not brush these charges under the carpet. Instead, it issued a strong rebuttal and directly challenged Gandhi to either present his claims in the form of a sworn affidavit or apologise to the nation for misleading remarks. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar’s ultimatum was blunt:

“Halafnama dena hoga ya desh se maafi maangni hogi, koi teesra vikalp nahi hai. (Either submit an affidavit or apologise to the nation, there is no third option).”

The deadline expired on August 25. Rahul Gandhi did neither. He produced no affidavit. He offered no apology. Instead, he chickened out and resorted to his favorite tactic: rhetorical gymnastics. He claimed that since he had taken an oath on the Constitution as an MP, his word to the people was as good as a sworn affidavit. In other words, trust him because… he said so.

This was not just laughable; it was insulting. India’s electoral laws exist precisely to ensure that leaders cannot get away with baseless allegations. By refusing to comply, Gandhi sent a clear signal: he is not interested in substantiating his charges, only in weaponising them for political mileage.

Bihar yatra and the manufactured victims

The problem with Gandhi’s “vote chori” campaign is not just his personal evasions. It is also the way his party and allies have turned it into a propaganda vehicle. Take the Mahagathbandhan’s “Voter Adhikar Yatra” in Bihar, where Gandhi paraded supposed victims of voter disenfranchisement.

In Nawada, he introduced a man named Subodh Kumar, claiming his name had been wrongfully deleted from the rolls. The Election Commission promptly fact-checked him: Subodh was an RJD booth-level agent whose name had never been on the rolls in the first place. In Aurangabad, Gandhi claimed a woman named Ranju Devi had been struck off. She later admitted her name was still there and that she had been misled into participating in the stunt.

Even more farcical was his claim that one Aditya Srivastava was voting in three states simultaneously. The man himself went public to clarify: he had simply updated his voter ID each time he moved for work — from Lucknow to Mumbai to Bengaluru. Everything was in order, and the Election Commission confirmed it.

Each of these incidents revealed the same strategy: throw mud at the ECI, find pliable “victims,” and hope something sticks. When exposed, move on to the next allegation.

A script of confusion, not reform

Seen together, these episodes outline a clear script that Rahul Gandhi and his I.N.D.I. Alliance have embraced. The pattern begins with unverified allegations, escalates into high-pitched rhetoric, avoids institutional remedies, and finally collapses into victimhood when challenged. Then the cycle repeats, often with fresh conspiracy theories.

What makes this strategy particularly dangerous is that it is not aimed at reforming institutions or rectifying flaws. It is aimed at corroding public trust. By constantly alleging fraud without proof, Gandhi seeks to create a perception that Indian democracy itself is broken. In this narrative, every defeat for the Congress becomes illegitimate, every victory for the BJP becomes suspect, and every institution becomes complicit.

This is not the behavior of a democrat. It is the behavior of a political arsonist, willing to set fire to the credibility of institutions in order to remain politically relevant.

The hypocrisy of selective outrage: Why isn’t Congress asking its 99 MPs to resign?

The hypocrisy in Gandhi’s campaign is hard to miss. If the electoral process is indeed as compromised as he claims, why has he not asked his party’s 99 MPs to resign? After all, they were elected through the same system he calls fraudulent. By continuing to sit in Parliament, the Congress tacitly accepts the very process it denounces in press conferences.

In fact, this pattern of selectively outraging also extends to state elections where BJP victory is often dubbed as an inevitable outcome of “rigged EVMs” and “compromised procedure” while electoral triumph of opposition parties are hailed as “people’s mandate against fascism.” This hypocrisy in itself is quite instructive of the intellectual dishonesty embodied by Mr Gandhi and the Congress ecosystem.

This selective outrage reveals the hollowness of the allegations. The system is fraudulent only when Gandhi loses. When Congress wins, it is perfectly legitimate. It is a double standard so brazen that it undermines whatever little credibility his charges might otherwise have carried.

