OpIndia.com

Exclusive: Complaint against Pinaki Misra alleges Odisha trust used for financial fraud, money laundering and anti-Russia questions undermining India’s defence

Anurag

-

26 August, 2025

Exclusive: Complaint against Pinaki Misra alleges Odisha trust used for financial fraud, money laundering and anti-Russia questions undermining India’s defence

On 25th August, OpIndia accessed two complaints filed with Ministry of Home Affairs and Enforcement Directorate (ED) against former MP and senior advocate Pinaki Misra that raised serious national security concerns. In one of the complaints, there were details of financial irregularities and property transactions, while the second complaint detailed his conduct in Parliament where he repeatedly asked questions on India’s most sensitive defence assets. The complainant alleged these matters concern national security and corporate conflict of interest.

The complaints are split into two distinct areas. One is centred on alleged irregularities in property purchases and financial dealings. The second complaint revolves around Misra’s activity in Parliament where he asked specific questions related to India’s nuclear submarines, missile systems and key defence agreements. These two complaints build a case that warrants closer investigation. Notably, both the complaints have been accepted by the concerned authorities and further investigation in these matters has been initiated.

The complainant drew parallel between alleged wrongdoings by Pinaki Misra and his now-wife Mahua Moitra who was accused of helping a businessman by asking questions targeting businessman Gautam Adani in the Parliament.

Financial impropriety, property acquisitions and past associations

In his complaint, the complainant raised serious red flags over the financial transactions and property acquisitions of Misra. Furthermore, he also raised concerns over his past associations, especially with Chandraswami, born as Nemichand Jain.

The complainant highlighted how two prime properties in Delhi’s Golf Links and Jor Bagh were not bought in the conventional manner but were acquired through purchase of company shares. Instead of registering the bungalows directly, Misra is said to have acquired the holding companies, Jupiter Estates Pvt Ltd and White Lily Estates Pvt Ltd, both purchased from the same seller, Narindejit Koli.

The complainant argued that this method of acquisition allowed the transactions to be routed in a way that Misra was able to avoid scrutiny of the actual sale deed in his own name. The timing of these purchases made the matter more concerning as at that time, Misra was still a relatively young lawyer. His professional income at that time, according to records examined by the Delhi High Court, was only in the range of a few lakhs.

In its 2017 judgment on income tax appeals involving Misra and his ex-wife Sangeeta Misra, the court noted that the declared income could not reasonably justify the purchase of such high-value assets. More significantly, tax authorities had flagged remittances amounting to USD 3,05,000 sent from a Hong Kong-based individual to Sangeeta Misra’s account, shown as tax-exempt “gifts” given out of “love and affection”.

The complainant argued that it was unusual, if not suspicious, for a foreign individual with no visible family ties to transfer such large sums without any commercial consideration. The affidavit filed to justify the gifts only deepened the doubts. On this basis, it was alleged that these were not simple irregularities or technical lapses in reporting but transactions requiring a thorough official investigation into the true source of funds.

The complaint also revisited Misra’s long association with Chandraswami, the godman who rose to notoriety in the 1980s and 1990s for his influence over politicians, businessmen and international figures, and who was closely linked with controversial arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi. The dossier submitted by the complainant and accessed by OpIndia recorded that Misra became Chandraswami’s lawyer soon after graduating in 1983 and remained closely associated with him for more than a decade.

According to the complainant, Misra had accompanied him on at least 22 overseas trips, mainly to London and New York, where Chandraswami’s financial dealings and contacts with controversial figures were the subject of intelligence attention.

The dossier also pointed to an Income Tax raid in 1996 that revealed the absence of professional receipts to substantiate Misra’s claim that the foreign trips were for legal work. Around the same time, Misra’s uncle Ranganath Misra had recently retired as Chief Justice of India, and Misra himself had claimed to have briefly worked as Officer on Special Duty to Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao. This combination of family influence, professional connections and unexplained wealth added to the suspicions raised by the complainant.

In parallel, the acquisition of the Jor Bagh and Golf Links properties further fuelled questions about the sources of funds. The method of acquisition, by purchasing companies that held the properties rather than direct sale deeds, was described as a device to avoid scrutiny.

In his memoirs, former CBI officer Nirmal Kumar Singh described Misra’s alleged role in obstructing investigations against Chandraswami, including preventing officers from entering the ashram, obtaining case files and intimidating witnesses. These accounts, alongside the tax findings and court records, are cited by the complainant to argue that questionable financial and professional dealings have been a recurring pattern throughout Misra’s career.

Questions in Parliament and national security angle

The second complaint is more concentrated on Misra’s role as a Member of Parliament. It compiles a record of over six hundred questions raised across four terms in Lok Sabha. A significant proportion of the questions were linked to India’s military preparedness and defence acquisitions. Though it is common for MPs to ask the government about governance, budgets, and development, Misra’s questions were of an unusual level of technical detail about highly classified areas.

The complainant cited examples of questions asked by Misra where he sought information about the operational status of India’s nuclear-powered submarines, including INS Arihant and INS Chakra. In one of the starred questions, which the government refused to answer on the grounds of “national security”, he had asked about the damages suffered by INS Arihant, the estimated cost of repairs and the timeline by which it would be made seaworthy. In another question, he asked similar details about INS Chakra.

Furthermore, he asked questions on the Rafale deal with France, on proposed pilot training programmes with Vietnam using Sukhoi-30 aircraft, and on the alleged use of outdated defence equipment by the Indian Army. According to the complaint, the specificity of these questions suggested that these were designed to elicit sensitive information rather than to seek broad policy clarification. The complainant therefore argued that these went beyond legitimate parliamentary oversight and bordered on attempts at intelligence collection.

Defence queries and alleged anti-Russia tilt

The dossier accessed by OpIndia indicated a consistent pattern in the nature of the questions asked by Misra in Parliament. A number of them were focused on defence platforms sourced from Russia, which raised concerns about an apparent anti-Russia tilt. For example, he repeatedly asked questions about the leased submarine INS Chakra, the status of the ATV programme under which INS Arihant was built, and the S-400 air defence system that India contracted from Russia.

One of the concerning questions he asked was whether the United States had raised objections to India’s purchase of the S-400 system. In another question, he sought commercial details of the deal, including payment obligations and instalments, information that would normally be kept confidential between governments. The complainant noted that the line of questioning was in line with what American arms manufacturers would have sought, who wanted to sell systems like THAAD and Patriot to India.

Furthermore, there were questions about budgetary allocations. For example, he asked if India’s defence budget factored in payments for past arms deals, and what amount remained for new weapon purchases. The complainant argued that such questions, if answered in detail, could provide a roadmap of India’s procurement priorities to foreign powers. The dossier, in whole, asserted that these repeated questions show a bias that warranted further examination.

Conflict of interest and corporate links

Other than the national security angle, the complainant also underlined a corporate conflict of interest. As a practising lawyer, Misra represented several entities in the coal, power and steel sectors during the same period when he asked questions in Parliament on coal reserves, power plants, and the role of coal mafias in state-run mines.

Between 2015 and 2017, Misra raised questions about modernisation of coal mines, theft and pilferage during loading and unloading, and interference of mafia elements in coal management. The complainant stated that these questions closely overlapped with cases he was arguing as counsel for companies in the sector, including Jindal Steel and Power Ltd and Meghalaya mining interests.

Furthermore, the overlap was not limited to coal. He also asked multiple questions in the aviation sector, including airline routes, expansion of airports, and promotion of seaplanes. At the same time, he served as a director of companies like Brady Air Pvt Ltd and Brady and Morris Engineering, which had stakes in aviation and infrastructure.

The complainant asserted that this dual role of legislator and corporate insider represented a misuse of parliamentary privileges. He called it a “brazen conflict of interest” that undermines the purpose of an elected MP.

Questions highlighted by the complainant

The complainant highlighted 13 questions to support his assertions against Misra. According to the complainant, Misra’s stint on using his parliamentary position to get sensitive information started from his first term as MP itself.

In August 1996, in a question in the Lok Sabha, he asked the Home Minister about the RDX and weapons recovered in Delhi in June that year. The government informed about the seizures including AK-56 rifles, grenades, timers and RDX and confirmed arrests were made with legal action taken. However, the complainant questioned the intention as Misra, being an MP, was pressing for specific operational details of an ongoing counter-terrorism investigation. Such information is generally considered time-sensitive and agencies do not disclose details unless the judicial proceedings are over.

Earlier that year, in July, Misra also asked the Prime Minister if the government had signed revised agreements with Enron for the Dabhol Power Projects and details related to it. Though the government provided the information, the complainant questioned why an MP from Puri was probing into a controversial Maharashtra power project that had already drawn allegations of corruption and undue foreign influence.

