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AMCA faces a massive engine dilemma: Govt looking for alternatives as GE deal turns costly, while Rolls-Royce makes a strong pitch amid Safran’s reliable track record

The Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) project, India’s flagship fifth-generation stealth fighter programme led by the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) under DRDO, is facing a massive engine dilemma that threatens to impact its development timelines and overall strategy. While it was expected that lessons had been learned from the much-delayed Tejas project and AMCA will be completed as per schedule, now this project is also staring at potential delays.

The aircraft was originally designed around the GE F414 engine to meet performance requirements for prototypes and initial production lots, allowing the stealth platform to proceed with a proven powerplant while indigenous options matured. However, the GE deal is now mired in commercial uncertainty over sharply escalated costs, and the programme is facing the consequences of this early design choice, even as work on indigenous development of an engine capable of producing at least 120 kN (kilonewton) of power progresses slowly.

The GE engine partnership covers both the F404 and F414 turbofans, serving as critical powerplants across India’s indigenous fighter programmes. For the Tejas Mk1 and Mk1A variants, India has relied on the GE F404-GE-IN20 engine with approximately 80-85 kN thrust with afterburner. These have largely been procured through direct imports under contracts supporting the initial fleet and the 83 Mk1A aircraft, with only limited local assembly or component manufacturing handled by HAL.

However, persistent supply chain disruptions and delays in deliveries from GE have repeatedly slowed production rates, forcing the imposition of liquidated damages on the American company and contributing to postponed squadron inductions for the Indian Air Force.

For the more powerful Tejas Mk2, the HAL Twin-Engine Deck-Based Fighter (TEDBF), and the initial AMCA Mk1 including prototypes and early production aircraft, the GE F414-INS6 with around 98 kN thrust was selected. Technical negotiations for co-production and technology transfer, targeting around 80 per cent indigenisation in manufacturing, assembly, testing, and overhaul capabilities in India, have made substantial progress. The goal has been to induct the first locally manufactured F414 engines by the late 2020s.

HAL and ADA have been handling the negotiations for the F414 engine separately for the Tejas Mk2 and AMCA programmes. The two organisations are negotiating separately for the same engine because their requirements are different. Full import options remain available for early aircraft to maintain momentum, while the long-term vision emphasises progressive localisation to build domestic expertise and reduce reliance on foreign supplies. GE has also committed support for prototype development, testing, and certification of the AMCA.

What is Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft, the execution model of which was approved by Indian Defence Ministry: Here is why it is important for IAF
AMCA model, image via X/ Ministry of Defence

Commercial Negotiations Hit Deadlock

Despite these advancements on the technical front, commercial negotiations have stalled due to a dramatic increase in costs, which have risen by around 300%. What was initially discussed in the range of ₹70-80 crore per engine has reportedly surged to over ₹200 crore per unit, accompanied by additional demands running into several thousand crores for establishing dedicated production lines, infrastructure, and related facilities. As per reports, this figure has reached around ₹6,000 crore.

As AMCA is a two-engine jet, ₹200 crore for an engine means ₹400 crore in engine cost alone for the jet, which makes the fifth-generation fighter very expensive. As per reports, ADA is negotiating for the procurement of 15 F414 engines for the five AMCA prototypes. Two engines are needed for each aircraft, while one is needed as a spare. Therefore, if GE’s price is accepted, India is looking at paying around ₹3,000 crore for engines for five prototypes only.

GE F414 Fighter Jet Engine

Besides the prototypes, the F414-INS6 turbofan engine has also been planned as the interim powerplant for AMCA Mk1, before an indigenous engine is developed with the collaboration of a foreign partner. With this massive hike in price, whether the AMCA project will go ahead with the GE F414 engine has become uncertain, unless there is a breakthrough in price negotiations.

Three private consortia, Tata Advanced Systems, the L&T-BEL-Dynamatic group, and the Bharat Forge-BEML-Data Patterns combine, have been shortlisted for prototype development and eventual production responsibilities, with one expected to be selected. HAL has been kept out of this core airframe effort. As soon as the private partner is selected, prototype development will begin, and the engines will be required for that for integration with the airframe.

Design Before Deal

This engine uncertainty has placed the AMCA project in a difficult position, as the aircraft’s design parameters were set with the F414’s characteristics in mind well before the deal for the engine with GE was finalised. The AMCA design is locked to the GE F414 engine, which means replacing the engine becomes very difficult. The fact that the design for the jet was finalised before the deal for engine was finalised creates question on the decision.

Any prolonged delays or cost escalations now risk cascading effects on prototype flights targeted for the late 2020s and subsequent induction timelines around the mid-2030s, at a time when the Indian Air Force urgently needs to bolster its squadron strength. If a different engine is chosen, it will also mean some redesign of the jet and a delayed production schedule.

Unreliable Supplier

Apart from the increased cost, GE remains an unreliable supplier of engines. It has not been able to supply the F404 engine for the Tejas Mk1 and Mk1A, delaying the production of the indigenous 4.5th-generation fighter by the Indian Air Force. The Indian Air Force has yet to receive a single Mk1A despite ordering 83 aircraft in 2021, due to the failure of GE to supply the engines. After ordering 83 Tejas Mk1A in 2021, the IAF placed a repeat order for 97 more jets in 2025, and not a single jet has been delivered.  

HAL is supposed to deliver 16 jets per year, and 180 deliveries are planned by 2032-33. But while HAL has made some Mk1A airframes, they are not flying because there are no engines. The American company has delivered just 6 engines under the new contract, all of which have been used in Tejas Mk1 jets.

Moreover, only 8 F414 engines have been delivered by GE for testing and prototype development of Tejas Mk2.

Indigenous Engine

Amid this situation of unviable cost and supply delays, New Delhi is reportedly actively examining alternative options. Notably, the defence ministry is already in talks with major engine makers for producing engines locally for future versions of AMCA and the planned sixth-generation fighter plane. This is as per the original plan, which included using GE engines for Tejas MK2 and AMCA initially, and then move towards an indigenously developed engine with a minimum of 120 kN thrust.

French engine maker Safran and British company Rolls-Royce are the two major contenders for partnering with India in developing and manufacturing the engine.

While it is already decided that India will develop an engine in collaboration with Safran or Rolls-Royce for later versions of Tejas Mk2 and AMCA, it needs to be seen whether the defence ministry decides to drop the GE engine altogether for these projects due to cost escalation and delays in deliveries.

If the GE engine is dropped, the projects will get further delayed, and the govt will have to accelerate the process of selecting the foreign partner and start work on the development of the engine as soon as possible.

Rolls-Royce offer

In this challenging backdrop, Rolls-Royce has put forward a robust and detailed pitch for a comprehensive Made-in-India engine programme tailored to the AMCA’s needs. The British aerospace major has proposed jointly designing and manufacturing a new 120 kN-plus thrust class fighter engine entirely in India. According to their final offer, if the contract is signed by the end of 2026, the engine core could undergo testing by 2030, the first test flight could take place by 2034, and series production could begin by 2036.

The proposal emphasises 100 per cent technology transfer, with all intellectual property developed under the project remaining with the Indian government. Rolls-Royce has outlined plans to establish India as its fourth global propulsion hub after the UK, the US, and Germany, encompassing full-spectrum capabilities in design, development, manufacturing, maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO), and future upgrades. This ecosystem would support not only military aero-engines but also civil aviation, naval, and other propulsion requirements from a unified industrial base.

Senior executive Sashi Mukundan has stressed the company’s proven track record of independently developing new engines at regular intervals and its commitment to conducting the complete effort, including a fresh design and hot-section work, on Indian soil.

French major Safran has similarly positioned itself with a strong proposal for co-development of an engine with GTRE, focusing on a 120-140 kN class engine with full technology transfer, including critical hot-section technologies, and Indian ownership of intellectual property. Safran’s offer focuses on deep integration with Indian entities for design, testing, certification, and production infrastructure in India, building on their existing helicopter engine manufacturing presence in the country.

Rolls-Royce vs Safran

Both Rolls-Royce and Safran have made compelling proposals for powering India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) with a high-thrust indigenous engine in the 120 kN-plus class, offering full technology transfer, Indian ownership of intellectual property, and a Made-in-India development model. Therefore, the Government of India has a tough job of selecting one company.

India has historically found greater comfort in partnering with Safran and the French defence industry in general due to a long and reliable track record of cooperation. France has been a trusted supplier since the Mirage 2000 era, delivering the Rafale with significant offsets and technology sharing, supporting Scorpene submarines, and collaborating on projects like BrahMos. Safran is already supplying the engines for the Rafale jet.

French partners have generally demonstrated willingness for meaningful ToT without the stringent end-user restrictions or sudden policy shifts often associated with US suppliers. French defence deals are also generally immune from sudden sanctions that US may impose. This history of consistent support, even during geopolitical challenges, makes Safran a low-risk, battle-tested collaborator for a complex programme like the AMCA.

That said, Rolls-Royce’s offer is also highly attractive and competitive. It brings deep expertise in fifth-generation propulsion drawing from programmes like the F-35’s F136 development and a bold vision for building sovereign Indian capabilities through a dedicated propulsion hub.

The comprehensive industrial commitment could accelerate India’s ecosystem beyond just one engine, positioning the country as a global player in aero-propulsion. Both options represent a step forward from previous dependencies, and the final choice will likely balance technical timelines, industrial offsets, and strategic partnership depth. India’s decision will be crucial for achieving true self-reliance in fighter engines while meeting the AMCA’s demanding performance requirements.

Unreliability of the USA as a defence partner

The current situation has once again highlighted that the United States remains an unreliable long-term partner for India in critical defence technologies. While collaboration in certain areas continues, these recurring challenges underscore the risks of over-dependence on any single foreign supplier.

GE engine deal is not the only one to face massive delays, several other defence deals with the US in recent years saw similar fates. The growing strategic partnership between India and the United States has been repeatedly tested by execution delays in major defence acquisitions. While political and diplomatic engagement has strengthened, with India designated as a Major Defence Partner, participation in the Quad, and initiatives like INDUS-X, the actual delivery and sustainment of US-origin equipment have often faced significant hurdles. These delays stem from supply chain disruptions, bureaucratic processes in the US export control system, commercial negotiations, geopolitical factors, and occasional diplomatic leverage.

The Apache AH-64E attack helicopters for the Indian Army serve is prominent recent example. India signed deals for 22 AH-64E Apaches for the Indian Air Force around 2015 (valued at about $2.2 billion), with deliveries largely completed between 2019 and 2020 after some initial slippages. However, the Indian Army’s follow-on order for six more helicopters, contracted in 2020, encountered prolonged delays. Deliveries were pushed well beyond the original 2024 target, and by early 2025, not a single helicopter from this batch had arrived, with Boeing citing supply chain issues.