Institutional sabotage in the name of “protecting democracy”

To be clear, India’s electoral system is not flawless. No democracy’s is. Errors in rolls happen, procedural disputes arise, and parties have the right to contest them. But democracies also provide remedies: election petitions, affidavits, judicial review. By refusing to use these remedies, Gandhi shows that his intent is not to fix problems but to exploit them.

The Election Commission has repeatedly pointed out that Gandhi has filed no formal complaints, provided no lists of fake voters, and lodged no petitions in the high courts — despite being fully empowered to do so. Instead, he opts for theatrics at press conferences and yatras, leaving institutions to clean up after his rhetoric.

As CEC Gyanesh Kumar bluntly asked: “What else is this if not an insult to the Constitution of India?”

The larger goal: Sowing destabilisation to remain politically relevant

Ultimately, Rahul Gandhi’s “vote chori” crusade is less about defending democracy and more about defending his own political relevance. After back-to-back electoral losses, Congress has discovered that it cannot inspire trust through vision or performance. Its new strategy, therefore, is to foster distrust to convince voters that the system itself is broken, so their defeats are not their fault.

It is a dangerous game. In trying to delegitimise the BJP, Gandhi risks delegitimising democracy itself. His “shoot-and-scoot” tactics amount to institutional sabotage, where confusion is currency and accountability is expendable.

Democracy cannot be held hostage to theatrics

Rahul Gandhi likes to cast himself as the last defender of democracy. In reality, his conduct suggests the opposite. A true defender would take allegations to court, present affidavits, and strengthen institutions through accountability. Gandhi, by contrast, prefers to bypass these channels, opting instead for street-level rhetoric and viral soundbites.

His September 18 evasion was not a gaffe; it was a strategy. His August affidavit dodge was not an oversight; it was a habit. His Bihar yatra lies were not mistakes; they were tools. Each incident fits into a broader pattern: a political hit-and-run campaign that undermines institutions to keep him electorally alive.

India’s democracy is strong enough to withstand Rahul Gandhi’s antics. But the danger lies in normalising his tactics. If leaders believe they can keep crying fraud without ever proving it, the very credibility of elections is corroded. And that, more than any BJP victory or Congress defeat, would be the real “vote chori.”

For now, Gandhi’s “hydrogen bomb” of allegations looks less like a weapon of truth and more like a damp squib, remembered only for its theatrics, not its substance. But in the process, he has once again shown that when it comes to protecting democracy, he is less a crusader and more a saboteur.

Giant golden statue of Donald Trump holding a Bitcoin installed outside US Capitol by cryptocurrency investors

0

A towering golden statue of President Donald Trump holding a Bitcoin was installed near the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday. The 12-foot-tall figure, made from hard foam and finished in gold, was placed on 3rd Street just off Union Square on the National Mall.

As per reports, the statue has been installed to celebrate the Federal Reserve’s decision to cut interest rates for the first time this year. It was funded and erected by a group of cryptocurrency investors linked to memecoin projects, who said the artwork was designed to spark debate about the future of money, the role of digital currencies, and the government’s influence over financial markets. The statue remained in place from 9 a.m. until 4 p.m.

Organizers said the installation was not only a work of political art but also a commentary on monetary policy, deliberately unveiled on the same day the Federal Reserve announced a quarter-point reduction in its benchmark interest rate, lowering it from 4.3% to about 4.1%. This marked the Fed’s first cut since December 2024, with projections indicating two more reductions this year and only one expected in 2026.

The project was livestreamed by its backers, showing stages of the statue’s construction, including the carving of Trump’s likeness and its transport to the Capitol area.

Hichem Zaghdoudi, speaking on behalf of the investor collective, described the display as a symbolic “thank you” to Trump for his supportive stance on Bitcoin and as a provocation to consider alternatives to government-issued currency.

The installation attracted widespread attention as it stood against the backdrop of ongoing debates over inflation, central banking, and the growing influence of cryptocurrencies on Wall Street and in Washington policy circles.

As Pakistan boasts about signing ‘defence agreement’ with Saudi Arabia, read how the bankrupt nation will end up as a ‘mercenary state’ of the Kingdom

The core existence of Pakistan revolves around Islamic terrorism and India hate, however, there is another disgraceful defining feature of this country—functioning as paid mercenary for other countries. On 17th September 2025, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed a “Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement”.