Moving to 2017, Misra asked the Defence Ministry in March whether Vietnamese fighter pilots would be trained on Sukhoi-30 MKI aircraft in India. He further sought details of the number of pilots to be trained, the duration of training, and whether Indian fighter pilots would be trained abroad on jets the government proposed to acquire. Though the information was provided by the government that India and Vietnam had agreed to take forward a proposal for training Vietnamese Air Force personnel on Su-30 aircraft, the complainant raised concern that Misra’s question sought precise operational details including numbers and duration of training. Such information is sensitive and not normally raised in Parliament.

In February 2018, Pinaki Misra asked the External Affairs Ministry if India was under pressure from the US to scale down its ties with Pyongyang after North Korea’s missile test. He further asked if the government had urged North Korea to roll back its nuclear and missile programme, whether India was engaging the international community to address the issue, and what results had been achieved.

The government replied that India shared international concerns about DPRK’s destabilising activities which have impact on India’s national security. Furthermore, the government added that India had called upon North Korea to refrain from such actions. The complainant raised concerns that Misra’s line of questioning sought to probe India’s diplomatic posture in sensitive negotiations involving North Korea, the United States and the global non-proliferation framework which in whole is strategically delicate.

In March 2018, Misra asked the Defence Ministry if INS Chakra had suffered extensive damage and been dry-docked. He further pressed for details on whether the damage had been assessed, its extent, the estimated cost of repairs, and the time by which the submarine would be ready to sail again.

Again, in the same month, he asked the ministry about the extent of damage suffered by INS Arihant. He specifically sought details of the estimated cost of repairs and the timeframe by which the submarine would be repaired and returned to service with full operational capability. Both questions went unanswered by the ministry stating such information could not be divulged in the interest of national security. The complainant asserted that if the government had answered, the information could have been of immense value to adversarial powers. In a way, Misra went far beyond legitimate parliamentary oversight into areas of classified defence capability.

Then in April 2018, Misra asked the Defence Ministry to provide details of the budgetary allocation for new weapon systems and modernisation in the 2018–19 budget. He further pressed whether this allocation included instalments of earlier arms deals and, if so, the details, and sought the actual amount left for new procurements for the Indian Army. Though the information was provided, the complainant asserted that such questions seeking information on exact figures about India’s defence procurement planning reveal sensitive financial priorities that could be of interest to foreign arms suppliers and adversarial entities.

In July 2018, he asked the Defence Ministry if a 6% increase in the budget, including Rs 86,488 crore for modernisation, would stagnate defence preparedness. He also asked if China’s defence budget was nearly triple that of India and how the government planned to modernise the armed forces with limited increases. Though the information was provided, the complainant asserted that the questions were framed in a way that could be considered a sensitive national security issue.

In August 2015, Misra and other MPs asked the Defence Ministry about the number of defence personnel killed due to insurgency, terrorism and cross-border firing in the last three years and the current year. He further sought details on whether the government had analysed the reasons for these casualties, whether compensation had been paid to families, how many procurement requests had been invited or cancelled since the Kargil war, and the steps taken to equip personnel against infiltration and terrorism. Though the information was provided, the complainant said that such questioning sought detailed procurement requirements and operational vulnerabilities. If disclosed fully, this could reveal India’s capability gaps and aid defence lobbyists pushing foreign arms sales.

In August 2016, Misra and two other MPs asked the Defence Ministry if negotiations on pricing and related issues for the purchase of 36 Rafale fighter aircraft from France had been completed. They further pressed for details of the present status, the expected timeline for completion of negotiations and delivery of aircraft, and additional steps to address the shortage of fighters in the Indian Air Force. Though the information was provided, the complainant asserted that such questions could have exposed India’s negotiation position and revealed operational capabilities to adversaries.

In March 2018, Misra and other MPs asked the Ministry of Shipping if operationalisation of the Chabahar Port in Iran would boost trade for India, contribute to regional development, and with which countries India was likely to expand commerce. They further sought details of products expected to benefit and whether any stakeholder connectivity events were planned. While the information was provided, the complainant said that such detailed disclosures, if misused, could expose India’s strategic vulnerabilities and aid lobbying interests.

In July 2019, Misra and three MPs asked if the government planned to acquire Russia’s S-400 system and sought details such as cost, and concerns expressed by other countries. Though the information was provided, and the government noted that India takes sovereign decisions based on threat perception, and operational and technological aspects, the complainant said that such queries about cost and third-country pressure details around a strategic purchase, potentially amplified foreign objections and exposed negotiation sensitivities.

In December 2019, Misra asked about the steps taken by the government to indigenise critical weapons, plans to boost defence exports, and measures to encourage start-ups. The government provided the information. However, the complainant asserted that such detailed disclosures can reveal procurement and export priorities useful to foreign suppliers.

In December 2022, Misra asked the Ministry of Mines if the committee constituted for reviewing royalty rates for minerals had submitted its report, what action had been taken on it, whether the government had fixed a timeline for revision of royalty rates, and if not, the reasons. The information was provided by the government. However, the complainant asserted that the detailed information on coal and mineral royalty revisions being asked by him raised issues of conflict of interest as he also appeared as counsel for major mining companies.

DGIT complaint on Vidya Jyoti Trust, money laundering and demonetisation deposits

In his complaint to the Directorate General of Income Tax (DGIT) concerning Vidya Jyoti Trust which operates Delhi Public School (DPS) Kalinga in Cuttack, the complainant asserted that while the trust enjoys exemption under Section 12A of the Income Tax Act, it has been used as a conduit for tax evasion, layering of illicit funds, and laundering of black money.

The trust was incorporated in 2001 by Mahimananda Mishra and Mala Mishra, with Pinaki Misra, his ex-wife Sangeeta Misra, and Mahimananda Mishra’s sons, Charchit and Chandan Mishra, as trustees. The complainant alleged that large cash deposits, ranging from Rs 1 crore to over Rs 12 crore annually, were deposited in school bank accounts between FY 2015–16 and FY 2024–25. Notably, around Rs 8 crore were deposited in FY 2016–17, the year of demonetisation, which the complainant argued showed deliberate intent to launder unaccounted money.

The school, with an enrolment of about 3,000 students, charges annual fees between Rs 1.2–2 lakh per child, suggesting an average turnover of Rs 40–50 crore a year. However, the complaint highlighted that declared income remained consistently below Rs 40 crore, indicating suppression of receipts and diversion of funds for trustees’ benefit. It further alleged that while the trust claimed application of income towards expenses like salaries, advertising and maintenance, it failed to deduct TDS on payments worth Rs 20–30 crore annually for a decade. The complainant described these as bogus or unverifiable expenses designed to maintain tax-exempt status.

Furthermore, the complainant argued that there were direct transfers to trustees Mala and Sangeeta as “professional fees”. The complaint said these individuals lacked qualifications to justify such payments, terming them sham transactions in violation of Section 13(3) of the Act. It also pointed to the use of related entities like OSL Prestige Pvt Ltd, where Charchit and Chandan Mishra are directors, for the purchase of luxury assets with trust funds.

Furthermore, the complainant alleged that Pinaki Misra acquired high-value properties and art worth upwards of Rs 300 crore through dubious means, undervaluing assets in tax declarations. It specifically pointed to art valued at Rs 80 crore but declared at only Rs 6–8 crore, and claimed that in FY 2020–21, Misra sold a Jor Bagh property under market value to route funds via hawala for the purchase of a London property in his son Dhanraj Misra’s name.

Why the complaints are being flagged

These complaints show that the matter is not just about finances or corporate conflicts. It is about national security. The repeated focus on India’s nuclear assets, missile systems and defence deals has been presented as evidence that parliamentary privilege may have been misused.

Fiji, a small nation with a big role in India’s Indo-Pacific strategy, read why their PM’s visit to India was highly important

Anmol Kumar

-

26 August, 2025

0

Fiji, a small nation with a big role in India’s Indo-Pacific strategy, read why their PM’s visit to India was highly important

Prime Minister of Fiji, Mr. Sitiveni Rabuka, was on an official visit to New Delhi from August 24 to 26, 2025. He was visiting India on the invitation of PM Modi. The visit drew attention for its meaningful and wide-ranging results. The meeting was firmly aligned with the larger context of India’s Indo-Pacific vision and the growing strategic competition in the Pacific Ocean.

The trip was highly symbolic for Mr. Rabuka, on his first visit to India in his current capacity. Accompanied by his spouse, Fiji’s Health Minister Antonio Lalabalavu, and senior officials, he was given a warm welcome in New Delhi. It clearly highlighted the renewed energy in India’s engagement with the Pacific Islands. For India, this was a crucial opportunity to deepen ties with a strategically important region at a time when global politics in the Pacific has intensified.

The Outcomes of the Visit

During their meetings, the two prime ministers discussed issues related to defence, health, agriculture, education, trade and investment, cultural cooperation, sports, and skill development. Both leaders repeated the importance of such a comprehensive partnership to serve not only bilateral interests but also regional and global stability.