It is therefore imperative that serious work on fully indigenous engine development for India’s fighter aircraft projects, including the AMCA and future platforms, begins in earnest without further delay. Accelerating efforts through GTRE, private sector participation, and strategic partnerships focused on complete technology absorption and IP ownership will be essential to achieving genuine self-reliance in propulsion, the heart of any modern combat aircraft, and ensuring that ambitious programmes like the AMCA do not remain hostage to external commercial or geopolitical uncertainties.

Kaveri Engine Programme

India is in this situation now because of the decades-long ambitious program to develop an indigenous engine, the Kaveri engine, formally known as the GTX-35VS, failed to produce an engine fit for 4th and 5th-generation fighters. While it was to power the Tejas fighter jet, that plan was dropped because the engine could not produce the desired output.

Developed by the Gas Turbine Research Establishment (GTRE) under DRDO, the programme faced technical challenges in the past, particularly in achieving consistent thrust levels and reliability for manned fighter applications. The focus has now shifted to a more practical path through the Kaveri Derivative Engine (KDE), a dry variant without an afterburner optimised for unmanned platforms.

Kaveri Derivative Engine

Godrej Aerospace has delivered the first production-standard unit (D1), with D2 and D3 expected in the first half of 2026. Ground testing, endurance trials, and high-altitude evaluations (including on a Russian Il-76 testbed) have shown steady progress, with only limited flight test hours remaining for certification milestones targeted later in the year.

Recent milestones have boosted optimism around the programme. In February 2026, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh witnessed a successful full afterburner test of an updated Kaveri configuration, highlighting improvements in the hot-section and afterburner design. GTRE is now advancing toward flight trials of an afterburning variant, potentially in the 73 kN range initially, scaling to 80-85 kN with a new afterburner module under development.

Indian test facilities are also being expanded, including a National Aero Engine Test Complex, to reduce dependence on foreign infrastructure for high-altitude and other critical evaluations. While the core Kaveri architecture continues to serve as a vital technology demonstrator, its derivatives are positioned to power stealthy unmanned combat aerial vehicles like the Ghatak UCAV in the near term.

A controversial video, fake lab reports, 10 lakh bribery, arrests and more: Trouble mounts for CM Bhagwant Mann as the spiralling row rocks Punjab politics

Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann has found himself at the centre of a massive political and religious controversy triggered by a viral video after which the Aam Aadmi Party issued firm denials, but the matter rapidly escalated into disciplinary action from the highest Sikh authority (Akal Takht), police inquiries, bribery accusations, arrests and further complications.

Moreover, these events have surfaced at a time when the state is on the brink of assembly elections in only nine months, and an aggressive opposition is intensifying the difficulties for the ruling party.

The row erupts after an objectionable video surfaces

The row began in October 2025 when an NRI (Non-Resident Indian) published a video of a man who resembled Mann with a glass of alcohol. He was observed standing in front of images of important Sikh religious figures, including their gurus. The pictures seem to be drizzled with the contents from the glass by him.

The video was denounced by the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and many Sikh religious outfits, who charged that the actions violated the code of conduct and conventions of their faith as well as displayed serious disrespect for the gurus. However, AAP and sources from the Chief Minister’s Office countered their statements, arguing that the footage was a deepfake intended to damage Mann’s reputation and was entirely the work of artificial intelligence (AI).

Meanwhile, the SAD sought a forensic analysis of the clip after the uproar. On the other hand, Mann was summoned by Akal Takht Jathedar Kuldeep Singh Gargaj over the matter and his views regarding various Sikh issues, including the golak (donation box). The latter went to the Akal Takht Secretariat with two black bags that were supposedly filled with relevant documents and proof on 15th January.

Mann was pushed for an explanation, but he insisted that AI was used to produce the video. Both sides consented to a forensic probe, but he repeatedly discredited it as bogus and added that a man named Jagman was spreading it. He was portrayed as a regular drug user with a history of extortion and unpredictable behaviour by the chief minister, who even cited a court judgement which deemed the footage as fictitious in his opinion when questioned about the forensic test.

However, Jathedar Giani Kuldeep Singh Gargaj highlighted that he didn’t see any commands for such an investigation in the verdict. “Akal Takht will have this video examined. If it is false, then it is okay. But if it is true, then it won’t be just about me alone; it would be about the Panth,” he warned. Mann reacted by pointing to the growing popularity of AI and content modification on social media.

On 27th January, he was directed to supply written information about two laboratories that could confirm his claim in a letter, but he never responded. The Sikh body then forwarded the videos to multiple laboratories, including two approved by the Indian government, which came to the conclusion that they were neither fraudulent nor created by AI. However, AAP retorted that it did not prove that the individual in the video was, in fact, Mann.

Akal Takht makes a decision

On 15th June, 5 Sikh high priests (Panj Singh Sahiban) carefully considered the complaint against Mann and reached a decision. “He is heard saying that people steal money from Golak. If he has the courage, he should try taking money from the gurdwara’s collection plate and show it publicly. In a video, he is seen sprinkling alcohol on photographs of Sikh Gurus. He is also shown engaging in disrespectful acts toward pictures of revered saints and sprinkling alcohol on them,” stated Gargaj.

He also rebutted the submissions of AAP and its supporters, emphasising that a detailed forensic examination revealed no signs of tampering, editing or AI-induced manipulation. He also urged the government to use any laboratory of their choice to review the footage in case of any suspicions or doubts in relation to the authenticity.

Gargaj mentioned that Mann lied at the Akal Takht and he was pronounced “Khalsa Panth Virodhi (opposed to the Sikh Panth)” and a “Guru Dokhi (one who disrespects the Guru).”

The Jathedar of the Akal Takht ordered that the entire cabinet and all Sikh MLAs be instructed to present before the religious body on 29th June to discuss the strict anti-beadbi (sacrilege) law, which was passed in April by the government. He accused that the panth was not consulted on the subject.

“It is intolerable for anyone to challenge the guru’s throne. The Punjab government introduced an act without consulting the Sikh community, institutions, or the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann’s government acted obstinately, securing approval from the legislative assembly and the governor. This law will cause a rift within the panth,” Gargaj lashed out, remarking that the state had no power to make such a move concerning Sikhism.

The SGPC passed a resolution demanding Mann’s resignation, stating that he had no moral right to remain in office after the development. On the 27th, its president, Harjinder Singh Dhami, is scheduled to arrange a general house meeting to discuss the topic further before bringing it to the public’s attention. “Our members will hold meetings in every constituency in this regard,” he outlined.

A twist in the tale: AAP presents fresh lab reports

On 8th June, APP declared that Mann and the person in the clip did not match, according to forensic testing conducted by two independent laboratories.

“For several days, Akali Dal leaders had been attempting to inflame public emotions by circulating a fake video and falsely linking it to CM Bhagwant Mann. The entire episode was part of a larger political conspiracy aimed at defaming a popular Chief Minister who has consistently worked for the people of Punjab,” expressed cabinet minister Harpal Singh Cheema and the party’s state media in-charge Baltej Pannu.

Cheema stressed, “Two independent laboratories recognised by the Government of India thoroughly examined the viral video and arrived at the same conclusion. The forensic analysis examined a total of 1,191 frames from the video. Every aspect, including facial features, height, body structure, posture, movement patterns, side profile and back profile, was meticulously analysed. The reports clearly conclude that the person shown in the video does not match Mann.”

He contended that whereas Mann is 5 feet 8 inches tall, the forensic results estimated the height of the man in the video to be roughly 5 feet 10 inches. According to him, notable variations were also spotted in face features, shoulder alignment, body structure and general posture. “These reports are from independent laboratories which are recognised by the government of India, and these are not in Punjab,” Cheema announced.

“The reports clearly establish that neither the face, nor the body structure, nor any physical characteristic of the person seen in the video matches mine,” Mann endorsed the same. He also charged, “I have complete respect for the Akal Takht Sahib. But the people appointed there are political appointees, and they are acting at the behest of Shiromani Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal.”

“The truth must come out. Who got this video made? On whose instructions was it prepared? Who paid for it? Who is the person acting in the video? All these questions must be answered,” he inquired.

Charge of 10 lakh bribery and arrests add a new layer to the row

The reports referenced to defend Mann have raised controversy after the Gurugram Police arrested two 25-year-olds, Ankit Sharma of Kharak Gagar and Arun Mahendru of Sirsa, on 23rd June. The pair is facing allegations of concocting evidence to substantiate that the video was phoney or artificially manufactured.

They were taken into custody in relation to a case that was filed at the DLF police station in Gurugram. According to authorities, the arrests took place during police operations in the districts of Jind and Sirsa in Haryana.

llegations of coercion, bribery, cheating, and electronic record forgery are included in the First Information Report (FIR), reported News18. Forensic expert and whistleblower Jaspreet Singh, alias Jaspreet Jassi, launched a complaint that led to the case’s registration. He has contacts in the Delhi-NCR (National Capital Region) area who could set up the required paperwork.

He was introduced to Sharma and Mahendru, who subsequently provided him with the certificates which were linked to 2 forensic laboratories, Cyberyan and Cypher Sentinel. “Both of these laboratories are fake and non-existent,” informed Naveen Sharma, Assistant Commissioner of Police (crime).

The FIR disclosed that the perpetrators tried to press the staff of the facility into preparing a pre-written forensic paper labelling the video as altered, crafted by AI and deceptive. The complainant divulged that Rs 10 lakh was offered to him by Punjab government officials to pretend that the actor in the video was not Mann and threatened him with repercussions if he did not comply.

He conveyed that the operation included lodging and meetings at a high-end Crowne Plaza hotel in Sector 29 of Gurugram on 15th and 16th June. Jaspreet encountered a senior officer of the Punjab government there, along with another official introduced as “bade sahib.” He was tasked to attest that the video was spawned by AI, and it was unreliable.

He indicated that the material provided by them and the video quality were insufficient for an advanced forensic evaluation that included anthropometric analysis, deepfake detection and facial comparison.

According to police, Mahendru in Panchkula and Sharma in Delhi received pen drives with the video from anonymous state government officials. Draft forensic insights were apparently shared over WhatsApp with a top official, who made suggestions before the final reports were put together.

Investigators stated that CCTV recordings and other evidence gathered from the Gurugram hotel prompted authorities to delve into the involvement of a number of IPS officials from Punjab who could also be summoned to take their statements and identify if they played any part in commissioning, facilitating or discussing the forensic analysis. Police have expanded the scope of their probe as the report has become the focus of a criminal inquiry.

The case involves charges of cheating and falsification or alteration of electronic information. Investigators are looking at digital communications and conversations alongside hotel CCTV footage and visitor records to uncover the course of events and the roles of those responsible.