This agreement is touted as Pakistan’s security guarantee against foreign attacks such as India’s Operation Sindoor, given the agreement’s clause that any aggression against either nations would be treated as an attack on both. In reality, however, it only solidifies Pakistan Army’s position as a mercenary force waiting for orders from Saudi Arabian administration for deployment.

The agreement was inked during a state visit by Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Wednesday to Riyadh at the invitation of Crown Prince and Prime Minister of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud.

According to a joint statement issued following the visit, “building on the historic partnership extending for nearly eight decades between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and based on the bonds of brotherhood and Islamic solidarity, as well as shared strategic interests and close defence cooperation between the two countries, HRH the Crown Prince and the Pakistani prime minister signed a Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement.”

“This agreement, which reflects the shared commitment of both nations to enhance their security and to achieving security and peace in the region and the world, aims to develop aspects of defence cooperation between the two countries and strengthen joint deterrence against any aggression. The agreement states that any aggression against either country shall be considered an aggression against both,” the joint statement further read.

Pakistan Army: Saudi Arabia’s outsourced muscle

Interestingly, Pakistan has long been Riyadh’s outsourced muscle. Saudi Arabia has also earlier deployed Pakistan’s forces as its proxies in regional conflicts and internal uprising management. Since 2015, when the Saudi-led coalition launched airstrikes against a Shia Iran-backed Houthi, Riyadh sought ground support from allies, including Pakistan, after realising what blunder it committed. A subservient Pakistan obliged and sent thousands of troops to Saudi Arabia for invasion of Yemen.

In 2018, Pakistani government decided to send 1,000 more troops to Saudi Arabia for deployment. It’s not that Pakistani parliament did not oppose deployment of its troops as mercenaries for a foreign nation. In fact, there was a period of diplomatic chill between the two nations. However, Saudi Arabia’s pressure tactics and chequebook diplomacy—aid and oil deferrals—made Islamabad mend its ways. In 2018, Saudi Arabia

Pakistan had earlier maintained neutrality in the Saudi-Houthi conflict, however, it rushed to Saudi help not only with troops but with logistical support as well, when the latter decided to invade Yemen.

For optics, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia may call each other ‘brothers’ and Islamic allies, their relation in reality, is that of a patron and client.

Even in 1979, when Juhayman al-Otaybi’s militants seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Saudi turned to Pakistan and Islamabad deployed its elite SSP commandos to assist Saudi forces in reclaiming the mosque. The Saudi-Pakistani forces managed to crush down the militants with brutality, this episode exposed Pakistan’s willingness to act as a foreign nation’s crisis response team. Unsurprisingly, Riyadh paid back to Pakistan in form of financial aid and oil supplies and exported its Wahhabi jihadist ideology fuelling Islamist extremism which became precursor to the Taliban.

In the 1970s-1990s, during the oil boom, Gulf monarchies like UAE, Saudi Arabia and Oman hired Pakistani forces to strengthen their nascent militaries against regional threats. In Oman, Pakistani troops, mostly Balochies, served as mercenaries fighting in the Dhofar war (1965-1977), to protect Sultan Qaboos’s regime. Pakistan secured financial rewards for its role as a mercenary in the wars of Gulf countries it fought at that time.

Not to forget, how Pakistan funnelled in billions of dollars from the US on the pretext of fighting Taliban terrorists in Afganistan.

Pakistan goes back to its mercenary business, Saudi Arabia secures subservient force, and Trump looks to bolster petrodollar

The timing of this agreement is crucial. Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have inked the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement amidst escalating tensions in the Middle East, particularly after Israel’s 9th September airstrike on leaders of the Palestinian Islamic terror group Hamas in Doha, Qatar.

For Saudi Arabia, this agreement seems to be its attempt at diversifying security alliances to reduce overdependence on the US, and the presence of Pakistan’s Field Marshal Asim Munir at the meeting highlights the military’s central role. KSA will have a dollar-hungry Pakistan ‘Aand’ Forces at its disposal if and when the need arrives. Moreover, Saudi Arabia is also said to be eyeing Pakistan’s nuclear program which it is known to have funded. This makes even more sense given Israel is the only nuclear-armed country in the Middle East and poses a threat to Gulf countries.

While Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump denied America’s approval or support to Israel’s airstrike in Qatar, the attack alarmed Arab nations, especially, Saudi Arabia, which grew wary about the US’s reliability as their security guarantor. Not to forget, Israel has undertaken military operations not only in Palestine, but Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and now Qatar.

For Pakistan, this agreement is less a genuine security guarantee and more a codification of its historical subservience to Saudi interests. While Pakistan Army is the de facto ruler of Pakistan, now it going transform Pakistan into a de facto mercenary state. Islamabad will project this agreement as an elevation of its reputation among the Islamic countries, considering it is a nuclear-armed nation. However, its grim economic and political realities as well as failure to garner support of Islamic nations against India be it over the May conflict or Kashmir tells a different story.

Also, mercenaries can earn dollars, and perhaps, a pat on the back from its client but not a respect and global standing in a multipolar world becoming increasingly assertive of the essentiality of their territorial integrity and sovereignty. In fact, the Pakistani military elites will profit from Gulf gigs while the common Pakistani populace will only get further radicalisation, debt traps and vulnerabilities, as has always been the case.

This Saudi-Pak agreement offers disproportionate benefits to Riyadh, entangling Pakistan into Gulf conflicts while offering vague assurances of mutual defence. A section of Pakistani geopolitical analysts sees this agreement as a security guarantee against India, given the this comes just months after India inflicted a humiliating defeat on Pakistan in May, it hardly holds any value in India’s eyes. New Delhi never attacked Pakistan for territorial gains, Islamabad did, four times, and always lost. India’s attacks on Pakistan have only been in response to Pakistan-sponsored Islamic terrorism against India.

And since India and Saudi Arabia too have committed to cooperate in acting against terrorism, Riyadh will not jump to Islamabad’s defence in case India pounds Pakistan again in the aftermath of any misadventure by the latter. Reacting to the Saudi-Pakistan strategic defence agreement, Indian Ministry of External Affairs has said that it was aware of the possible formalisation of the long-standing agreement, and that New Delhi will study its implications.

“We have seen reports of the signing of a strategic mutual defence pact between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. The Government was aware that this development, which formalizes a long-standing arrangement between the two countries, had been under consideration. We will study the implications of this development for our national security as well as for regional and global stability. The Government remains committed to protecting India’s national interests and ensuring comprehensive national security in all domains,” the MEA said.

Moreover, India and Saudi Arabia have lucrative trade ties and Riyadh would not want to ruin its relations with a thriving economic and nuclear power like India to defend a nuclear but economically dying Pakistan.

Despite this, it seems that Pakistan’s economic dependency on loans, bailout packages and foreign financial aid, coupled with desire to counter a Shia Iran by aligning with a Sunni Gulf to counter Iran and balance India, and Pakistan Army’s dollar greed have driven Islamabad to ink the agreement with Riyadh. It will not be surprising if in the coming months, Saudi Arabia asks Pakistan to deploy its troops, military supplies or to even strike Houthis in Yemen and defend Saudi in case Iran strikes them in the future.

There, however, is another aspect to the Saudi-Pakistan agreement. The United States appears to be subtly orchestrating a new energy chessboard drawing Saudi Arabia and Pakistan into closer alignment, extending the lifeline of the petrodollar through innovative channels like stablecoin linkages, while simultaneously turning the screws on India’s refining of discounted Russian crude. Not to forget, India has been diversifying its crude oil purchases in the recent years even though Russia became New Delhi’s key supplier since the Ukraine-Russia war started.

Apparently, the strategy is to reconfigure trade flows to claw back lost market share for Aramco in Asia and for American LNG across Europe.

However, it remains to be seen how Pakistan’s so-called ‘iron brother’ China reacts to this, considering Beijing sees Saudi Arabia as a US proxy and is also entangled in a trade war with Washington. In addition, Iran would also be displeased with Pakistan over the latter’s cozying up to its two adversaries, Saudi and the US.