A joint statement noted their “shared interests in advancing regional peace, stability, and prosperity.” This was not just lip service. The agreements reflected real progress:

Cooperation in UN peacekeeping operations and military medicine.
The creation of a Defence Attaché post in India’s High Commission in Fiji.
A commitment to capacity-building of the Fijian military, with India gifting ambulances to the Royal Fiji Military Forces.
An Indian Naval Ship’s scheduled port call to Fiji in 2025.

Beyond defence, 8 bilateral agreements and 17 concrete announcements were made. These included India assisting in the construction of a new hospital, intensifying trade ties, deputing a Hindi-Sanskrit teacher to the University of Fiji, and sending a cricket coach to train Fiji’s budding cricket fraternity. These may seem like small steps, but in diplomacy, such gestures build goodwill, trust, and visibility.

Culturally, Fiji’s Indian-origin group, who are descendants of more than 60,000 indentured labourers (Girmitiyas) settled there between 1879 and 1916, contributes a dynamic 38% to the country’s population. Prime Minister Rabuka specifically recognised the significance of Girmitiyas in developing the identity and economy of Fiji. His appreciation of India’s participation in the 146th Girmit Day commemoration held earlier this year in Fiji reflects the centrality of these cultural and historical ties.

Why Fiji Matters to India

For observers who ask why India is so invested in a country that is small in size and population, the answer lies squarely in geography and geopolitics. Geographically, Fiji is situated in the South Pacific Ocean, a region that is no longer considered peripheral in international politics. The importance of the Pacific has risen in recent years, primarily due to China’s growing footprint. Beijing has been actively courting Pacific island nations with infrastructure development, loans, and security cooperation agreements.

In this context, Fiji’s location makes it a gateway between larger Pacific powers and smaller island states. It also acts as both a regional hub and a natural connector. For India, building goodwill and deep cooperation here is not just about bilateral relation, but it is about ensuring a presence in the wider Pacific region. While India has a strong presence in the Indian Ocean, extending its reach into the Pacific is crucial for the overall Indo-Pacific strategy.

India and Fiji are also natural partners in this vision. Fiji can become a maritime security partner, complementing India’s capabilities in the Indian Ocean. Just as India anchors forums like the Indian Ocean Rim Association, similar active engagement in the Pacific through partnerships with Fiji and other island states broadens India’s role as a balancing power.

Cultural Diplomacy as a Foreign Policy Tool

India’s robust people-to-people connections with Fiji are one of its strongest assets. As mentioned above, around 38% of Fiji’s population is of Indian origin, and this cultural foundation provides New Delhi with a ready-made bridge of trust and familiarity. Prime Minister Modi’s government has widely used Indian diaspora as a foreign policy tool andFiji is a prime example of how historical ties can be reshaped into current partnerships.

By sending Hindi teachers, Cricket coaches, and technical experts, India is investing not only in today’s needs but also in future generations of Fijians who will grow up with a positive perception of India. In a region where larger powers often lean heavily on economic leverage India’s approach of using soft tools such as promoting education, language, healthcare, and sports makes it stand out as a genuine partner.

India’s great power aspirations

Fiji may not make headlines as often as partnerships with the US, Japan, or Australia, but in the great power game of the Indo-Pacific, smaller nations carry extreme importance. A stable and cooperative Fiji not only enhances India’s diplomatic standing but also may help in bringing multipolarity in global politics.

Prime Minister Rabuka’s visit has deepened this relationship, moving it beyond symbolic gestures to pragmatic cooperation. For India, this represents another step in constructing a resilient network of partnerships throughout the Indo-Pacific that will help safeguard its interests and contribute to regional stability.

As India seeks to establish itself as a Great Power, its engagement with partners like Fiji shows that foreign policy is not only limited to the larger nations but also incorporates smaller nations. In fact, sometimes, smaller nations play a more crucial role than larger nations in shaping the regional and global order.

UK Rape Gang Inquiry says Pakistani Muslim rape gangs have been active in 85 areas: British MP shares detailed report

Shraddha Pandey

-

26 August, 2025

0

UK Rape Gang Inquiry says Pakistani Muslim rape gangs have been active in 85 areas: British MP shares detailed report

On 26^th August, Great Yarmouth MP Rupert Lowe said that the Rape Gang Inquiry report has found that Pakistani Muslim rape gangs have been operating in as many as 85 areas across the United Kingdom.

Our Rape Gang Inquiry has today released research detailing eighty-five local authorities in which the gang-based sexual exploitation of children is taking place, or has historically done so.

This is one of the most comprehensive exposes of the rape gang scandal to date. pic.twitter.com/lRRRaQeuFN
— Rupert Lowe MP (@RupertLowe10) August 26, 2025

The Rape Gang Inquiry has identified eighty-five local authorities in which the gang-based sexual exploitation of children is taking place, or has historically done so. As per the Inquiry, hundreds of survivors, their family members and whistle-blowers approached them since the Rape Gang Inquiry started by MP Rupert Lowe was launched.

The report highlights that although the survivors have their own unique stories of abuse and torment they were subjected to, however, “patterns of targeted exploitation by predominantly Pakistani males, combined with gross negligence from public bodies, are identifiable.”

The Rape Gang Inquiry has identified eighty-five local authorities in which the gang-based sexual exploitation of children is taking place, or has historically done so.

Hundreds of brave survivors, family members and whistleblowers have approached the Rape Gang Inquiry since our launch, each with unique stories. However, patterns of targeted exploitation by predominantly Pakistani males, combined with gross negligence from public bodies, are identifiable.

“Further research, following the submission of thousands of Freedom of Information requests by our data investigation team, has enabled the Rape Gang Inquiry to produce one of the most comprehensive exposes of the nationwide scandal to date”, the report posted.

“Cases have been identified across the United Kingdom, from Aberdeen to Plymouth, Antrim to Canterbury – some going back as far as the 1960s. Evidently, more will sadly exist outside of this list. The Rape Gang Inquiry is working with our legal team and shall commence our hearings later this year. This is a chance for victims to speak, experts to be interviewed and a full report/recommendation to then be drafted,” the Rape Gang Inquiry statement reads.

Notably, as per the Rape Gang Inquiry, Pakistani Muslim rape gangs have been operating in Aberdeen City, Angus, Antrim and Newtownabbey, Argyll and Bute, Barnsley, Bexley, Birmingham, Blackburn with Darwen, Blackpool, Bradford Brent Bristol, City of Bromley, Buckinghamshire, Burnley, Calderdale, Camden, Canterbury, Chelmsford, Cherwell, Cheshire East, Cheshire West, Chester City of Edinburgh, Coventry, Croydon, Cumberland, Dacorum, Derby, Doncaster, Dorset, East Hertfordshire, East Staffordshire, Glasgow City, Greenwich, Hammersmith, Fulham, Havering, Hillingdon, Hounslow, Kingston upon Hull, City of Kirklees, Lambeth, Leeds, Leicester, Lewisham, Luton, Manchester, Medway, Merton, Middlesbrough, Monmouthshire, Newcastle upon Tyne, Newham, North Tyneside, North Yorkshire, Northumberland, Norwich, Nottingham, Oldham, Oxford, Pembrokeshire, Peterborough, Plymouth, Preston, Redbridge, Rochdale Rossendale, Rotherham, Sheffield, Somerset, Stockport, Stoke-on-Trent, Swansea, Telford, Wrekin Tower Hamlets, Vale of White Horse, Wakefield, Wandsworth, Warrington, Watford, West Berkshire, Westmorland, Furness, Wirral, Worcester and Wyre Forest.

Meanwhile, Rupert Lowe MP, Chair of the Rape Gang Inquiry, said: “Our inquiry has shown that this rotting scandal is more widespread than thought – hundreds of thousands of lives have been ruined at the hands of predominantly Pakistani rape gangs. It is over two months since Labour promised nationwide action, yet the government has been seemingly idle since. The message from survivors is clear: get on with it. There have been too many broken promises, now is the time for action and for hard justice to be delivered by those in power.”

Tesla owner and billionaire Elon Musk, who has been vocal about UK’ failure to act effectively against Muslim grooming gangs wrote on X, “85 cities in Britain where local authorities were complicit in the rape of children…”

85 cities in Britain where local authorities were complicit in the rape of children … https://t.co/20tp9VFFAv
— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) August 26, 2025

British Pakistani Muslim men form the majority of grooming/rape gang crimes in the UK

Notably, the issue of child sexual abuse at the hands of grooming gangs led by British Pakistani men has been a serious issue demanding attention for years. In the late 90s, young girls, some as young as 11, were picked up, raped, beaten, sold, and even killed by grooming gangs or rape gangs for a full forty years. In Rotherham alone, it was found that 1,400 children had been sexually abused over 16 years by British Pakistani men.

Earlier this year, The National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse report prepared by Baroness Louise Casey revealed that more than 500,000 children a year were likely to experience child sexual abuse, with police recording some 100,000 offences in 2024. Of these, an estimated 17,100 were flagged as child sexual exploitation. The only figure for gang grooming came from a new police database, totalling just 700. Lady Casey said it was “highly unlikely” that this accurately reflected the true scale of grooming gangs.