Police are probing whether the culprits tried to cook up a forensic finding to grant legal and political protection to Mann. They are exploring whether the outcomes made public were manufactured to support a predetermined conclusion or were based on a real forensic assessment. Sharma noted that more arrests cannot be ruled out because the probe is still in its early stages.

AAP’s brazen defence amid opposition’s relentless attacks

Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee chief Amrinder Singh Raja Warring asked Mann to leave his position after he was referred to as a “tankhaiya (found guilty of religious misconduct),” adding, “Mann has lost his moral right. Respecting the supreme authority of Akal Takht and Sikh sentiments, he should immediately resign from the post of chief minister.”

Bharatiya Janata Party has stated that “personnel linked to Punjab Police could be involved in the preparation and circulation of the forged forensic documents.” Moreover, the party questioned the silence of Mann and Arvind Kejriwal, the national convenor of AAP, regarding the developments. It also asked the state police to invoke the anti-sacrilege law against Mann.

SAD charged that Mann abused state resources to feign forensic reports to clean his deteriorating image and demanded a CBI (Central Bureau of Investigation) inquiry.

AAP is continuously under attack from the opposition, yet it has audaciously dismissed the mounting assertions. “The chief minister has been saying since day one that the video is fake. Your own recording has now proved that. He never denied an investigation, and rather, he repeatedly said that the video should be examined.” Pannu reacted after the released exchange between Mann and Gargaj.

Mann also alleged that a “dirty politics” campaign was underway to damage his credibility using religion, and it was a political tool to target him. He maintained that the person in the clip was not him.

Mann claimed that the BJP, the Indian National Congress and the Akali Dal have united due to public scrutiny over the deceitful video. They are pressuring lab owners to confess that they were paid for a false report through threats of legal action and torture.

“The lab we used for testing was illegitimate, while the lab they used was authentic? The people can discern who is genuine and who is not. I leave this matter to the judgment of the populace. They can no longer show their faces in Punjab. Thus, they have resorted to using religion to discredit me. I will persist in my efforts. I will keep my focus on electricity, housing, healthcare, and job creation unchanged,” he insisted.

However, the issue does not appear to be resolving anytime soon and is only growing as the polls draw nearer, with new layers consistently being revealed that point to a larger conspiracy.

West Bengal’s economic fall explained: How the state slipped from 5th richest in India to 19th

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government in West Bengal presented its full Budget for the financial year 2026-27 in the state Assembly on 22nd June. While the Budget introduced a series of measures aimed at boosting investment, infrastructure and economic growth, a comprehensive thematic analysis by SBI Research [pdf], published on Thursday, 25th June, suggests that the Budget marks a significant shift towards investment-led development and long-term economic transformation.

The SBI report not only examined the contents of the latest Budget but also placed West Bengal’s economic journey in a broader historical context. The analysis highlighted how the state, once among India’s strongest economic performers, gradually lost its position over several decades and now faces the challenge of catching up with the national average.

SBI report provides important historical perspective

One of the most striking aspects of the SBI Research report is its examination of West Bengal’s long-term economic trajectory.

According to the report, West Bengal experienced strong growth in the early years of the last decade. Nominal Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) growth touched 13.6% in 2012-13 and climbed further to 14.4% in 2013-14. Like the rest of the country, however, the state suffered a severe setback during the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2020-21, both nominal and real growth rates fell into negative territory as economic activity came to a standstill.

Graph via SBI Research

The state witnessed a strong rebound after the lockdown period. In 2021-22, nominal growth surged to 17.4% while real growth reached 11.6 %. Since then, growth has stabilised. For 2025-26, revised estimates place nominal growth at 9.9% and real growth at 7.6%. The Budget Estimates for 2026-27 project a nominal growth rate of 7.9%.

The report notes that West Bengal’s economy today is primarily driven by the services sector, which contributes 58.3% of Gross Value Added (GVA). Industry contributes 21.6%, while agriculture still accounts for a significant 20.1% share.

However, the most revealing part of the analysis concerns per capita income.

SBI Research notes that in FY78, West Bengal’s per capita income stood at ₹1,266, which was higher than the national average of ₹1,194. At that time, the state ranked fifth among all Indian states.

Over the following decades, however, the state’s relative position steadily weakened. By FY2012, West Bengal had slipped to the 21st position among Indian states with a per capita income of ₹56,693.

The state has recovered slightly since then. In FY2025, West Bengal’s per capita income reached approximately ₹1.81 lakh, improving its rank to 19th. Yet it remains substantially behind the national average of ₹2.35 lakh. The report notes that West Bengal’s per capita income is now around 23% lower than the all-India average.

Between FY2012 and FY2025, West Bengal’s per capita income expanded by 3.20 times, compared to a national expansion of 3.28 times, indicating that the state has continued to lag behind the country’s overall economic momentum.

How West Bengal lost its economic lead

This decline is a combination of political, industrial and structural factors spanning several decades.

At the time of Independence and through the 1960s, West Bengal was one of India’s leading industrial and commercial centres. Kolkata served as a major hub for finance, manufacturing, engineering, tea and jute industries.

The situation began changing during the 1970s and 1980s. Political instability, labour unrest, frequent strikes, gheraos and power shortages created an increasingly difficult environment for businesses. Many major industrial houses shifted operations to states such as Maharashtra, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu.

The report also points out that the Left Front government, which came to power in 1977, focused heavily on land reforms and rural development through programmes such as Operation Barga. While these policies improved agricultural productivity and strengthened rural livelihoods, large-scale industrialisation remained limited.

As a result, West Bengal missed much of the manufacturing boom that transformed several western and southern states.

The state eventually became increasingly dependent on services. While sectors such as banking, retail and information technology grew, they were not sufficient to generate the scale of high-paying employment needed to lift incomes at the same pace as other states.

Dependence on central funds remains high

The SBI report also highlights another important aspect of West Bengal’s finances: the state’s long-standing dependence on funds from the Centre.

According to the analysis, West Bengal has consistently received more than 50% of its revenue receipts from the Union government through tax devolution and grants.

For the 2026-27 Budget Estimates, central taxes are projected to account for 34% of total revenue receipts, while grants from the Centre contribute another 22%. Together, these amount to 56% of the state’s revenue receipts.

The report notes that West Bengal’s own tax revenue has remained largely stagnant over the years. In 2010-11, the state’s own tax collections accounted for 45% of revenue receipts. More than a decade later, the figure stands at 41% in the 2026-27 Budget Estimates.

The situation is even more striking when it comes to non-tax revenue. The state’s own non-tax revenue has remained around 3% of total receipts for most of the period under review.

Total revenue receipts have certainly increased over time. They rose from ₹47,264 crore in 2010-11 to a projected ₹3.2 lakh crore in 2026-27. Yet SBI’s data suggests that the state continues to rely heavily on central transfers while struggling to significantly expand its own revenue base.

Despite receiving substantial support from the Centre for years, West Bengal has continued to face significant debt burdens.

Budget language shows a shift from redistribution to capacity building

One of the most interesting sections of the SBI study involves a thematic analysis of Budget speeches delivered over the past sixteen years.

According to the report, earlier Budget narratives under the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress (TMC) government largely focused on welfare-oriented and redistributive policies. Social welfare remained a dominant theme across multiple Budget cycles.

The 2026-27 Budget presented by the current BJP government, however, reflects a notable change in emphasis. SBI describes the shift as a transition from redistribution towards capacity building and long-term economic development.

The strongest evidence of this change comes from the increasing focus on investment. The theme of “investment” reached an all-time high of 4.5% in the 2026-27 Budget speech, significantly above the levels recorded during the previous few years.

Table via SBI Reasearch

Governance and fiscal management have also returned as major priorities. Their share in the budget discourse rises to 2.1 %, indicating renewed attention towards improving public finances and administrative efficiency.

The report further highlights the emergence of several new themes that received limited attention in earlier years.

Tourism and culture reached a record focus level of 1%. Climate and environment rose to 0.8%, the highest in the available series. Education also stood at 0.8%, while healthcare accounted for 0.7%.

Technology and artificial intelligence reached 0.6%, continuing a steady rise over recent years. Entrepreneurship maintained an elevated presence at 0.4%.

According to SBI, these trends suggest a broader developmental narrative centred around economic capability, investment creation and future-oriented sectors.

Most optimistic Budget narrative in the series

The report also conducted a linguistic analysis of Budget speeches using the Bing sentiment lexicon, measuring the balance between positive and negative words.

The results show that the 2026-27 Budget displays the most optimistic language seen in the entire dataset.

According to SBI Research, the latest Budget records the highest net sentiment score since tracking began in 2010-11. Positive words reached their highest historical share, reflecting an expansionary and highly aspirational tone. The analysis shows a clear upward trend beginning in 2021-22 after the disruptions caused by the pandemic.

Graph via SBI Research

The lowest sentiment score in the series occurred during the immediate post-pandemic period in 2021-22. Since then, sentiment has steadily improved year after year, culminating in the record-high optimism reflected in the 2026-27 Budget.

SBI says this suggests that policymakers are increasingly framing the state’s future around growth, investment and long-term transformation rather than crisis management.

Previous reports pointed to economic decline under TMC rule

The SBI findings also come against the backdrop of earlier analyses that raised concerns about West Bengal’s long-term economic performance.

OpIndia had earlier reported that West Bengal’s economy witnessed significant structural deterioration during the years of Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress (TMC) rule, citing a financial report published by Finskeptics.

That report argued that despite occasional periods of growth, the state’s overall economic position weakened relative to many competing states. It highlighted the decline in industrial competitiveness, slower income growth compared to the national average and the state’s growing dependence on central transfers.

The new SBI Research report does not make the same political conclusions, but its historical analysis similarly documents West Bengal’s slide from being India’s fifth-richest state in per capita income terms in FY1978 to the 19th position today.

At the same time, SBI’s assessment suggests that the 2026-27 Budget represents an attempt to change that trajectory through greater emphasis on investment, governance reforms, technology adoption and economic capacity building.

Whether this shift ultimately succeeds in reversing decades of relative decline will become clearer in the years ahead. For now, the report presents a detailed picture of a state trying to move from a welfare-dominated economic framework towards a growth-driven model while still confronting the challenges created by its long economic journey.

Who are Gujarat’s Agariyas? The salt workers of Kutch now set to benefit from ‘School on Wheels’

Every day, salt becomes a part of our meals without us giving it much thought. A pinch of salt goes into vegetables, dal, chapatis, and almost every dish cooked at home. But very few people stop to think about where this salt comes from and who works behind it.