Truth about ‘hydrogen bomb’ of Rahul Gandhi, and what it shows about his mindset

Latest accusation by Rahul Gandhi is that names of Congress voters are being deleted, as a targeted campaign, from electoral rolls using some software to fill up online application forms. He further says the ECI is not giving relevant information that can track down people who are using this software. He used a silhouette of Amit Shah in the PPT to hint at a ‘suspect’, making those memes real where Shah is looking at some PC and hacking things from Instagram to EVM.

First, let us look at Form 7. It can be filled in by any voter registered in that constituency, who can request the Election Commission to delete someone else’s name by providing relevant information such as that the person has shifted house, or the death of the person, or by claiming that the person is registered on some other roll already. If someone submits wrong information to get another’s name deleted, he or she is liable to be prosecuted.

Rahul Gandhi paraded a man who said that he never applied to delete someone else’s name from the electoral list, but somehow the data shows that he had made such an application. Not just that, the mobile number used in that application did not belong to the person who submitted the application.

This indeed is a flaw in the system, if not fraud, and needs investigation. Rahul Gandhi claimed as if this anomaly was exposed by the Congress party, which filed an FIR and is currently seeking more details using CID under their state government of Karnataka. However, the Election Commission has made it clear that the FIR was actually filed by an authority of the ECI itself, that is, the EC itself is investigating the issue rather than trying to hide it, which is how Rahul Gandhi tried to portray it.

So let us assume some ‘hacker’ indeed is using some software and dummy mobile numbers to apply for deletion of some voters. The fact is that such a hacker can at best create and submit multiple such applications (Form 7) successfully, but that does not mean that names get deleted ‘successfully’.

A successful application only triggers a process where Election Commission authorities have to check in person if the information given on Form 7 is genuine, and if such a person’s name should indeed be deleted from the electoral rolls.

In short, it is a manual system at the end of the day. It is not like you submit an OTP after using a fake phone number and, poof, the other person’s name is gone from the electoral list.

Rahul Gandhi gave no proof of why someone’s name was wrongly deleted from the list. The ECI actually says that no names were deleted as a result of suspicious but successful submission of Form 7. But there can be a case where, even if triggered by any software while impersonating someone (which is a crime and should be punished), maybe the information submitted was genuine and the person’s case qualified for deletion.

Maybe the BJP IT Cell (bigger and stronger than the CIA and Mossad combined) is just more alert and makes sure that if a Congress voter has shifted house, they try to get his or her name deleted. Panna Pramukh type folks have such responsibility, basically. I had explained that earlier in this video:

But in all probability, there is no BJP IT Cell or Panna Pramukh involved in this particular instance he cited. Because the constituency where these names of Congress voters were supposed to have been deleted (Aland in Karnataka) was won by Congress in the subsequent assembly election. Not just that, in the previous election, the BJP had won that seat. Absolutely pathetic job by the BJP IT Cell to end up deleting their own supporters’ names from the voter list if the ‘hacker’ belonged to the BJP.

Jokes aside, this hydrogen bomb had no fire but the same colour of smoke that we saw earlier – basically Rahul Gandhi using known loopholes and shortcomings in the voting system to paint some kind of grand conspiracy to cheat elections. No wonder he simply didn’t respond when a journalist asked if he would go to courts if he was so convinced about wrongdoings. His agenda is simple – trust Gen Z to be a bunch of absolute morons who would believe his conspiracy theories and take to the roads to indulge in violence. He has seen that around 100 such young people dead can help defeat parties in power. Possibly he finds that an easier route than trying to win 100 more parliamentary seats by 2029.

CM Yogi Adityanath launches fifth phase of Mission Shakti in UP, campaign to focus on women’s safety, police deployment and awareness drives during Navratri

On Wednesday, 17th September, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath announced the launch of the fifth phase of Mission Shakti. This mission is the state’s flagship campaign for women’s safety, dignity, and empowerment. The new phase will begin on 22nd September, during the Sharadiya Navratri festival, and will continue for 30 days.