The report revealed that Pakistani men are responsible for 64 per cent of cases of child sexual exploitation in Rotherham. Moreover, of the total 42 individuals convicted for child sexual exploitation offences under Operation Stovewood, most were Pakistani men.

The fears of appearing Islamophobic and racially insensitive prevented UK authorities and even courts, from effectively acting against Pakistani Muslim groomers/rapists for years and the Muslim-appeasing political parties of the United Kingdom also ensured that the Muslim community remains sacrosanct to criticism even as members of this community, especially those of Pakistani origins continued to sexually abuse White and other non-Muslim girls.

Police complicity, crackdown on victim families, lenient sentences: How the collective failure of UK authorities helped Pakistani Muslim rape gangs to thrive

Beginning in the 1980s in the town of Telford, vulnerable girls as young as 11 were picked up, raped, beaten, sold, and even killed by grooming gangs or rape gangs for a full forty years. The young girls, mostly white, were tossed from one rapist to another, most of whom were of British Pakistani origins. Three girls were murdered and two others died in tragedies linked to the scandal. As many as 1,000 girls suffered in a town of 170,000 people. In Telford, these Pakistani grooming gangs were literally running a rape house while they made the victims believe they were in love by buying them alcohol, cigarettes, doing their mobile top-ups, buying gifts etc.

A similar racket was unfolding in Rotherham wherein around 1,500 girls were raped, abused, sold, and bought by men of Pakistani descent in a town of 260,000 people. Many victims were gang-raped and the abuse went on unabated from 1997 to 2013. In Rochdale, the horror began in 2002. At least 47 young girls were subjected to abuse. Such has been the (Non) response of administrative and legal authorities that the grooming gangs continue to walk freely on the streets of “Great Britain”.

Sexual abuse scandals were widely uncovered in a series of locations in the UK, including Huddersfield, Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford, Bristol, Peterborough, and Newcastle. Nearly 19,000 adolescents in England are estimated to have been sexually groomed based on government numbers. Despite multiple reports and inquiries, investigative operations like Stovewood, Tourway, the true scale of sexual exploitation by the grooming gangs is not known.

These ‘grooming’ crimes continue to haunt the United Kingdom as the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) reported in 2023 that there has been an 82% increase in online grooming offences against youngsters over the past five years.

The issue of Pakistani-origin men-led grooming gangs raping vulnerable white and other non-Muslim girls first became widely known in towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford. According to the 2014 Jay Report on Rotherham, almost 1,400 children were sexually exploited over 16 years, predominantly by men of Pakistani descent. The pervasive inaction by the authorities can be attributed to concerns of triggering racism against Pakistani immigrants. To put it in simple words, the UK authorities were reluctant to act and adopted a silence and denial approach against the grooming/rape gangs believing that acting against the Pakistani-origin rapists would reinforce ‘negative stereotypes’ about the ‘minority’ community.

OpIndia earlier reported how politician in the UK, especially the Labour Party downplayed grooming Jihad cases. Sarah Champion, a Labour Party MP had to apologise for an article published in The Sun in 2017 wherein she wrote that “Britain has a problem with British Pakistani men raping and exploiting white girls”. Champion had to not only apologise but also resign from her post as a shadow minister.

In 2012, Keith Vaz, a Labour Party leader and Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, downplayed the grooming jihad crimes calling them not racially motivated and emphasised that the entire community should not be ‘stigmatised’.

A Nottingham Crown Court judge who convicted two Pakistani men who groomed and raped several minor white girls, downplayed the identity of the perpetrators by asserting that the race of both, the victims and the abusers were ‘coincidental’.

In many cases, instead of arresting the rapists, the police ended up arresting the victims and their families. This was commonly due to a ‘misreading’ of the situation, a failure to probe the grooming part and in most cases a deliberate cover-up, with young victims being treated as offenders for small violations while still in contact with their abusers. This demonstrates an intentional diversion in the approach to child safety, spurred by an obsessive avoidance of racial-religious profiling. Fear of being perceived as racially ‘insensitive’ appears to have taken precedence over safeguarding young girls, culminating in a serious miscarriage of justice.

While the UK has, for a change, started grooming gangs as what they truly are—Pakistani rape gangs, they are yet to discover that the drivers of these rape crimes are not essentially racial but religious.

Samajwadi Party used digital copies to claim ‘18,000 affidavits’ of voters submitted to ECI, investigation reveals many of them were in the names of dead voters: Details

OpIndia Staff

-

26 August, 2025

0

Samajwadi Party used digital copies to claim ‘18,000 affidavits’ of voters submitted to ECI, investigation reveals many of them were in the names of dead voters: Details

The entire I.N.D.I. Alliance, led by Congress, has been accusing the Election Commission of India of engaging in voter fraud. Although their lies have been exposed again and again and regularly fact-checked, there appears to be no limit to their dishonesty. Now, Akhilesh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party has alleged that the electoral body is akin to “Dhritrashtra” rather than providing the necessary proof to support its charges. However, it was soon revealed how the party fabricated documents to malign the Election Commission and the ruling party.

How the fresh controversy started

On 25th August, a video featuring Uttar Pradesh minister Asim Arun was shared from the Samajwadi Party media cell account in which he stated that votes had been stolen in Kannauj. He expressed his complete confidence in the Election Commission of India and pointed out that it has been addressing the critical problems.

Arun added that an individual’s name appeared on the voter list multiple times and the commission is rectifying this issue. He also accused SP leaders of vote theft during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in Kannauj and asked Akhilesh Yadav to take a look at the facts and provide an answer. Notably, Akhilesh Yadav defeated BJP’s Subrat Pathak by 1.70 lakh votes to win the Kannauj Lok Sabha seat.

“So what’s the problem? Get the SDM suspended. The government is yours and you are the minister,” SP media cell wrote while posting the footage and even tagged the ECI. Afterward, Chief Election Officer of Uttar Pradesh responded, “The concern has been noted and the District Election Officer of Kannauj has been directed to initiate a prompt as well as thorough investigation and to undertake appropriate and effective actions.”

मामले का संज्ञान ले लिया गया है जिला निर्वाचन अधिकारी कन्नौज को मामले की त्वरित एवं गहन जाँच कर उचित एवं प्रभावी कार्यवाही करने
हेतु निर्देशित कर दिया गया है। https://t.co/oaeBMFU888
— CEO Uttar Pradesh (@ceoup) August 25, 2025

SP runs wild with its allegations

Subsequent to its appeal for the commission to act, the party claimed that the Election Commission was paying heed to the issues brought forth by the members of the ruling party while overlooking the submissions made by the opposition leaders.

“When the opposition voices concerns, you fail to acknowledge them, let alone address the valid points highlighted by them and the unethical actions conducted by election officials in collaboration with the ruling party. You do not even recognize these matters. Now, as MLAs and ministers from the BJP question the Election Commission, it is acknowledging and responding to these inquiries.” the SP media cell alleged.

SP then asked, “When will the District Magistrates and Sub-Divisional Magistrates implicated in electoral misconduct with the BJP be suspended? When will measures be implemented against them in accordance with sedition laws, as electoral misconduct is a direct infringement of the Constitution and is classified as treason,” ignoring the fact that every concern raised by the opposition has been appropriately addressed by the EC, despite them being politically motivated hit-and-run statements.

2022 का पूरा विधानसभा चुनाव, सभी उपचुनाव भाजपा सत्ता की मिलीभगत, इशारे पर लूटे गए और धृतराष्ट्र की भांति चुनाव आयोग भाजपाई बेइमानी के मूक समर्थन में बेइमानियों में संलिप्त रहा।

क्या कार्यवाही हुई उन 18 हजार से अधिक एफिडेविट और जनता द्वारा बयां की गई शिकायतों पर? उल्टा… https://t.co/MudJpuweSG
— Samajwadi Party Media Cell (@mediacellsp) August 25, 2025

The party further expressed its frustration over being out of power and criticized the Election Commission by referring to it as “Dhritarashtra” while accusing the BJP of committing fraud in the last assembly elections. SP media cell claimed, “The assembly elections of 2022 along with all by-elections were marred by corruption facilitated by the BJP while the Election Commission similar to Dhritarashtra, remained complicit by tacitly endorsing the fraudulent activities.”

It further alleged, “What measures were implemented regarding the over 18 thousand affidavits and the grievances raised by the public? Instead, there have been alarming reports of intimidation directed at the complainants which is profoundly disgraceful. The public’s confidence in the Election Commission has been entirely undermined, leading to a widespread belief that the commission merely serves as an extension of the BJP and is involved in the electoral malpractices of the saffron party.”

CEO Uttar Pradesh exposes SP’s lies

The CEO Uttar Pradesh swiftly countered the bogus allegations and conveyed, “Concerning the complaint associated with 18 thousand affidavits which has been frequently referenced, it is important to clarify that not a single voter’s affidavit has been received in its original format. The complaint submitted by the Samajwadi Party has led to the acquisition of scanned copies of affidavits from approximately 3919 different individuals via email.”