Far away from cities and towns, in the vast white deserts of Gujarat’s Rann of Kutch, thousands of families spend months producing the salt that reaches homes across India. These families belong to the Agariya community, a group that has been making salt for generations under some of the toughest conditions imaginable.

Now, this community is once again in the spotlight. This time, the focus is not on salt production but on the education of their children.

The Gujarat government has announced a new initiative called ‘School on Wheels’, under which 28 retired buses are being converted into mobile classrooms. These moving schools are expected to benefit children of Agariya families living in the desert regions of Kutch and North Gujarat-Saurashtra.

At first glance, it may look like a simple education scheme. But behind it lies a larger story about salt production, life in the desert, and the efforts being made to ensure that children from remote communities do not miss out on education.

Who are the Agariyas?

The Agariya community is mainly found in the Great Rann of Kutch and the Little Rann of Kutch in Gujarat. For generations, they have been involved in salt farming and are among the people responsible for producing a large share of India’s salt.

Every year, after the monsoon season ends and the desert begins to dry, thousands of Agariya families leave their villages and move deep into the desert. They stay there for several months to begin the salt-making season.

Life in these areas is very different from life in a village or city. There are no regular markets, no large settlements, and very few facilities. All around them lies an endless stretch of white land covered with salt.

Despite these conditions, Agariya families continue this work year after year because it is not just their livelihood it is a way of life that has been passed down through generations.

The difficult process of making salt

Salt production in the Rann of Kutch is a long and demanding process.

After reaching the desert, Agariya families prepare special salt fields known as agars. They then drill into the ground to extract saline water lying beneath the surface. This water is pumped into the prepared fields where it is left to evaporate under the sun.

The process sounds simple, but it requires constant attention. The water level must be monitored carefully. Changes in temperature and weather can affect salt formation. The families spend months watching over the fields until salt crystals begin to appear.

During this period, temperatures often rise above 45 degrees Celsius. Workers spend long hours under the scorching sun. Continuous exposure to salty water can damage the skin of their hands and feet. Yet they continue their work because salt farming is the foundation of their lives and livelihoods.

The hidden story behind every packet of salt

India is one of the world’s largest salt-producing countries, and Gujarat contributes the biggest share to the country’s total salt output.

When people buy a packet of salt from a shop, they rarely think about the journey behind it. But every grain of salt has passed through months of hard work by families living in the desert.

The contribution of the Agariya community goes far beyond economics. These families have learned how to survive and work in conditions where many people would find it difficult to stay even for a few days.

They face extreme heat, water shortages, health challenges, and isolation from the outside world. Yet they continue to produce the salt that reaches kitchens across the country.

For this reason, many people see them not only as salt producers but also as a community known for its resilience, hard work, and ability to adapt to difficult environments.

Life in the desert is not easy

To understand the Agariya community, it is important to understand what daily life in the desert looks like.

Their day usually begins before sunrise. As the morning progresses, temperatures rise quickly. By afternoon, the heat becomes so intense that standing outside for long periods can be difficult.

Locally, such harsh sunlight is sometimes described as a “black sun” because of its intensity.

The surroundings offer little relief. There are no trees for shade, very few settlements, and often limited access to drinking water. Health services are not easily available, and children have few opportunities for recreation or social activities.

Still, Agariya families have spent generations living in these conditions. What appears impossible to many has become a part of everyday life for them.

How ‘Meetha Khara’ brought national attention to the community

For a long time, the lives of the Agariyas remained largely unknown outside Gujarat.

That changed when folk singer Aditya Gadhvi’s song ‘Meetha Khara, released through Coke Studio Bharat, introduced millions of people to the community.

The song was more than just music. It highlighted the lives, struggles, and hard work of the people who spend months in the salt deserts producing one of the country’s most important everyday commodities.

After the song gained popularity, many people learned for the first time about the Agariya community and their contribution to India’s salt production.

Today, the community is once again making headlines. But this time, the conversation is centred around education and the future of its children.

The biggest challenge to education

While salt production remains the main occupation of the Agariyas, one of the biggest challenges faced by the community has been ensuring education for their children.

When families move to the desert after the monsoon, they do not leave their children behind. Entire families relocate together for several months. As a result, many children spend a significant part of the year away from their regular schools.

For a child living in a city or village, attending school may be routine. But for children growing up in the remote salt deserts, access to education becomes much more complicated.

The problem is not simply about the availability of schools. The larger issue is distance and lifestyle. Since families live and work in isolated areas for long periods, regular schooling becomes difficult.

Many children struggle to continue their studies without interruption. Teachers also face challenges in reaching students regularly in such remote locations. For years, finding a practical solution to this issue remained difficult.

When children cannot reach school

Education officials gradually realised that asking children to travel long distances to school was not enough.

The challenge was unique because the problem was linked directly to the community’s way of life. Families had to remain in the desert for work, and children naturally stayed with them. This meant that conventional schooling methods could not fully address the issue.

The question was simple but important: if children could not easily reach schools, could schools be brought to the children? That idea eventually led to the concept of ‘School on Wheels’.

Gujarat’s school on wheels initiative

Under the School Entrance Festival, the Gujarat government has decided to convert 28 retired buses into mobile classrooms. These buses are being designed as fully functional learning spaces that can reach children living in remote desert regions.

The buses are expected to include educational resources, study materials, digital learning facilities, smart TVs, and a child-friendly environment that supports learning.

However, the initiative is not limited to infrastructure alone. Teachers will also be associated with the programme because meaningful education depends not only on classrooms but also on interaction between students and teachers.

The idea behind the project is straightforward. Instead of expecting children to leave their families and travel long distances for education, the education system will travel to them.

In many ways, this marks a shift in thinking. Rather than forcing communities to adapt to traditional systems, the system itself is adapting to the realities of the community.

A new future for children growing up in salt pans

The Rann of Kutch is one of India’s most unique landscapes. But while geography shapes people’s lives, it does not limit their dreams. A child growing up in the desert can dream of becoming a doctor, teacher, engineer, government officer, entrepreneur, or anything else.

The challenge has always been ensuring that these dreams are supported by access to education. For years, many Agariya children faced interruptions in their learning because of the seasonal migration of their families.

Initiatives such as School on Wheels aim to change that reality. By taking education directly to children, the programme seeks to ensure that their future is not determined by their location.

Education has the power to transform not just individual lives but entire communities. When one generation gains better access to learning, new opportunities open up for the next.

Recognising the community behind India’s salt

Discussions about the Agariyas often focus on the hardships they face. While those challenges are real, their contribution is equally important.

The salt used by millions of Indians does not appear automatically on store shelves. It is produced through months of labour by thousands of families working in difficult conditions.

The long days spent under the sun, the constant exposure to salinity, and the months spent in remote desert areas are all part of the story behind every packet of salt.

The Agariya community has mastered the art of living and working in one of the country’s most challenging environments. Through their efforts, they continue to play a vital role in India’s salt industry.

In that context, initiatives like School on Wheels represent more than just an educational programme. They can also be seen as recognition of a community whose contribution often goes unnoticed.

A few months ago, ‘Meetha Khara’ helped introduce the country to the lives of the Agariyas. Today, School on Wheels is adding a new chapter to that story.

The children growing up among the salt pans of the Rann of Kutch may no longer have to choose between their family’s livelihood and their education. Just as their parents help bring flavour to meals across the country, access to education can now help bring new opportunities and possibilities to their future. And perhaps that is the most important outcome of all.

MEA says passport is only a travel document: What actually proves Indian citizenship in India? Here is what the law says

On 24th June, the Ministry of External Affairs stated that a passport is only a travel document and cannot be used as proof of citizenship. A passport allows an Indian to cross international borders, seek consular assistance abroad and establish nationality before immigration authorities.

However, by itself, a passport cannot be seen as conclusive proof of Indian citizenship. The MEA’s clarification may sound strange, but the Citizenship Act, 1955, the Passports Act, 1967, and several judgments show why the legal position is more layered.

A passport is among the strongest documents supporting a citizenship claim. It is issued after an application, scrutiny, including police verification, and such inquiry as the passport authority considers necessary. The Passports Act also directs the authority to refuse an ordinary passport if the applicant is not an Indian citizen.

However, citizenship itself is acquired and determined under the Constitution and the Citizenship Act. A passport records the state’s acceptance of a claim at a particular stage. It does not permanently override the law governing how citizenship was acquired.

Why a passport is not the final word

The Passports Act primarily regulates departure from India and the issue of passports and travel documents. Section 3 of the Act says that no person may leave India without a valid passport or travel document. Section 5 empowers the passport authority to examine an application and conduct any inquiry it considers necessary.

Section 6(2)(a) requires refusal where the applicant is not an Indian citizen. This makes a valid Indian passport powerful evidence that the authorities accepted the holder’s citizenship when it was issued.

Source: Government of India

However, the same law explains why it cannot be conclusive in every case. Section 10 allows a passport to be impounded or revoked if it was obtained by suppressing material information or providing wrong information.

Section 20 also permits the Central Government to issue a passport or travel document to a non-citizen when it considers it necessary in the public interest.

Source: Government of India

The law therefore treats a passport as a travel document issued through an administrative process, not an irreversible declaration of citizenship.

Citizenship depends on how it was acquired

The controlling law is the Citizenship Act, 1955. It recognises citizenship by birth, descent, registration, naturalisation and incorporation of territory. The evidence needed depends on which route applies.

For citizenship by birth, the date matters. A person born in India between 26th January 1950 and 1st July 1987 is generally a citizen by birth, subject to statutory exceptions.

For those born between 1st July 1987 and 3rd December 2004, at least one parent must have been an Indian citizen at the time of birth. For those born in India on or after 3rd December 2004, both parents must be citizens, or one must be a citizen while the other must not be an illegal migrant.

A birth certificate may establish where and when a person was born. It may not establish the citizenship or immigration status of the parents. A school certificate may support age and residence. A passport may show that the passport authority accepted the claim. A voter identity card shows electoral enrolment.

None of these documents can alter the statutory conditions applicable to the person’s date of birth.

For citizenship by descent, a person born outside India may have to establish a parent’s citizenship and compliance with registration requirements. Those who became citizens through registration or naturalisation receive certificates under the Citizenship Act.

What the Bombay High Court said in 2013

The distinction was visible in the Bombay High Court’s July 2013 decision in Anwar Hussain Abdul Kadar Shaikh and others versus State of Maharashtra. The applicants challenged convictions relating to illegal entry and their status as foreigners. They relied on a birth certificate, passports showing Indian nationality and Aadhaar cards.

The High Court refused to interfere. It noted that the passports relied upon had already been terminated. It also held that the birth certificate produced by one applicant could not settle the issue because the applicable law required proof that his parents were Indian nationals. No such proof had been produced.