Mission Shakti was first launched in 2020 and has since become a major initiative in Uttar Pradesh. With four successful phases already completed, the Yogi government now aims to take the program to every village and town. According to the CM Yogi Adityanath, the mission is not just a government scheme but a social movement to ensure that every woman in the state feels safe and respected.

The people must feel fully protected: CM Yogi

The upcoming campaign should include an extensive programme carried out through close interdepartmental coordination, the chief minister directed while chairing a high-level meeting with senior officials.

Top police officials, ranging from Zonal ADGs, IGs, to DIGs, have been ordered to visit the field frequently, interact with the people, and be personally involved in patrols. 

“The people must feel fully protected, while criminals must live under constant fear of the law,” the chief minister said.

Women police at the centre of the campaign

One of the biggest strengths of Mission Shakti is the state’s large women police force, which now has more than 44,000 personnel. The Chief Minister said women police officers must be given a more active role during the campaign.

For the next 30 days, women beat officers will visit all 57,000 gram panchayats and 14,000 urban wards. They will be accompanied by the village heads, councillors, ASHAs, Anganwadi workers, and health personnel. They will interact with women and girls directly, hear their issues, and raise awareness about safety, rights, and government welfare programs.

Navratri and other festivals will also see special arrangements, with women police being deployed in temples, places of religion, fairs, and crowded events. Yogi Adityanath also sought to strengthen the Anti-Romeo Squad, which deals with women harassment.

Awareness in schools, colleges, and public places

The campaign will also emphasize awareness programs at district levels. Seminars, discussions, and interactive sessions will be conducted in schools, colleges, universities, hospitals, and industries. Gender equality and the safety of women will be taught to students, and short movies will be screened for further spreading the message. 

The Chief Minister also stressed the need to provide legal aid to women prisoners, make help faster for victims, and ensure that crimes against women are resolved quickly. Every call made to the women’s helpline 1090 must be handled with seriousness and solved properly.

As part of the new phase, Pink Booths will be set up across municipal corporations. These booths, manned by trained women police, will work round-the-clock. At the same time, Mission Shakti Centres will be strengthened to act as a one-stop solution where women can register complaints, receive counselling, get legal aid, and follow up on cases.

The staff at these centres will be given training in gender sensitisation, digital evidence collection, and handling of financial assistance schemes.

Achievements of earlier phases

Mission Shakti has already delivered strong results in the past four phases. During the last phase alone, more than 3.44 lakh programs were organised, reaching over 2.03 crore women and girls. Nearly 18,344 women police personnel and 9,172 women beat officers were deployed for these efforts.

Several targeted drives were also carried out, including Operation Garuda against cybercriminals, Operation Bachpan, which rescued over 2,800 children, Operation Majnu that acted against more than 74,000 youths harassing women, Operation Nasha Mukti against drug abuse, Operation Raksha to monitor hotels and pubs, and Operation Eagle that arrested more than 7,000 offenders.

As per official data, Uttar Pradesh now ranks first in the country in resolving sexual offence cases, with a 98.80% disposal rate. The women’s helpline 1090 and other initiatives like Pink Scooty patrols, Pink SUVs, CCTV monitoring, and Asha Jyoti Kendras have also played a big role in this success.

Election Commission debunks Rahul Gandhi’s latest lies on ‘vote chori’, clarifies nobody can delete any vote online

Hours after Rahul Gandhi accused the Election Commission of ‘software driven voter deletion’ and ‘vote chori’ to benefit BJP, the poll panel has rejected his claims. The ECI clarified that contrary to the claims by the Congress leader, nobody can delete any vote online.

The ECI stated, “No Deletion of any vote can be done online by any member of the public, as misconceived by Shri Rahul Gandhi.”

Referring to Rahul Gandhi’s claim that some persons deleted votes online, the Election Commission said that in 2023, certain unsuccessful attempts were made for deletion of electors in Aland Assembly Constituency and an FIR was filed by the authority of ECI itself to investigate the matter.