The official further outlined, “This complaint addresses 74 assembly constituencies across 33 districts. The inquiry into the complaint regarding 5 assembly constituencies has been concluded and the results of this investigation have also been shared with the general public through X.”

18 हज़ार शपथ पत्रों के साथ की गई शिकायत का जो उल्लेख बार बार किया जा रहा है उसके संबंध में यह स्पष्ट किया जाता है कि एक भी मतदाता का शपथ पत्र मूलरूप में प्राप्त नहीं हुआ है । ईमेल के माध्यम से समाजवादी पार्टी द्वारा जो शिकायत की गई है उसमें लगभग 3919 अलग अलग नाम के व्यक्तियों के… https://t.co/qPnELb00M3
— CEO Uttar Pradesh (@ceoup) August 25, 2025

The CEO highlighted that in the five assembly constituencies that have been examined thus far, it has been discovered that affidavits were fabricated in November 2022 in the names of certain persons who had passed away several years ago. Moreover, some individuals explicitly declined to provide any such affidavit when presented with the scanned copy created in their name and added, “It is important to note that, under the law, providing false evidence is deemed a criminal offense.”

As expected, rather than responding with facts the party once more resorted to political rhetoric and claimed, “The truth cannot be concealed through deceitful cover-ups and misleading statements. It has now been disclosed to the public, resulting in the Election Commission’s loss of credibility. Evidence of collusion with the BJP has been established and the people has now risen to defend its rights.”

लीपापोती और गलत बयानी से आप सच को छिपा नहीं सकते, अब सच जनता के समक्ष सार्वजनिक हो चुका है और चुनाव आयोग अपनी विश्वसनीयता खो चुका है।

भाजपा के साथ मिलीभगत साबित हो चुकी है और जनता अब अपने अधिकार के लिए सजगता से खड़ी हो चुकी है। https://t.co/PYZGPZiQ3O
— Samajwadi Party Media Cell (@mediacellsp) August 25, 2025

UP CEO already fact checked Akhilesh Yadav

Notably, similar lies were peddled by Akhilesh Yadav on 21st August and were then quickly exposed by UP CEO. “The Mathematics of Justice: 18000 – 14 = 17986. From the Election Commission to the District Magistrate and from the Circle Officer to the Lekhpal, despite all their manipulations, the ‘BJP-Election Commission-District Magistrate trio’ has only succeeded in providing ‘incomplete, half-baked’ explanations for merely 14 out of the 18000 affidavits we submitted,” Akhilesh Yadav declared.

“Even after deducting those 14 from the 18000 affidavits, 17986 still remain unaccounted for. This represents the mathematics of justice,” he alleged and added that when his PDA (Pichda, Dalit and Alpsankhyak) government is elected there would neither be any suppression of rights and nor voter fraud.

However, the UP CEO replied, “A complaint was received through email ([email protected]) concerning the incorrect removal of the names of four voters from the 383-Chakia assembly constituency in the Chandauli district of Uttar Pradesh. Moreover, there were other complaints with a total of 37 emails received that included scanned copies of affidavits from 3919 voters across 74 assembly constituencies in 33 districts.”

It was mentioned that the complaint pertaining to the 383-Chakia assembly constituency included scanned copies of the affidavits for the four voters. The official pronounced, “It is hereby communicated to the general public that the names of all four voters referenced in the aforementioned complaint are properly listed in the voter registry.”

“The Electoral Registration Officer for the 383-Chakia assembly constituency who also serves as the Sub-Divisional Magistrate of Chakia, carried out an on-site investigation in the relevant village and discovered that the four voters explicitly denied having lodged any complaint regarding the erroneous deletion of their names or having submitted any affidavit related to this matter,” the CEO further informed, debunking the disinformation.

ईमेल ([email protected] ) द्वारा उत्तर प्रदेश के ज़िला चंदौली के अंतर्गत आने वाले विधानसभा क्षेत्र 383-चकिया के कुल चार मतदाताओं के नाम ग़लत ढंग से काटे जाने की शिकायत अन्य शिकायतों के साथ (37 ईमेल प्राप्त हुए जिनमें 33 ज़िलों के 74 विधानसभा क्षेत्रों के 3919 मतदाताओं के शपथ… https://t.co/Kmqg8CCCnJ
— CEO Uttar Pradesh (@ceoup) August 23, 2025

Gyanesh Kumar, the chief election commissioner (CEC), stated at a press conference on 17th August that the commission had not received any affidavits from Akhilesh Yadav or from Uttar Pradesh which sparked the dispute between the ECI and the SP president. “The affidavits have been filed with the ECI, alleging large-scale voter deletions and irregularities in UP during the 2022 assembly polls,” the SP supremo argued.

The charges were once more busted as District Magistrates, who were instructed to investigate the complaint and provide a response, reported that the names of certain voters had been removed from the electoral rolls due to reasons such as death and migration. Additionally, some voters appeared twice on the voter list and one name was removed in accordance with regulations.

What did Asim Arun say in the video

Asim Arun charged that the voter list for two booths in Adangapur and Gawal Maidan of Kannauj includes the names of Nawab Singh who was formerly referred to as the mini chief minister of Kannauj because of his affiliation with the Samajwadi Party as well as his brothers Veerpal Yadav and Kalyan Singh.

Asim Arun stated that the DEO (District Election Officer) should probe the case and take proper legal action against individuals who committed offences. Nawab Singh, an accused in a rape case, is currently incarcerated. “The ECI should conduct a proper probe for the purification of the voters list. He will give additional proof regarding the irregularities. The Samajwadi Party should apologise for indulging in fraud in the voter list of the Kannauj Lok Sabha constituency,” he asserted.

Hindu women share chilling accounts of Islamic conversion: Indic scholar Rajiv Malhotra stresses ‘Purva Paksha’ to counter indoctrination

OpIndia Staff

-

26 August, 2025

0

Hindu women share chilling accounts of Islamic conversion: Indic scholar Rajiv Malhotra stresses ‘Purva Paksha’ to counter indoctrination

Renowned Indic scholar and author Rajiv Malhotra recently hosted a powerful discussion with four Hindu women who had once been drawn into Islam under subtle pressure and influence, but who later chose to reclaim their dharmic identity. A section of their accounts was shared online, which revealed not only the systematic psychological tactics used to lure vulnerable women but also the silent erosion of cultural confidence among Hindus, which leaves many unprepared to resist such narratives.

I recently had a riveting conversation with the girls of Aarsha Vidya Samajam at Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala.
Their stories of conversion to Islam and back to their roots have some important lessons for the Hindu society. Their stories highlight the importance of PurvaPaksha that… pic.twitter.com/Xr7X00s6mq
— Rajiv Malhotra (@RajivMessage) August 25, 2025

One of the most compelling testimonies came from Anagha, who became Ayma Amira and subsequently reverted back to Hinduism with the help of Arsha Vidya Samajam. Anagha candidly shared how her Muslim college roommates persistently ridiculed Hinduism while glorifying Islam. Over time, their conversations chipped away at her cultural confidence. She revealed that she began adopting Islamic practices on her own, even choosing to wear the burqa, despite not being formally asked to.

This change, she admitted, was not born out of genuine conviction but the gradual internalisation of the narrative that Islam was superior and Hindu traditions were backward. Along with this, she developed a sense of disdain for non-Muslims, a stark transformation brought about solely through peer influence and targeted indoctrination.

The other women echoed similar experiences, showing how brainwashing often happens quietly, under the radar, and not always through organised missionary networks. Instead, self-motivated individuals such as classmates, friends, or hostel mates, act as everyday agents of conversion, gradually weaning Hindu women away from their roots while immersing them in Islamic theology, which involves supremacist beliefs and deep contempt, almost bordering on hatred, for non-Muslim.

These chilling narratives were strikingly reminiscent of what was portrayed in the controversial film “The Kerala Story.” The movie dramatized real cases of Hindu and Christian women in Kerala being deceived into converting to Islam and then trafficked to conflict zones like Syria to serve as ISIS wives.

While the cases in Malhotra’s discussion did not escalate to such extremes, the underlying methods were hauntingly similar: isolating vulnerable women, ridiculing their heritage, glorifying Islam, and steering them toward complete cultural alienation. The fact that such grooming continues in ordinary campuses and hostels shows how widespread, and often invisible, this trend remains.

The urgent need for Hindus to employ ‘Purva Paksha’ and fight subtle indoctrination attempts

Placing these personal stories in a larger framework, Malhotra emphasised the urgency of reviving the Indic tradition of “Purva Paksha”, the practice of deeply studying rival worldviews in order to engage them critically. He explained that historically, Hindu scholars were not content with merely defending their traditions in isolation. They mastered the doctrines of Buddhists, Jains, Christians, and Muslims, exposing inconsistencies and challenging claims on philosophical grounds. This intellectual armour ensured Hinduism could withstand centuries of ideological contestation.