The judgment did not declare that passports or birth certificates have no evidentiary value. It held that the documents in that case did not satisfy Section 3 of the Citizenship Act. Proof of birth in India could not replace proof of parental citizenship where the statute demanded it.

A 2025 order reinforced the distinction

The Bombay High Court revisited the issue in August 2025 while hearing Babu Abdul Ruf Sardar’s bail plea. He relied on Aadhaar, PAN, voter ID, a passport and several other records. The prosecution stated that he was a Bangladeshi national who had used forged Indian documents. Purported Bangladeshi birth certificates were also found on his phone.

The court did not finally decide his nationality at the bail stage. It held, however, that the Citizenship Act remained the main law for deciding the issue. Aadhaar, PAN and voter ID could not by themselves establish citizenship when their authenticity and the process through which they were obtained were under investigation.

The order showed that several documents do not end the inquiry when the underlying citizenship claim is disputed.

When can a citizenship certificate be issued?

According to Section 13 of the Citizenship Act, a “certificate of citizenship” can be issued “in case of doubt”. It states that the Central Government may, in cases it thinks fit, certify that a person whose Indian citizenship is in doubt is a citizen of the country.

Source: Government of India

The certificate becomes conclusive evidence of citizenship on the date of issue unless it was obtained through fraud, false representation or concealment of a material fact.

This is not a scheme under which every Indian can demand a citizenship certificate merely because they want another document. The statutory trigger is doubt about the person’s citizenship. The power is also discretionary. The Central Government “may” issue the certificate in cases it considers fit.

A person whose citizenship has never been questioned, who continues to exercise citizenship-based rights and against whom no competent authority has raised a dispute would not ordinarily fall within the situation contemplated by Section 13.

The provision resolves doubt. It does not create a universal citizenship-card system through individual applications.

Opposing NRC while demanding a citizenship card is self-contradictory

The demand for a single citizenship card becomes difficult to sustain when the same political parties and Left-liberal groups have opposed the very statutory mechanism created to identify and register Indian citizens. Section 14A of the Citizenship Act empowers the Central Government to compulsorily register every citizen, issue national identity cards and maintain a National Register of Indian Citizens through a National Registration Authority.

Source: Government of India

In other words, the law already provides the framework for creating a definitive citizenship register and issuing a corresponding identity document. The NRC was not conceived merely as another bureaucratic exercise. Its central purpose was to establish an official register of Indian citizens so that citizenship would no longer depend entirely on a scattered collection of passports, voter cards, birth certificates and other records.

Yet, when the NRC was discussed, opposition parties and the Left-liberal ecosystem portrayed it as inherently discriminatory and resisted the exercise itself. Having opposed the creation of a citizenship register, it is contradictory to later complain that India has no universal citizenship card capable of conclusively proving citizenship.

One cannot reject the process of formally identifying citizens and simultaneously demand the document that can emerge only from such a process. Until a nationwide register is created under Section 14A, citizenship will continue to be determined under the Citizenship Act through the person’s date and place of birth, parental citizenship, descent, registration, naturalisation and other legally relevant evidence.

What if a name is removed from the electoral roll?

If someone’s name is removed from an electoral roll, it should not automatically be described as a final finding that the person is not an Indian citizen. A voter identity card records electoral enrolment. The electoral authority may examine whether the statutory conditions for registration are met, but deletion from the roll and determination of nationality are not necessarily the same legal act.

Where an authority expressly raises a citizenship-related objection, the person may have to produce material showing how citizenship was acquired. The date and place of birth, the status of the parents, earlier records and document authenticity may become relevant.

Such a dispute could, depending on its nature, create the kind of doubt addressed by Section 13. It would still not give every deleted voter an automatic right to a certificate. The Central Government would have to decide whether the case is fit for certification.

A routine deletion caused by a procedural defect, absence, duplication or failure to submit forms cannot be casually equated with a formal declaration that the person is a foreigner.

So, what proves Indian citizenship?

In India, there is no single answer applicable to every Indian. Citizenship is a legal status created by the Constitution and the Citizenship Act. Documents establish the facts needed to apply that law.

Aadhaar is based on residence and is not proof of citizenship. PAN identifies a taxpayer. A voter card establishes electoral enrolment. A birth certificate establishes birth details. A passport is strong evidence of nationality and the state’s prior acceptance of the citizenship claim, but it remains a travel document that can be revoked or questioned if wrongly obtained.

For citizens by registration or naturalisation, the certificate issued under the Citizenship Act is direct proof. For a person whose citizenship is genuinely in doubt, Section 13 allows the Central Government to issue a conclusive certificate. For most citizens by birth or descent, citizenship is established through the statutory conditions supported by the relevant records.

The MEA’s clarification does not mean that an Indian passport is worthless. It means that no administrative identity or travel document can override the Citizenship Act. The passport may be compelling evidence, but the final question is whether the person satisfies the law under which Indian citizenship is acquired and retained.

Wikipedia bans its co-founder from editing articles after his outspoken views on leftist censorship and admission of anti-Hindu bias – Here is what happened

On 22nd June (local time), Wikipedia imposed a community ban on its co-founder, Larry Sanger, preventing him from editing the heavily biased encyclopaedia after a group of editors accused him of off-wiki canvassing, treating the platform as an ideological battleground and attempting to organise users against its existing content establishment.

The “final decision” came after a long discussion among administrators concluded that there was a “clear consensus” to ban Sanger. The closing administrator claimed that Sanger had engaged in off-wiki canvassing, was not present to “constructively build the encyclopedia” and had raised concerns about the outing of anonymous editors. Proposals for a narrower topic ban or partial block received support but were rejected in favour of a complete community ban.

An administrator had initially blocked Sanger before the mandatory 72-hour discussion period ended. The action was reversed on procedural grounds, only for another administrator to close the discussion later and impose the same punishment as a formal community ban.

The action came days after Sanger appeared on CNN-News18 and spoke openly about Wikipedia’s pronounced Left bias, its anti-Hindu slant and the manner in which its source-control system excludes conservative and non-Left publications. The same interview was later reproduced in Wikipedia’s internal proceedings and used by editors demanding his removal. Notably, Sanger has been a vocal critic of Wikipedia and has accused it of being overtaken by leftist ideology many times, including during a conversation with OpIndia in 2020.

The project that triggered the proceedings

The immediate dispute began with Sanger’s proposal for WikiProject Intellectual Diversity, or WPID. He described it as a group that would bring together editors interested in fair decision-making, genuine neutrality, broader sourcing, administrative accountability and the representation of viewpoints that have been pushed out of Wikipedia.

The project also included a PolicyScanner that monitored more than 90 policy pages, noticeboards and internal discussions. Sanger said it would merely alert users to relevant debates and would not instruct anyone on what to write or how to vote.

Wikipedia editors, however, claimed that the project was not meant to improve articles but to operate as a lobbying group. They claimed that the scanner could direct like-minded editors towards live policy disputes, thereby influencing what Wikipedia calls “consensus”. They also objected to WPID’s stated interest in reconsidering the rules on “reliable sources”, due weight and fringe views.

The proposal was separately rejected after attracting 396 comments from 113 editors in approximately five days. The closing note declared that WPID would primarily function as an advocacy and policy-lobbying group and that its scanner and recruitment efforts posed a risk of “organised canvassing or vote-stacking”.

The way Wikipedia editors erected barriers against WPID was expected. Sanger, one of the co-founders of Wikipedia, wanted to bring more clarity and accountability to the platform, which has become a breeding ground for leftist propaganda. Wikipedia routinely presents its decisions as the product of open consensus, but when an organised group sought to question the ideological assumptions behind that consensus, the proposed participation itself was treated as a threat.

CNN-News18 interview became evidence against Sanger

On 20th June, Sanger appeared for an interview on CNN-News18’s Plain Speak podcast. During the interview, Sanger said Wikipedia’s central problem was its control over what it labels a reliable source. He explained that the platform selected predominantly Left-wing and establishment sources while excluding publications that were conservative or significantly right of centre. Articles could then be declared neutral only because they accurately reflected an already skewed pool of approved sources.

Speaking about India, Sanger said he believed that Wikipedia’s anti-Hindu bias was a fact, although he acknowledged that he could not conclusively establish its exact origin. He suggested that Western Left-wing journalists were often more inclined to adopt a Muslim viewpoint and that the same ideological preference entered Wikipedia through its approved sources.

Sanger also said that the Left had “marched through” Wikipedia, just as it had captured other cultural institutions. According to him, Wikipedia’s bias had begun resembling that of the BBC and The New York Times by 2010 and became more pronounced after Brexit and Donald Trump’s first election.

When asked what Indians and Hindus who believed Wikipedia was biased could do, Sanger advised them to join Wikipedia and WPID. He pointed out that the active editing community was far smaller than most readers imagined and said India had enough educated people to field many capable writers who could learn how the platform operated.

This is what irked the Wikipedia editors. They presented these remarks as decisive evidence of canvassing. They interpreted the invitation as an attempt to recruit an army of Indian or Hindu editors to alter internal outcomes. The possibility that Indians and Hindus might join to correct what they consider persistent misrepresentation was recast as an existential danger to Wikipedia.

Why Wikipedia said it banned him

OpIndia went through the discussion, the link to which was shared by Sanger on the social media platform X. The administrators’ discussion went far beyond one social-media post or one television interview.

Sanger said that Wikipedians were debating whether WPID should be permitted and that many opposed it while others supported it. Editors argued that directing his more than 90,000 followers towards an active discussion amounted to biased off-wiki notification.

They also cited an earlier post in which Sanger wrote that the Left had marched through Wikipedia and there was no reason others could not “march right back”. Sanger later conceded that the phrase contained indefensible rhetoric and expressed regret, but continued to maintain that Wikipedia had been ideologically captured.

Other accusations included claims that he had made very few recent article edits, devoted most of his activity to reforming Wikipedia and wanted to weaken rules involving reliable sources, fringe theories and due weight. His criticism of anonymous administrators and his argument that powerful functionaries should be publicly identifiable were presented by opponents as support for “doxxing”.

Sanger rejected that allegation. He distinguished between maliciously exposing private information and creating a prospective policy requiring people who exercise exceptional power to disclose their identities. He argued that anonymous users can determine the content read by millions, block contributors and influence reputations without real-world accountability.

Sanger called the proceedings a mob trial

In his formal defence, which was published during the discussion on Wikipedia, Sanger said the administrators’ process resembled a trial without a prosecutor, a clear indictment, a neutral judge or ordinary due process. He described the participants accusing him as self-selected prosecutors and said people who might have defended him had been intimidated.