The ECI also said that Congress candidate BR Patil won the Aland Assembly Constituency in 2023, the year when the alleged ‘vote deletion’ took place. BJP candidate Subhadh Guttedar had won the seat in 2018.

Addressing a press conference in Congress Headquarters in Delhi, Rahul Gandhi claimed that a targeted attempt was made to delete 6,018 votes in the Aland constituency in Karnataka. He claimed that 6,018 applications were filed impersonating voters and these applications were filed automatically using mobile numbers from outside Karnataka. “This deletion of votes was not done by individuals, but in a centralised manner using software,” Gandhi claimed.

“This I am saying with solid proof,” Rahul Gandhi claimed. He claimed, “I am saving my country and democracy,” while stressing that he had “100% proof” of what he described as an orchestrated operation to manipulate electoral rolls.

Rahul Gandhi accused the Election Commission of “protecting the people who have destroyed Indian democracy” by not providing details of deletions sought by the Karnataka CID. “The EC is defending the murderers of democracy,” he said, demanding that the CEC immediately publish all details of voter deletions within a week.

The leader of opposition also claimed that there are moles in CEC who is giving him inside information. Gandhi claimed that he is “getting help” from people who are working at the ECI in uncovering alleged “vote fraud” in the country.

Tejashwi Yadav is the face of the RJD on all 243 seats in the Bihar Vidhan Sabha election: Here is why this ‘political strategy’ may backfire

Bihar will go to the polls by the end of the year. It’s the season of political rallies and meetings. There’s a deluge of statements, and from this deluge has emerged a statement of Tejashwi Yadav. He claims that his face will be contesting on all 243 seats in Bihar.

Addressing a public meeting, Tejashwi Yadav said, “This time, Tejashwi will contest 243 seats. Whether it’s Bochahan or Muzaffarpur, he will contest. I appeal to all of you to vote for me.

Lalu Prasad Yadav’s dynastic party, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), wants the INDI alliance to field Tejashwi Yadav as its chief ministerial candidate in the upcoming assembly elections in Bihar. The Congress, the Left and other RJD allies are shying away from this.

Why is the INDI alliance afraid of Tejashwi Yadav’s name?

One of the reasons for the Congress’s reluctance to make Tejashwi Yadav the chief ministerial candidate is the party’s apprehension that it might lose the meagre upper-caste votes it receives in Bihar. Another possible reason might be that by not endorsing Tejashwi Yadav, the RJD allies want to increase pressure on the party to give him a greater share of seats.

Failing to receive approval from his allies, Tejashwi Yadav went on to boast, “Tejashwi will contest all 243 seats in Bihar”. However, in chasing his political ambitions, he forgot that a name or a face is not just a few words or a picture. Names and faces can form an inseparable part of history and public memory.

The name and face that gave Tejashwi Yadav the reins of the RJD have a history so deeply etched in the minds of the people of Bihar that the same may become a burden for him. His statement not only highlights the ongoing conflict within the INDI Alliance but also revives the fear in the people of Bihar, which took them years to overcome.

Tejashwi Yadav’s name and face haunt Bihar

In his book ‘How India became Modimay’, Senior journalist Santosh Kumar, who is from Bihar, cited a presentation from the period before the 2019 general elections, and writes, “The question in this presentation was: If you mention the names of two big industrialists (one is a fugitive and the other has been in jail for a long time, it would not be appropriate to disclose their names), what image comes to your mind? The answer was: fraud. But what is the response when Narendra Modi’s name is mentioned? A leader who can take any major decision, whether on the development agenda or related to national security.”

Similarly, if you were asked what image comes to mind when you hear the name Tejashwi Yadav or see his photo, you would undoubtedly recall the Jungle Raj of the Lalu-Rabri regime. Despite RJD being out of power for years, and Tejashwi being projected as a ‘young leader of a new era’, the fear of Jungle Raj is so fresh in the minds of people that they believe if Tejashwi Yadav comes to power, the Jungle Raj will return.