Malhotra stressed that Hindus today must adopt the same approach. When targeted proselytisers question Hindu practices as superstition or backwardness, it is not enough to respond emotionally or retreat into silence. Instead, Hindus must be prepared to ask hard questions in return such as about contradictions in rival faiths, about historical injustices, and about theological exclusivism. Without this, he warned, young Hindus will continue to fall prey to one-sided narratives, lacking the intellectual tools to defend their identity.

The larger lesson emerging from the discussion was clear: ignorance of one’s own heritage is the greatest vulnerability. Modern education rarely equips Hindu youth with knowledge of their dharma, leaving them spiritually unmoored and susceptible to ideological manipulation. At the same time, proselytisation often comes packaged not as overt coercion but as friendship, empathy, or casual debate. By the time doubts set in, the individual is already drifting away from their cultural roots.

Malhotra’s conversation with these four women was both a warning and a call to action. It demonstrated that the phenomenon depicted in The Kerala Story is not a distant or isolated problem but a lived reality affecting ordinary families and communities. Yet it also showed that recovery is possible, once individuals recognise the manipulation and reconnect with their traditions.

In closing, Malhotra urged Hindus to view Purva Paksh not as aggression but as self-defence through knowledge. Only by reclaiming intellectual confidence and cultural grounding, he said, can Hindus prevent the silent erosion of identity that continues to unfold in classrooms, hostels, and homes across India.

PM Modi flags off Suzuki’s first battery electric vehicle e-Vitara from Gujarat plant, Made-in-India BEVs to be exported to over 100 countries

OpIndia Staff

-

26 August, 2025

0

PM Modi flags off Suzuki’s first battery electric vehicle e-Vitara from Gujarat plant, Made-in-India BEVs to be exported to over 100 countries

Celebrating a major success of Make in India initiative, Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated and flagged off the “e-VITARA”, Suzuki’s first global strategic Battery Electric Vehicle (BEV) during his Gujarat visit on Tuesday, August 26. The Made-in-India BEVs will be exported to more than one hundred countries, including advanced markets such as Europe and Japan.

With this milestone, India will now serve as Suzuki’s global manufacturing hub for electric vehicles.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a post on X wrote, “Today is a special day in India’s quest for self-reliance and being a hub for green mobility. At the programme in Hansalpur, e-VITARA will be flagged off. This Battery Electric Vehicle (BEV) is made in India and will be exported to over a hundred nations. In a big boost to our battery ecosystem, production of hybrid battery electrodes will also commence at a plant in Gujarat.”

Today is a special day in India’s quest for self-reliance and being a hub for green mobility. At the programme in Hansalpur, e-VITARA will be flagged off. This Battery Electric Vehicle (BEV) is made in India and will be exported to over a hundred nations. In a big boost to our…
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) August 26, 2025

As per a release from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) dated August 24, PM Modi will also inaugurate localised production of hybrid battery electrodes at Hansalpur, Ahmedabad.

Aerial view of the Maruti Suzuki plant in Hansalpur, Gujarat, where PM Modi flagged off the e-VITARA today.

The company invested around Rs 21,000 crore in this plant, 7.5 lakh vehicles are manufactured here every year. pic.twitter.com/DjSAIMINpO
— OpIndia.com (@OpIndia_com) August 26, 2025

Maruti Suzuki unveiled its very first electric vehicle (EV), all new e-Vitara, on the first day of Bharat Mobility Global expo at Bharat Mandapam, New Delhi in January this year. The Maruti Suzuki e-Vitara will make its debut in the Indian market on 3^rd September.

PM Modi will also inaugurate the next phase of India’s battery ecosystem with the start of local production of hybrid battery electrodes at TDS Lithium-Ion Battery plant in Gujarat. The plant, a joint venture of Toshiba, Denso and Suzuki, will boost domestic manufacturing and clean energy innovation. This development ensures that more than eighty percent of the battery value will now be manufactured within India.

US issues notice to confirm imposition of additional 25% tariff on Indian goods as Donald Trump moves ahead with 50% tariff on Indian products

OpIndia Staff

-

26 August, 2025

0

US issues notice to confirm imposition of additional 25% tariff on Indian goods as Donald Trump moves ahead with 50% tariff on Indian products

The United States has raised tariffs on Indian goods as an extra 25% hike is set to lift the total amount to 50%. A notice about the imposition of the additional 25% tariff has been formally published by the Donald Trump administration in the United States. The punitive charges are scheduled to take effect on 27th August at 12:01 am (Eastern Daylight Time/EST).

The Department of Homeland Security stated in the notification that the additional taxes were a reaction to “threats to the United States by the Government of the Russian Federation,” and India has been targeted for the same.

President Donald Trump signed Executive Order 14329 on 6th August authorising the move which was laid out in a public notice released by the Department of Homeland Security via U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP).

#NewsFatafat | US Slaps Additional 25% Tariff on India Effective 12:01 AM ET, August 27#USTariff #IndiaUSRelations #TradeWar #GlobalTrade #TariffHike #InternationalBusiness pic.twitter.com/3cwCkrHLQY
— ET NOW (@ETNOWlive) August 26, 2025

A wide variety of Indian goods mentioned in the notice’s annexe will be subject to the tariffs. Any product that arrives for use or are removed from warehouses after the deadline will be subject to the levies.

Additionally, if a deal does not materialise, US President Donald Trump announced that he would put more penalties on Moscow or more tariffs on nations that trade with Russia. He threatened that there would be “very big consequences” in the coming weeks in the absence of any progress. Notably, the US has so far refrained from enforcing such sanctions against China and other significant buyers of Russian oil.

Trump first announced a 25% duty on Indian goods but he subsequently declared that he would increase it to 50% by adding 25% more as a penalty for purchasing Russian oil which he insisted “funded war in Ukraine.” He had set the implementation date for 27th August. Interestingly, his government has been accusing India and the “wealthiest Indian families” of profiting from Russian oil while continually defending Beijing.

“For Modi, interests of farmers, cattle rearers and small-scale industries are paramount. The pressure on us may increase, but we will bear it all,” Prime Minister Narendra Modi respo n ded after the development. External affairs minister S Jaishankar also strongly endorsed India’s energy decisions, asserting that New Delhi would keep making choices that serve its strategic autonomy and national interest.

Dr Jaishankar pointed out that the US tariff issue is being misrepresented as “oil dispute”. He pointed out that bigger importers like China and European countries have not received the same criticism as India for buying Russian oil.

The ties between New Delhi and Washington started to deteriorate when Trump attempted to take credit for mediating a ceasefire between India and Pakistan during “Operation Sindoor” which the Modi government correctly denied.

No affidavit or apology from Rahul Gandhi to Election Commission after the 7 days period provided: Read how “vote chori” conspiracy is peddled by Congress without any proof

Rukma Rathore

-

25 August, 2025

0

No affidavit or apology from Rahul Gandhi to Election Commission after the 7 days period provided: Read how “vote chori” conspiracy is peddled by Congress without any proof

Rahul Gandhi’s Congress and its I.N.D.I. Alliance have recently introduced a new tool from their arsenal of falsehoods and unfounded accusations. Slogans such as “vote chori”, “disenfranchisement”, and “the Election Commission of India is colluding with the Bharatiya Janata Party,” along with the most recent “children are joining me and saying vote chor gaddi chhor”, have been repeatedly voiced by Rahul Gandhi. These have been attempts by the Indian opposition to undermine the credibility of the institutional body.

Nevertheless, in response to the serious allegations and to promote transparency, the Election Commission, on 17th August, requested the Congress scion to present his claims in a sworn affidavit within a week or issue an apology to the nation for his misleading remarks. The deadline ended on 25th August and predictably, Rahul Gandhi did not offer any proof or submitted an apology.

“Rahul’s vote theft claims stand invalidated not meriting any further proceedings by the chief electoral officers (CEOs) concerned,” an official outlined, reported The Times of India. Meanwhile, Gandhi intensified his accusations to support his petty objectives in a prime example of political hit and run.

Election Commission challenges Rahul Gandhi

“Halafnama dena hoga ya desh se maafi maangni hogi, koi teesra vikalp nahi hai. Agar saat din mein halafnama nahi mila to iska arth ki yeh saare aarop niradhar hai. (Either submit an affidavit or apologise to the nation, there is no third option. If an affidavit is not received within seven days, it would mean that these allegations are baseless),” Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar had told Rahul Gandhi in a strong statement.

The reaction coincided with the Mahagathbandhan’s “Voter Adhikar Yatra” in Bihar to accuse the Election commission of stealing votes.

CEC Gyanesh Kumar also emphasized that a person can submit an “election petition” against the poll verdict in the concerned high court within 45 days, however, no opposition leader or candidate raised any issues at the time. He referred to the Congress leader’s charges as an “unsuccessful attempt to mislead the public by using wrong words like vote theft” and asked, “What else is this if not an insult to the Constitution of India?”