On canvassing, he argued that WikiProject applicants were expected to recruit participants and that he had not found a rule expressly prohibiting off-wiki recruitment. He denied asking anyone to vote in a particular manner and said the CNN-News18 appeal was an invitation to join Wikipedia, not to manipulate a specific decision.

He also defended his right to seek policy reform. Sanger was centrally involved in creating Wikipedia’s original neutrality policy and argued that questioning later interpretations of that policy could not reasonably be treated as an attack on the encyclopaedia.

However, his defence did not satisfy the dominant group of editors. They said Wikipedia was not a court, warnings did not need to come from administrators and his lengthy replies were themselves further evidence of disruptive conduct.

Jimmy Wales called the indefinite ban ‘ludicrous’

Wikipedia co-founder Jimmy Wales intervened publicly and strongly opposed the proposed indefinite ban. His support for Sanger came despite the two appearing not to be on speaking terms and having blocked each other on social media at one point. In his statement, Sanger said that he had already unblocked Wales and expected the same from him.

Wales said intellectual diversity was important to Wikipedia and warned that failure in this area could undermine civility and neutrality. He called the idea that Sanger’s conduct deserved an indefinite ban “ludicrous” and urged editors to sit back and examine what they were demanding.

He said he was willing to defend Sanger’s right to express views on intellectual diversity and sourcing policies without necessarily agreeing with every one of those views. According to Wales, editors should listen, disagree respectfully, debate the proposals and reject WPID if they considered it flawed.

Banning someone for raising an unpopular argument, he said, was a mistake. Interestingly, Wales has long supported banning people or sources on Wikipedia. OpIndia is one of the casualties, as Wikipedia does not consider the media house a “reliable” source but keeps fake-news peddlers and propaganda platforms such as The Wire on its reliable list.

Wales also defended general outreach to ideological groups that felt excluded from Wikipedia. He noted that if conservatives were persuaded that Wikipedia was merely Leftist propaganda, they would stay away, leaving internal discussions without conservative voices and increasing the risk of further bias.

He nevertheless drew a distinction between inviting dissatisfied users to participate and recruiting people to disrupt a vote or misbehave. Wales also said Sanger could have conducted himself more graciously and should apologise for some exchanges.

Crucially, he declined to use any founder-level authority to intervene directly, which he should have done if he truly believed that Sanger had every right to demand accountability. He said he did not intend to take a functionary action and was present only to remind editors of Wikipedia’s values. His objection was ultimately disregarded and the ban went ahead.

Wikipedia editors target OpIndia while building the case against Sanger

Wikipedia editors repeatedly targeted OpIndia during the proceedings and used Larry Sanger’s support for the publication as another argument for banning him.

While reproducing Sanger’s CNN-News18 interview, Wikipedia editor Newslinger described OpIndia as “a far-right anti-Muslim website that was blacklisted in 2020 for doxing a Wikipedia editor”. The editor further highlighted that Sanger had described OpIndia and Swarajya as among the “Important religious sources” for understanding Hindu religious doctrines.

Source: Wikipedia

In another comment supporting action against Sanger, the same editor accused him of having “advocated for the reintegration of websites that were blacklisted for doxing editors, including Breitbart News and OpIndia”.

Source: Wikipedia

The focus on OpIndia was not incidental. Wikipedia editors presented Sanger’s defence of the publication as proof that he wanted supposedly “unreliable sources” restored to the platform. In effect, an Indian publication that has extensively documented Wikipedia’s anti-Hindu and anti-India bias was itself cited as evidence against a person who questioned that very ideological gatekeeping.

OpIndia has faced Wikipedia’s hostility for years. The publication was blacklisted after it investigated the people controlling contentious Wikipedia pages, documented the role of influential editors and administrators and exposed how attempts to add inconvenient facts were routinely blocked.

During OpIndia’s earlier interview with Sanger in 2020, Editor-in-Chief Nupur J Sharma explained that Wikipedia had blacklisted the entire website after she wrote about the editors and administrators who were locking biased pages and ensuring that attempts to correct them were reversed.

Sanger responded, “They have no class. What can I say? I’ve been talking about this sort of thing for a long time, but it’s gotten worse.”

He added that Wikipedia had undergone a “steep decline” since around 2015, both in the extent of its bias and in how closed its editing community had become.

The latest proceedings demonstrated precisely how this system works. OpIndia’s designation by Wikipedia editors was treated as settled truth. Sanger’s willingness to question that designation was then converted into evidence of misconduct. No serious consideration was given to whether OpIndia had been blacklisted because its investigations challenged the authority and anonymity of Wikipedia’s entrenched editors.

The platform’s editors thus targeted both the critic and the publication that had independently documented the same problem. Sanger was accused of wrongdoing for defending OpIndia, while OpIndia’s previous exposure of Wikipedia’s editorial cartel was used to discredit him further.

OpIndia dossier exposed how Wikipedia’s anti-Hindu bias is institutionalised

Sanger’s criticism of Wikipedia is consistent with the findings of an extensive 187-page dossier published by OpIndia in 2024. The research examined Wikipedia’s internal discussions, editing histories, source-classification system, administrator hierarchy, financial disclosures and the Wikimedia Foundation’s funding relationships, with a specific focus on India and Hindu-related subjects.

The dossier challenged Wikipedia’s claim that it is an open encyclopaedia written freely by unpaid volunteers without central editorial intervention. It documented how a relatively small group of administrators and influential editors exercise control over which sources may be cited, which facts remain in articles, who may participate in contentious subjects and which contributors are blocked from the platform.

At the time of the research, Wikipedia had only 435 active administrators across the world. These administrators could block users, restrict editing, protect contentious pages, delete articles, close disputes and enforce sanctions. Above them was the even smaller Arbitration Committee, which effectively functions as Wikipedia’s highest internal adjudicatory body.

Most of these powerful users operated through pseudonyms. Their identities, affiliations, employers and potential conflicts of interest were not known to the public, even though their decisions influenced articles read by millions of people. This structure was not a free-for-all system governed by the wisdom of crowds. It was an editorial hierarchy in which anonymous individuals possessed powers comparable to those exercised by editors in conventional publishing organisations.

How the ‘reliable sources’ system creates the bias

The principal mechanism through which Wikipedia controls content is its classification of publications as reliable, unreliable or deprecated.

Once a publication is deprecated or blacklisted, its reports generally cannot be used to support information in Wikipedia articles. This means that even a factually correct report, an exclusive statement or a direct quotation may be rejected merely because Wikipedia’s editors have prohibited the publication carrying it.

The dossier documented that OpIndia and Swarajya were blacklisted while Left-leaning publications such as The Wire, Scroll, Newslaundry and The Print remained acceptable. International outlets including Al Jazeera, the BBC, The Guardian, CNN and The New York Times were also treated far more favourably despite their own documented controversies, ideological positions and instances of misinformation.

This allows Wikipedia to claim that an article neutrally reflects its sources after its editors have already removed sources representing the other side.

One example involved The Wire’s reporting on India’s naval capabilities. Retired Commodore Jaideep Maolankar accused the publication of misrepresenting his remarks to downplay the Indian Navy’s achievements. OpIndia covered his statement, but Wikipedia editors refused to include the controversy in The Wire’s article. They argued that Maolankar’s own clarification was a self-published source, while OpIndia could not be cited because it had already been blacklisted.

The information was therefore excluded, not because it had been disproved, but because Wikipedia’s source-control system had eliminated the publication that documented it.

The dossier found similar resistance while examining Wikipedia’s treatment of The Wire’s other misinformation controversies. Attempts to add uncomfortable facts were delayed, diluted or rejected, while negative descriptions of non-Left publications were presented prominently using sources approved by the same ideological establishment.

Anti-Hindu and anti-India framing in articles

The dossier examined several India-related articles, including those concerning the 2020 Delhi riots, the Godhra train burning, the expression “Jai Shri Ram”, “Hindu terrorism”, Narendra Modi, press freedom and Indian democracy.

It documented how Hindu victims, Islamist violence and evidence inconvenient to the Leftist account were frequently diminished or buried, while claims made by activist organisations and hostile foreign publications were elevated into Wikipedia’s authoritative narrative.

In the article on the Godhra train burning, OpIndia found that the organised killing of Hindu passengers was diluted through language and framing that foregrounded disputed theories. In articles involving “Hindu terrorism”, allegations and political terminology received greater prominence than acquittals, evidentiary failures and the collapse of several prosecution claims.

OpIndia also examined the treatment of “Jai Shri Ram”, arguing that Wikipedia relied heavily on hostile reports associating the Hindu religious expression with violence and intimidation. The resulting article did not merely describe controversies involving the chant but contributed to portraying the expression itself through a negative political and communal lens.

These narratives matter because Wikipedia does not remain confined to its own website. Its articles are prominently displayed by Google, used in knowledge panels, cited by artificial-intelligence systems and treated as background material by journalists, students and researchers.

India received approximately 796 million page views across Wikimedia projects in June 2024, while Indians were among the largest groups of contributors to English Wikipedia. Articles about the Indian general election, Narendra Modi, the NDA, the Lok Sabha and India received millions of views. A skewed Wikipedia entry therefore has the power to shape how an Indian event, organisation or public figure is understood across the world.

Wikimedia funded the editor who targeted Sanger and OpIndia

The dossier also examined the Wikimedia Foundation’s financial support for Wikipedia editors and administrators. It highlighted the case of Newslinger, the same editor who later played a prominent role in targeting Sanger, his comments about anti-Hindu bias and his defence of OpIndia during the ban proceedings.

Newslinger had worked extensively on Wikipedia’s perennial sources list, which classifies publications according to the platform’s internal assessment of reliability. He subsequently received funding through the WikiCred programme for a project named Sourceror.

The proposal described Sourceror as a browser extension and application programming interface that would take Wikipedia’s source ratings beyond the encyclopaedia. It was designed to inform internet users about the supposed quality of publications they were reading and allow developers to incorporate Wikipedia’s reliability classifications into other technologies.

In his proposal, Newslinger stated that he had spent 20 months maintaining the perennial sources list and noted that thousands of editors used it to decide whether publications could support claims on Wikipedia. The dossier argued that Wikimedia was therefore funding the institutionalisation and wider dissemination of a source-classification system already shaped by ideologically motivated editors.

The same editor later called Sanger’s CNN-News18 interview one of the most unacceptable actions he had seen from a Wikipedia contributor. He accused Sanger of canvassing Indians, defended OpIndia’s blacklisting and demanded a complete community ban.

Why the dossier recommended treating Wikipedia as a publisher

In the dossier, OpIndia concluded that Wikipedia should no longer be permitted to present itself as a passive intermediary.

Its editors select sources, remove information, commission or promote specific forms of content, lock pages, impose an editorial line and exclude contributors who challenge that line. The Wikimedia Foundation also provides grants connected to editing, source assessment, community projects and technological tools that influence how information is presented.