  • Tejashwi Yadav’s face reminds the people of Bihar of a time when crimes like kidnapping became the norm, when people were forced to migrate to different parts of the country, and when other states were joining the race for development, Bihar was grappling with casteism and corruption.
  • Tejashwi Yadav’s politics hinge on the “MY equation.” This not only limits his political base but also creates a sense of insecurity among the majority of the population.
  • Tejashwi Yadav hasn’t reached his current political stature through hard work. He is a product of dynasty politics. He was imposed on the people of Bihar by the RJD. In his journey from cricketer to politician, he has nothing concrete to show that could change the image conjured by his name and face.

In contrast, Nitish Kumar, though he has changed political allies from time to time, has broadly established his image as a leader who has freed the people of Bihar from crime and fear, and has provided basic amenities like electricity, roads, and education. People cannot separate Tejashwi Yadav’s name and face, the legacy and family he is associated with, from crime and corruption. This is why, even though Tejashwi Yadav occasionally addresses issues like employment and development in his speeches, the public considers him a successor to the same old political system.

The partnership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has created new aspirations for development in Bihar. The presence of Tejashwi Yadav’s name and face instils fears that these aspirations may be stifled.

There’s a saying in Bihar: “एक बेर साँप काटलक, दोसर बेर रस्सी देखिते कँपलौं।” (Once bitten, twice shy), which means people who have endured horrific experiences tremble at the mere mention of a similar situation. In reality, Tejashwi Yadav is that “rope,” which reminds the public of the “snake.” His boastful statement about having his name and face on all 243 seats is reminiscent of that horrific past, the mere thought of which makes Bihar shudder.

No ‘Hydrogen Bomb’ as of now: Rahul Gandhi accused CEC of protecting ‘vote chors’, claims ‘someone’ using software to add-delete voters

0

On 18th September, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi launched a fresh attack on the Election Commission of India (ECI) and accused Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar of shielding “vote chors” (vote thieves). Addressing a press conference, Gandhi claimed that voters from Dalit, OBC and minority communities were being systematically targeted for deletion through a “centralised software-based mechanism”.

‘I have 100% proof’, claimed Rahul Gandhi

Calling the revelations “solid proof” of large-scale voter fraud, Gandhi said he was exposing the matter out of his “love for the Constitution and democratic process”. He claimed, “I am saving my country and democracy,” while stressing that he had “100% proof” of what he described as an orchestrated operation to manipulate electoral rolls.

Karnataka’s Aland case

Gandhi cited the example of Aland constituency in Karnataka where during the 2023 elections, 6,018 deletion applications were filed in the names of voters who never submitted them. According to him, these applications were “fraudulently” made through impersonation, using mobile numbers from different states, and aimed specifically at Congress supporters.

He claimed that the incident came to light by coincidence when a Booth Level Officer (BLO) noticed her own uncle’s name missing from the rolls. When she questioned a neighbour, whose credentials had been used to file the deletion, he flatly denied having done so. Gandhi claimed the entire exercise was a “part of a planned action and not isolated mistakes”.

‘Centralised operation using software’

“This deletion of votes was not done by individuals, but in a centralised manner using software,” Gandhi claimed. He insisted that it was not just about Karnataka but also Maharashtra, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh, where “mass deletions” of Congress-leaning voters had been carried out.

In Maharashtra’s Rajura, he said, at least 6,850 voters were targeted, with both deletions and additions being manipulated.

EC shielding those ‘destroying democracy’

Gandhi accused the Election Commission of “protecting the people who have destroyed Indian democracy” by not providing details of deletions sought by the Karnataka CID. “The EC is defending the murderers of democracy,” he said, demanding that the CEC immediately publish all details of voter deletions within a week.

“This is another example of vote chori through deletion of votes,” Rahul Gandhi asserted, warning that unless corrective measures were taken, the credibility of India’s democratic process itself would remain under question.

While answering questions from the media, Rahul Gandhi claimed that people from inside the Election Commission are “secretly” helping Congress to uncover these discrepancies in the electoral roll. He further claimed that this system has been followed for over 10-15 years, which could put the target on Congress itself as the party had won the general elections under the banner of UPA in 2009.

This is a developing story. Reply from Election Commission of India is awaited.