The official added that certain parties were using the commission’s shoulders to fire and play their own politics. CEC Kumar also questioned that why complaints were not lodged at the time, citing the claims of inconsistencies in the electoral roll for the Maharashtra Assembly elections. “This was remembered after the results were announced. Until now, the CEO (Chief Electoral Officer) of the state has not got even one such (fake) elector’s name with proof,” he said.

According to Kumar, the Supreme Court determined in 2019 that providing machine-readable electoral rolls, as demanded by the Congress, could infringe upon right to privacy of people. He conveyed that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral records would address the concerns brought up over the years.

The CEC asserted that voters, political parties, and Election Commission Booth Level Officers were collaborating during the exercise in Bihar. However, he mentioned that it was a “matter of grave concern” that the national and state leadership was not hearing from district presidents and party booth level agents who have reaffirmed their trust in the transparency of the significant initiative.

According to the the Election Commission, of the 7.24 crore electors in Bihar on the draft roll released on 1st August, 65 lakh were either deceased, relocated, untraceable or enrolled in more than one place. The people have until 1st September to turn in their paperwork to be included in the final roll, which will be released on 30th September.

The Mahagathbandhan alliance of Congress and RJD in Bihar is resolutely opposing the effort that, in truth, corrects the voter list by eliminating fake voters and defending the democratic rights of legitimate electorates. It also uncovered foreign nationals, including those from Bangladesh, who had been staying in the state with Aadhar cards and various Indian documents.

Nevertheless, the program which focuses on real voters, eliminates fraud and cleanses the democratic exercise is facing protests solely because a majority of the fraudulent voters are aligned with the opposition coalition.

Furthermore, the electoral body earlier made a similar announcement following Rahul Gandhi’s news conference on 7th August in which he alleged that the commission had “choreographed” the 2024 Lok Sabha elections to favour the BJP. Hilariously, Rahul Gandhi quoted “internal analysis” to stress that his party only won 9 seats in Karnataka compared to their anticipated 16 seats. According to him, the Congress looked into seven surprising defeats and concluded that 100,250 votes had been stolen in Mahadevapura.

Rahul Gandhi’s response to the Election Commission

The leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha argued that the research his party had conducted concluded there was “criminal evidence” and the Election Commission was actively damaging the democratic process throughout the nation.

The Chief Electoral Officers (CEOs) of at least three states, Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Haryana, asked him to provide a signed declaration, oath or affidavit containing the names of eligible voters who were disqualified and “ineligible” individuals listed on voter lists to take the appropriate action in response to the accusations.

The CEO wrote a letter to Gandhi and conveyed that he must verify that the statement he has made is correct to the best of his knowledge, in line with rule 20 of the Registration of Electors Rules 1960, and he understands that section 31 of the Representation of the People Act 1950, penalizes the act of making a false declaration in relation to electoral rolls.

The Raebareli MP, who has been consistently repeating the allegations, as anticipated, instead of providing evidence to support his claims, started attacking the commission. Rahul Gandhi opted to engage in further rhetoric which revealed the real intention and truth behind his outrageous statements against Election Commission.

“The Election Commission asked me to submit affidavit after my presser on ‘vote chori’ but did not ask BJP leaders to do so when they made claims,” he stated before the start of his “Voter Adhikar Yatra” in poll-bound Bihar.

“If Rahul Gandhi believes in his analysis and feels that his allegations against ECI are true, he should have no problem in signing the declaration,” the commission’s sources earlier noted. However, he, likewise, justified his failure to substantiate his charges and declared, “The ECI asks me to file an affidavit and give information under oath. I have taken oath inside the Parliament holding the Constitution.”

“I am a politician, what I say to the people is my word. I am saying it to the people publicly, take it as an oath. Interestingly, they haven’t denied the information,” the senior Congress leader defended himself after Karnataka Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) called him to testify under oath.

Rahul Gandhi further alleged, “In the (2024) Lok Sabha election, our alliance wins in Maharashtra. But after 4 months, the BJP wins the Maharashtra Assembly election. It was a surprising election result. When we tried to find out, we learnt that 1 crore new voters cast their votes, 1 crore new voters who had never voted in the Lok Sabha polls voted in the assembly election in Maharashtra.”

According to Gandhi, the BJP received these additional votes, indicating “wrongdoings” and insisted, “The votes of our alliance did not reduce and we got exactly the same number of votes we had in the Lok Sabha election. The new voters went to the BJP in the Assembly election.”

Notably, Sanjay Kumar, the co-director of Lokniti, a research initiative at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies already acknowledged that the figures from his survey which were used by the Congress to attack the BJP and the Election Commission are in fact flawed.

Furthermore, the Lok Sabha member contended that Congress assessments in Karnataka indicated they will win 15-16 seats in the general election. “Our polling showed that we were ahead in 16 seats but we won nine seats. Then we started questioning. Did we really lose elections,” he asked.

The Congress scion added, “We were demanding the EC a soft copy voter list but they were rejecting it. When we demanded video, they rejected it and changed the law and said that they should destroy the video after 45 days.” As mentioned earier, the apex court has already pronounced that making machine-readable election rolls available could violate people’s right to privacy.

The Congress veteran claimed that there were 11,965 duplicate voters in the segment, 40,009 voters with fictitious and invalid addresses, 10,452 bulk or single-address voters, 4,132 voters with invalid photos and 33,692 voters who had misused Form 6 of new voters. “In the last election, Modi and his leaders made an assault on the Constitution. Indian institutions were destroyed,” Rahul Gandhi voiced.

The grand old party seems to consider internal surveys as immutable facts and hence has resorted to peddling conspiracy theories as well as insulting democratic mandate to support their claims. Additionally, Booth Level Officer (BLO) Munirathna outli n ed that a number of migrant workers who stay in small properties in Mahadevapura use rental agreements to obtain voter IDs and stressed that there was no duplication in relation to a house there.

Vote Chori: A conspiracy theory to attack BJP and EC

Rahul Gandhi’s relentless efforts to tarnish the reputation of the ruling party and the Election Commission have been regularly debunked. They just appear to be a calculated strategy to incite the populace by eroding their confidence in the country’s institutions, in hopes of gaining some votes.

From the confidence expressed in the SIR drive by the BLAs of opposition parties to Gandhi’s unwillingness to substantiate his claims with proof indicates that they are cognizant of the truth regarding their allegations. Yet Congress seeks to perpetuate the theory to deceive the public. Moreover, the Election Commission has not received any complaints from Congress or its bloc concerning the SIR campaign.

It is evident that the reality on the ground is vastly different but the Congress leader aims to advocate for an entirely contrary agenda to the public.

During his yatra in Bihar, Gandhi introduced Subodh Kumar and Ranju Devi as two individuals affected by the “voter fraud” in India. He asserted that Subodh had been excluded from the draft electoral roll and termed it as “attack on Mother India,” in Nawada. The lies were soon unravelled when the Election Commission informed that the man was a booth level agent (BLA) of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and his name had never been on the voter list prior to the Special Intensive Revision of the electoral roll.

“It is clear that the allegation made by Subodh Kumar regarding deletion of his name in the SIR 2025 is baseless and untrue. If he submits Form-6 and the required declaration in future, his name will be included in accordance with law,” mentioned District Election Officer of Nawada.

Rahul Gandhi had previously raised the matter of Ranju Devi in Aurangabad, alleging that her name had also been removed from the voter list. However, she later stated in a video that she was tricked and her name was on the voter list.

Moreover, Gandhi held a press conference to assert that an individual named Aditya Srivastava was casting votes in three states at the same time. However, the latter immediately refuted the false claims, stating that he is from Lucknow and his first voter ID was issued there.

Aditya moved to Mumbai in 2016 and updated his voter ID to reflect his new Maharashtra address. He had voted in the 2019 Lok Sabha election from Mumbai. He then subsequently moved to Bengaluru in 2021 for employment and again transferred his voter ID to a new Karnataka address.

Aditya voted in the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Bengaluru and had updated all of the information on the Election Commission’s website.

The disinformation propagated by Gandhi was further revealed by the Election Commission which stated that no appeals were submitted by the Congress party in 36 States and Union Territories after the 2024 Lok Sabha election, despite having the legal authority to contest the decisions of the central body.

The Election Commission countered, “Many such allegations are being made by Rahul Gandhi and are reported by the media, however, no written complaint was ever submitted by him. In the past as well, he has never personally sent a self-signed letter. For example, he raised the Maharashtra issue in December 2024. Subsequently, an advocate from AICC (All India Congress Committee) wrote to ECI. Our reply, dated 24th December 2024, is publicly available on ECI website. Yet, Rahul Gandhi claims that ECI never responded.”

The commission also explained why CCTV footage is deleted after 45 days and the need for its preservation in particular instance. It highlighted, “Any aggrieved candidate can file an election petition (EP) to challenge his election in the concerned high court within 45 days. If an EP is filed, CCTV footage is retained, otherwise, it serves no purpose unless someone intends to breach voter privacy. For example, reviewing CCTV footage from 1 lakh polling stations would take 1 lakh days-that’s approximately 273 years-with no legal outcome.”