OpIndia recommended that Wikipedia be legally treated as a publisher in India and made directly accountable for the content appearing on its platform. It also called for scrutiny of Wikimedia’s financial transactions, grants and activities in India, particularly because the Foundation collects donations from Indians and funds projects connected to the country without maintaining a direct official presence comparable to its influence.

OpIndia further recommended an Indian browser extension capable of identifying bias and misinformation in Wikipedia articles and an investigation into whether the Google-Wikimedia relationship creates anti-competitive consequences for Indian publications. When Wikipedia blacklists an Indian source and Google simultaneously elevates Wikipedia’s version of events, the affected publication loses not only representation but also visibility, credibility, traffic and revenue.

Sanger’s ban has now vindicated the central warning of the dossier. Wikipedia’s bias is not an occasional error created by an individual volunteer. It is protected through its source lists, anonymous administrators, internal sanctions, grants and the extraordinary amplification it receives from Big Tech.

The Leftist capture is now difficult to deny

This whole episode has offered a live demonstration of the problem Sanger has described for years. A platform that claims anyone can edit it has banned one of its creators after he invited people with underrepresented views to participate. A community that invokes diversity treated intellectual diversity as an organised threat. A system that claims to be neutral used an interview about anti-Hindu bias as evidence that the speaker was unfit to remain.

Wikipedia’s editors insist that Sanger was banned for his conduct and not for his opinions. Yet the proceedings repeatedly returned to the opinions themselves: his criticism of mainstream sources, his defence of OpIndia, his view that Hindus and conservatives should participate and his challenge to rules built by the current ideological establishment.

The result is that Wikipedia’s content machinery remains protected from precisely the voices most likely to expose its bias. Its co-founder has now been removed from the institution he helped create, not because he vandalised articles or inserted fabricated material, but after he openly challenged the Leftist gatekeeping that determines which facts, sources and perspectives are permitted to exist on the world’s “most influential online encyclopaedia”.

Pune Vat Purnima row: Maharashtra Archaeology issues fresh notice, backs continuation of old rituals at Mahatma Phule Wada after Hindu advocacy groups raise concern

UPDATE: In a fresh letter dated 23 June 2026, the Assistant Director (Archaeology), Pune Division, asked the police to maintain law and order while ensuring that the pre-existing tradition and customary practice associated with Vat Purnima at Mahatma Phule Wada continue.

A fresh controversy has erupted in Pune after the Maharashtra Archaeology Department issued an order effectively barring women from performing Vat Purnima rituals at the historic Mahatma Phule Wada in Ganj Peth on 29 June 2026. The order, which asks the Pune Police to ensure that no religious programme is held at the site, has now been challenged through a detailed legal objection petition that accuses the authorities of acting arbitrarily, violating constitutional rights, and misusing heritage protection law to stop a long-standing religious practice.

At the heart of the row is a banyan tree located inside the protected premises of Mahatma Phule Wada, where local married women have for years observed Vat Purnima by tying sacred threads around the tree and offering prayers. However, in a communication dated 2 June 2026, the office of the Assistant Director (Archaeology), Pune Division, wrote to the Pune Police Commissioner asking for police deployment from morning till evening on 29 June to ensure that no such religious activity takes place inside the protected monument premises. The order was issued after a representation by Prashant Yatish Phule and invoked Rule 8(f) of the Maharashtra Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Rules, 1962.

Archaeology Department cites Phule legacy, seeks police action to stop ritual

In its letter to the police, the Archaeology Department stated that Jyotirao Phule and Savitribai Phule had dedicated their lives to “social reform” and were opposed to what it described as ritualism and religious orthodoxy. It also referred to an incident from last year, when ‘activists’ associated with Mahatma Phule Samata Pratishthan objected to women performing Vat Purnima rituals at the banyan tree, allegedly creating a law-and-order issue that had to be handled by the police. Citing this background and the representation received, the department asked the police to ensure that women do not perform the ritual at the tree on Vat Purnima this year.

The department’s reasoning, as reflected in the order, is that Mahatma Phule Wada is not merely a protected monument but also a site associated with Phule’s “anti-ritual social reform legacy”, and therefore such rituals ought not to be allowed there. It further cited Rule 8(f), which bars violation of any custom, usage or practice applicable to or observed in a monument, and used it to justify preventing the observance of Vat Purnima within the protected premises.

12-page legal objection says order based on ideology, not law

The order has now been met with a 12-page legal objection and representation dated 19 June 2026, addressed to the Director of Archaeology and Museums, the Assistant Director of Archaeology, the Pune Police Commissioner and the Pune District Collector. Filed on behalf of women who traditionally observe Vat Purnima at the site and citizens described as admirers of Mahatma Phule, the petition seeks immediate withdrawal of the 2 June order and permission for the ritual to be performed peacefully on 29 June.

The petition argues that the Archaeology Department acted solely on the basis of a private representation submitted by one individual and issued a blanket prohibition without hearing the women affected by the decision, without giving them prior notice, and without relying on any archaeological or structural assessment showing that the ritual damages the monument. It contends that the order is not based on conservation concerns but on an ideological reading of Jyotirao Phule’s views, which, the petition says, cannot be used by the state as a legal basis to prohibit a peaceful religious observance.

Petition says Vat Purnima ritual is longstanding, peaceful and causes no damage

According to the objection, the banyan tree inside the Phule Wada premises has been worshipped on Vat Purnima for several years and the practice has never caused any harm to the monument. In fact, the petition points out that the Archaeology Department’s own order acknowledges that the ritual had taken place in previous years and that the police had only been deployed to maintain law and order when objections were raised by activists. The petition underlines that the order does not cite any expert report, structural assessment, archaeological finding or scientific study to show that tying threads around the tree or performing prayers at the spot causes any actual damage to the protected structure.

Rule 8(f) has been twisted to ban, rather than protect, existing practice: Petition

One of the central legal arguments in the objection is that the Archaeology Department has wrongly interpreted Rule 8(f) of the 1962 Rules. The petition says the rule merely prohibits violation of customs, usages or practices applicable to a monument; it does not empower the state to abolish a practice that is already being observed there. In other words, if women have been performing Vat Purnima prayers at the banyan tree inside Mahatma Phule Wada for years, then the continuation of that practice would be in line with the rule, whereas banning it would amount to disrupting an existing custom.

The petition further argues that neither the Maharashtra Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1960 nor the Rules framed under it grant the Archaeology Department any explicit power to completely prohibit a peaceful religious observance of this nature. It cites provisions of the 1960 Act to claim that protected status does not automatically extinguish traditional religious usage, especially where no damage to the monument is shown.

Petition invokes Articles 14, 19, 21, 25 and 26, says state cannot ban rituals based on ideological preference

The legal objection invokes multiple constitutional guarantees, including Article 14 (equality before law), Article 19 (freedom of expression and assembly), Article 21 (right to life and dignity), and Articles 25 and 26 (freedom of religion and management of religious affairs). It argues that the state cannot stop women from observing a religious practice simply because an official or complainant believes that Mahatma Phule opposed ritualism.

The petition also accuses the administration of selectively targeting one religious practice at one monument while similar observances at other protected sites are not interfered with. On that basis, it alleges discrimination and arbitrariness. It further says that if the state’s real concern was crowd management, preservation or public order, it could have imposed narrowly tailored restrictions such as regulating the number of participants, fixing a time window, preventing any act that might physically damage the tree or monument, and maintaining adequate police deployment. Imposing a complete ban, the petition argues, fails the test of proportionality and is legally indefensible.

‘Natural justice violated’: Petition says women were not heard before order was passed

The objection also attacks the process followed by the Archaeology Department, saying the order was passed after considering only the complaint made by Prashant Yatish Phule while completely ignoring the women and devotees who would be directly affected by the prohibition. No notice was issued to them, no hearing was granted, and no opportunity was given to present their side before the administration acted. The petition therefore alleges violation of the principles of natural justice and says the order is liable to be set aside on that ground alone.

Petition seeks withdrawal of order, warns of High Court move

In its final prayers, the objection petition demands that the 2 June 2026 order be immediately withdrawn and that women be explicitly allowed to perform Vat Purnima rituals peacefully at Mahatma Phule Wada on 29 June. It also asks that the police be directed not to stop the ritual but to maintain law and order during the observance and prevent any disruption. The petition further demands that in future, no such order be passed without first issuing notice to the affected women and hearing their side.

Significantly, the petition warns that if the administration does not revoke the order within time, the petitioners would be free to move the High Court under Article 226 of the Constitution. With Vat Purnima only days away, the matter has now escalated from a local dispute into a larger battle over religious freedom, administrative overreach, and the use of Mahatma Phule’s legacy to justify state intervention in a traditional Hindu observance.

Pakistan court sentences Baloch activist Mahrang Baloch to life imprisonment: From a doctor to the fiercest voice of Balochistan freedom

Irony died a painful death when an ‘Anti-Terrorism Court’ in Pakistan, the state sponsor of Jihadi terrorism, sentenced Baloch rights activist Mahrang Baloch to life imprisonment. On 22nd June, Judge Muhammad Ali Mobin of the Anti-Terrorism Court in Quetta, Balochistan, pronounced the verdict aimed at silencing Mahrang Baloch, snatching her freedom, and crippling the Baloch freedom struggle.

Alongside Dr Mahrang Baloch, the “Lioness of Balochistan”, the court sentenced fellow Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) leader Sibghatullah Shah to a life sentence, in addition to a fine of PKR 200,000 each.

Mahrang Baloch and Sibghatullah Shah were convicted of terrorism, sedition, and murder over bogus accusations of ‘inciting’ a mob during the 29th July 2024 “Baloch Raji Muchi” (Baloch National Gathering) protest in Gwadar. The occupying Pakistani authorities arrested Mahrang Baloch after a Frontier Corps troop, Sepoy Shabbir Ahmed, was killed in the stone-pelting incident.

The BYC leaders have been convicted and given life sentences, even as there is no direct evidence linking them to the death of Shabbir Ahmed.

The Pakistani authorities blamed the rising Baloch freedom activism, both in violent and non-violent forms, due to Pakistan’s oppression of the Baloch people, on Mahrang Baloch. The movement was called against the Baloch genocide by the Pakistani Army and enforced disappearances of Balochi people.

Back then, activist Mahrang had said that the Baloch people have been raising their voices for over the last seven decades against the “atrocities and injustices” committed by the Pakistani state.

Fearing Dr Mahrang’s dauntless and intrepid quest to secure rights, dignity and freedom for Balochistan, the Pakistani authorities filed multiple cases against her.