The Congress stalwart even charged that thousands of phoney voters had been added to electoral lists throughout the states by the BJP and ECI. He asserted that many of these voters were illegitimate since their voter IDs listed a “0” in lieu of their home addresses rather than specific addresses.

Notably, voters without permanent or clearly defined residential addresses such as those who are homeless, whose homes lack official numbering or who didn’t provide their complete addresses on election forms are frequently assigned “House Number 0” or “notional addresses” by the Election Commission. Similarly, joint families, shared homes or rented accommodations especially in rural and semi-urban areas can have several voters with the same house address.

More importantly, even leaders within Congress are not endorsing Gandhi’s claims, as Karnataka Cooperation Minister KN Rajanna questioned the party’s silence on the alleged manipulation of the voter list while it was in power.

“If there were irregularities, why didn’t anyone speak up then? Why were we silent? When the draft list was being prepared, wasn’t it our responsibility to check it? These irregularities happened right in front of us. Staying silent back then is shameful for all of us. We should admit this and make sure we are more alert in the future under Rahul Gandhi’s leadership,” he expressed. Unsurprisingly, he had to resign afterwards.

Conclusion

The “vote chori” is yet another sinister scheme of the Congress and its ecosystem which has been out of power for over a decade. This is the reason behind their vitriol aimed at the nation and its institutional bodies. The Congress seeks to oust Prime Minister Narendra Modi by any means and is not reluctant to stoop to any level for its objectives.

The relentless attacks on his government, despite the lack of evidence and their subsequent apology in the Supreme Court for lying in its name, reflect the same ambition. Congress is attacking India’s institutions, whether judicial or EC, as a way to deal with their frustration after multiple electoral defeats.

The party which previously dominated the country’s institutions with an iron grip has now turned to accuse BJP of similar tactics as the voters have relegated it to the opposition benches. The Congress and its allies intend to stir public sentiment against PM Modi and other Constitutional bodies, convinced that these actions will serve their political aspirations and goals.

Vasanta Dupare raped and murdered a 4-year-old, got death sentence, now Supreme Courts reopens the case after the convict’s plea

OpIndia Staff

-

25 August, 2025

0

Vasanta Dupare raped and murdered a 4-year-old, got death sentence, now Supreme Courts reopens the case after the convict’s plea

The Supreme Court on Monday, 25th August, gave a fresh chance to death row convict Vasanta Sampat Dupare by reopening his sentencing. The Court stated that it had to reconsider his punishment in view of its 2022 judgment in Manoj vs State of Madhya Pradesh, which had formulated mandatory protections for granting the death penalty.

The three-judge Bench of Justice Vikram Nath, Justice Sanjay Karol, and Justice Sandeep Mehta concurred to revisit Dupare’s sentencing. The judges stated Article 32 enables the Court to intervene when a fundamental right of an accused is infringed, particularly if procedures in death penalty matters are not adhered to.

“The corrective power under Article 32 is invoked to ensure that a person is not deprived of his fundamental right to equal treatment by being denied the rigorous safeguards required at the sentencing stage,” the Court observed.

At the same time, the Bench explained that this extraordinary power cannot be employed lightly. It emphasised that reopening old matters under Article 32 should be an exception and would be exercised only when grave violations of procedure erode the right to life.

The Bench cautioned, “Article 32 is the bedrock of constitutional remedies, but its special scope can’t become a routine for reopening concluded matters. Such reopening will be allowed only where breaches of safeguards are so serious that leaving them uncorrected would undermine the accused’s right to life.”

Background of the case

Dupare was found guilty of raping and killing a four-year-old girl and sentenced to death, a sentence affirmed by the Supreme Court in 2014. His review petition was rejected in 2017, with the Court labelling the crime one of “extreme depravity.” Then, his mercy petitions to the Governor and the President were also refused in 2022 and 2023.

Having tried all these avenues, Dupare approached the Supreme Court a second time, this time seeking a writ petition under Article 32 of the Constitution. In his writ petition, he stated that even though his case was concluded, he was entitled to a rethink since his sentencing had not adhered to the protection the Court had established in 2022.

Fresh hearing ordered

By Monday’s order, the Court overruled its previous 3rd May order that had upheld Dupare’s death penalty. It is ordered that the case now be referred before the Chief Justice of India, who will allot it to an appropriate Bench for a retrial on a fresh hearing. This fresh hearing will be only on sentencing, not on conviction.

“The sentence awarded by this Court on 3rd May is set aside and the matter is remitted to this Court for a fresh hearing on sentence alone to be conducted in conformity with Manoj,” the Bench said.

Arguments in court

At the hearing, Senior Advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan, who appeared on behalf of Dupare, contended that safeguards made in the 2022 Manoj judgment should also extend to his case. The judgment had made it obligatory for courts to scrutinise carefully mitigating circumstances, including the background of the convict, his mental state, and the possibility of rehabilitation, before the death penalty could be awarded.

On the other side, the Advocate General for Maharashtra opposed the plea. He said Dupare could not use Article 32 to reopen a case that had already reached finality and should have instead pursued a review petition.

The Bench had also shown apprehensions at previous hearings. Justice Nath had said, “It is a dangerous proposition that after any judgment or a matter which is closed can be opened up under Article 32.” Justice Karol also questioned whether the Court’s hands were “tied under Article 32” in such cases.

Delhi: Mohammed Salim strangles Rupa to death over money dispute, dumps her body in a drain, arrested

OpIndia Staff

-

25 August, 2025

0

Delhi: Mohammed Salim strangles Rupa to death over money dispute, dumps her body in a drain, arrested

In the Dabri area of West Delhi, tailor Mohammad Salim strangled a 22-year-old Hindu girl named Rupa to death. Two days after the murder, the girl’s decomposed body was found in a sack lying in the drain.

The body was identified by the tattoo on her hand. After investigating the case, the police have arrested the 35-year-old Muslim accused from Hardoi.

On 23^rd August, at around 2.54 pm, Delhi Police received information through a PCR call about the body of a girl found in a sack. The police reached the location of the body found in Dabri police station area.

The police started investigating the body of the girl found in the sack. They said that the girl’s mother had lodged a missing person’s complaint on 21^st August 2025.

The body was identified on the basis of the tattoo on the deceased victim’s hand. The body was identified as belonging to 22-year-old Rupa, who works as a maid. Rupa left her house at 10.30 am on 21^st August and did not return. According to the police, she was talking to someone on her phone while leaving the house.

During investigation, the policy scanned the nearby CCTV cameras. In the camera, Rupa was last seen entering a building in Mahavir Enclave with the accused, 35-year-old Salim. After some time, Salim came out of the same building, Roopa’s hidden body was also seen in his hand.

According to the police, accused Salim was going to dispose of the girl’s body by placing it on his bike but the body slipped off the bike on the way. In a hurry, Salim threw the body in the drain and fled. Police have arrested Salim from Hardoi.

During Salim’s questioning, it emerged that Salim and Rupa knew each other and had a monetary dispute. When Rupa asked for her money, Salim strangled her to death in anger. After this, he took the girl’s body on a bike and threw it in a drain. Scared of being caught by the police, Salim left for his ancestral home in Hardoi, however, the police arrested him from there.

Meanwhile, the police said that the accused is being interrogated and more facts are likely to emerge, adding that further action will be taken in the matter accordingly. The police have registered a case against the accused Salim under the relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code (BNS) for murder.

OpIndiabringing the \'right\' side of India

OpIndiabringing the \'right\' side of India

OpIndiabringing the \'right\' side of India

OpIndiabringing the \'right\' side of India

Financial impropriety, property acquisitions and past associations

Questions in Parliament and national security angle

Defence queries and alleged anti-Russia tilt

Conflict of interest and corporate links

Questions highlighted by the complainant

DGIT complaint on Vidya Jyoti Trust, money laundering and demonetisation deposits

Why the complaints are being flagged

The Outcomes of the Visit

Why Fiji Matters to India

Cultural Diplomacy as a Foreign Policy Tool

India’s great power aspirations

British Pakistani Muslim men form the majority of grooming/rape gang crimes in the UK

Police complicity, crackdown on victim families, lenient sentences: How the collective failure of UK authorities helped Pakistani Muslim rape gangs to thrive

How the fresh controversy started

SP runs wild with its allegations

CEO Uttar Pradesh exposes SP’s lies

UP CEO already fact checked Akhilesh Yadav

What did Asim Arun say in the video

The urgent need for Hindus to employ ‘Purva Paksha’ and fight subtle indoctrination attempts

Election Commission challenges Rahul Gandhi

Rahul Gandhi’s response to the Election Commission

Vote Chori: A conspiracy theory to attack BJP and EC

Conclusion

Background of the case

Fresh hearing ordered

Arguments in court

About us

Follow us