Mahrang was initially arrested on 22nd March 2025 and detained under the Balochistan Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) for 30 days. Since then, the Pakistani authorities extended her detention twice for 30 days each. However, before the expiration of the third detention order, Mahrang Baloch was taken into custody in connection with another of the many bogus cases filed against her.

During her detention period, multiple cases were filed against her other BYC leaders under different sections of the Anti-Terrorism Act and the Pakistan Penal Code.

An FIR was filed against Mahrang Baloch and several other BYC leaders on 21st March 2024, in Quetta’s Sariab Police Station. It was claimed that Baloch protestors led by Mahrang Baloch, Beberg Baloch, Gulzadi, Sabiha Baloch, and Sibghatullah Shah gathered on Sariab Road and raised “anti-state” slogans.

Pakistan’s military leadership and its puppet civilian government is so scared of a 33-year-old Dr Mahrang Baloch that even as the Baloch Yakjehti Committee is not banned by the National Counter Terrorism Authority, Mahrang Baloch is included in the list of proscribed persons.

Mahrang Baloch boycotted hearing, her sister and BYC called the life sentence “expression of Pakistani hatred for Balochistan”

The Baloch activists, already in detention, boycotted the video-linked trial from jail since 12th June 2026. Their legal team, including Mahrang’s lawyer, Israr Jatak, called it a biased “kangaroo court” of contradictory police reports. They stated that Marang Baloch and Sibghatullah Shahji were denied a fair trial.

Meanwhile, Mahrang’s sister Nadia Baloch rejected the court verdict. She described the so-called Anti-Terrorism Court as a “faceless court”.

Speaking to BBC Urdu, Nadia Baloch said that the Pakistani government appointed lawyers to represent Mahrang, Sibghatullah, and other accused BYC leaders during the boycott. However, the Baloch activists rejected the state-appointed lawyers.

Mahrang Baloch: The ‘Lioness of Balochistan’ and Pakistan’s nightmare

Born in 1993, Mahrang Baloch is a doctor by profession and is recognised globally as a human rights activist. Mahrang completed MBBS from Baloch Medical College. She has spent over a decade fighting for the rights of the people of Balochistan.

Mahrang Baloch lost her father, Abdul Ghaffar Langove, in this struggle and endured the pain of her brother’s sudden disappearance. She began speaking out for the Baloch people in 2006, but her father was abducted shortly thereafter, and his mutilated body was found in 2011.

Until then, Mahrang had not been actively involved in Baloch rights activism; however, when her brother was also suddenly kidnapped in 2017, she had an epiphany and decided to raise her voice. Mahrang Baloch rose in protest for her brother, participated in marches, and attended meetings. Her voice ultimately led to the kidnappers returning her brother in 2018.

Although Mahrang Baloch got her brother back, she had realised and fully gauged the extent to which the Pakistani state was forcibly abducting, torturing, and even killing Baloch people, children and adults alike. Dr Mahrang decided to become the voice of numerous Baloch families who were not fortunate enough to have their loved ones back from the brutal clutches of the Pakistan Army.

In 2019, Mahrang formed her own organisation, the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC). After forming the party, he began holding small meetings. He went door-to-door, connecting with people. Gradually, everyone from elderly women to daughters began to join him. The convoy that followed him began to grow.

Mahrang’s influence in Balochistan is such that lakhs of Baloch people take to the streets at her one call. Back in 2023, Mahrang led hundreds of Baloch women on a 1,000-mile (1,600km) march to Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad to seek justice for missing family members.

Dr Baloch’s fiery speeches and warnings to the occupying state of Pakistan about the atrocities united and gave hope to the Baloch people. Before her detention in 2025, a march was held, estimated to have attracted around 200,000 people. Police resorted to lathicharge and tear gas to stop the crowds, but the people refused to give up.

While Pakistan vilified and jailed her, the world recognised Mahrang Baloch as an inspiration. In 2024, TIME magazine included Dr Mahrang in its “TIME100 Next” list.

International human rights bodies call out Pakistan against the unlawful life sentencing of Mahrang Baloch and other BYC leaders

The Pakistani court’s verdict against the Baloch leaders has received sharp criticism from various human rights organisations and activists.

Amnesty International described the life sentencing of Dr Baloch and Sibghatullah Shah as a miscarriage of justice and cynical misuse of anti-terrorism laws against peaceful activists.

The organisation demanded the immediate release of Dr Mahrang Baloch and Sibghatullah Shah.

“This verdict, which is an affront to the right to a fair trial, demonstrates how Pakistan’s anti-terrorism laws are being cynically misused to silence peaceful dissent. The conviction and sentence followed an expedited secret trial conducted on jail premises, during which serious concerns were raised over international fair trial standards and due process. No direct evidence was presented linking Mahrang and Shah Jee to the alleged violence. It also comes after a prolonged period of unlawful detention. Mahrang was arrested in March 2025 following a peaceful sit-in and later charged with over two dozen anti-terrorism cases filed across Pakistan. These cases were so high in number that it was difficult for her lawyers to even keep track, let alone provide meaningful legal representation,” Isabelle Lassee, Amnesty International’s Acting Regional Director for South Asia, said.

While Malala Yousufzai, the Pakistani human rights activist, who earlier raised her voice for Mahrang Baloch after detention, has remained silent on the BYC leader’s life imprisonment sentence so far, Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg has commented.

In a video message, Greta said, “Yesterday, an anti-terrorism court in Pakistan sentenced Dr Mahram Baloch and a few other activists to life imprisonment. Dr Mahram Baloch has spent years peacefully advocating for the families of the disappeared, speaking up against extrajudicial killings, and demanding justice for the people of Balochistan, an occupied territory by Pakistan.”

Meanwhile, the Baloch National Movement called Pakistan a terrorist state. The BNM stated that Pakistan is using its institutions to spread fear and terror in Balochistan.

Similarly, the Human Rights Council of Balochistan called the verdict a blatant miscarriage of justice. The HRCB stated that the verdict against BYC leaders was blatant criminalisation of peaceful Baloch human rights advocacy and stifling voices speaking out against alleged state-sponsored rights violations.

The Baloch Yakjehti Committee not only condemned the Pakistani anti-terrorism court’s verdict but has called for a Balochistan shutdown on 24th June, to demand reversal of the verdict and release of the BYC leaders.

Balochistan: The treasure trove of natural resources infected by Pakistan’s greed, occupation, and brutality

The Baloch people are an ethnic group across Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, with Balochistan being the largest region they inhabit. Founded around 2000, the Baloch Liberation Army is said to be a resurgence of the Independence Balochistan Movement of 1973-77.

Historically, Balochistan was an independent entity under the Khan of Kalat until its coercive accession to Pakistan in March 1948 following the British withdrawal. However, in 1948, Pakistan forced the Khan to merge Balochistan into Pakistan. Pakistan wanted Balochistan to be merged into its federation. 

Pakistan’s first Governor-General and Muslim League leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah presented this proposal to the Khan of Kalat and offered him to join their federation. The Khan of Kalat established the House of Commons and the House of Lords in Balochistan within 24 hours after the country’s proclamation of independence in 1947. The conference of Balochistan’s two houses was convened by the Khan of Kalat on December 16th, 1947, to examine the prospect of joining Pakistan. The lawmakers of both Houses opposed joining Pakistan. The Khan of Kalat and his family were then imprisoned within the palace while Pakistan invaded Balochistan and seized power. 

Over the past 78 years, Balochistan has witnessed five major insurgencies during 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973-77 and the ongoing conflict since the early 2000s. These protests have erupted, driven by grievances of the Baloch people over political marginalisation, violent and torturous suppression and resource exploitation by the Pakistani state.

Although Mahrang Baloch and her Baloch Yakjehti Committee mainly pursued the path of peaceful agitations, groups like Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), its Majeed Brigad, among others, have been pushing back against Pakistani oppression and unfair resource extraction, through violent means.

Balochistan is the most resource-rich region Pakistan has a hold on, having vast reserves of natural gas, oil, coal, copper and gold. However, despite the region’s resource affluence, its people have got nothing but economic exploitation from the Pakistani establishment. Balochistan’s resources are squeezed to the last drop to sustain Pakistan’s economy and life in Panjab and other provinces, and yet the Balochi people themselves are deprived of access to their own resources. The case of Sui Gas Field perfectly exemplifies this.

Found in 1952, this gas field in Balochistan supplies much of Pakistan’s energy needs, yet Balochistan itself has very limited access to it.  The excuse often given for this neglect is the rough terrain of Balochistan. However, Sui gas is supplied to the remote areas of Sindh and Punjab. While the CPEC promised billions in revenue, the Baloch people expect nothing to reach their pockets, as evidenced by the high unemployment and profits being funnelled to Punjab-dominated elites or Chinese investors. 

The people of Balochistan have resisted Pakistan’s attempts to plunder their resources for decades. From student uprisings to armed insurgencies, the demand has been consistent: recognition of Balochistan’s sovereignty and control over its natural wealth. Every time Islamabad signs a new contract with a foreign investor, it does so under the shadow of army guns and enforced disappearances.

Several international and local human rights organisations have repeatedly highlighted the human rights abuses in Balochistan. However, the Pakistani military and subservient political establishment dismiss these concerns either as India’s ‘propaganda’ or the West’s ‘ignorant misinformation’.

Over 70% of Balochistan’s population is identified as multidimensionally poor, which is the highest in Pakistan. Moreover, Balochistan makes up 4% of Pakistan’s GDP and 40% of natural gas is supplied to other provinces. Balochistan is reported to be using only 17% of its resources, while the rest 83% are sent to other provinces of Pakistan.

The Baloch people have their own language, Balochi, traditions, and tribal structure. However, the Panjab-dominated power centre of Pakistan harbours disdain from the Baloch people. Similar their approach towards Pashtuns.

From rigged elections, forcing the Urdu language instead of the local Balochi, killing Baloch activists and freedom fighters by attaching fake India/Hindustan labels, the Islamist fanatic regime in Pakistan is imposing a homogenous identity to destroy the unique identity of Balochistan, deepen its occupation of the Baloch land, and exploit its resources to fill the coffers of the Pakistan army and political top echelons.

Guwahati’s lost summit: As Japan PM’s Assam visit is cancelled, here is how Comrade Marshall Baruah’s activities from CAA protests to Zubeen mural traffic jam show a pattern

On the evening of June 17, scaffolding was put up on a Ganeshguri flyover pillar. Marshall Baruah painted a mural of Zubeen Garg with the words ‘Comrades Never Die,’ but a Public Works Department worker whitewashed it. It was a part of an effort to beautify the city in advance of the first India-Japan summit to be held in the Northeast, which Assam expected would be a significant diplomatic achievement.

Police at Panbazar had warned Baruah the day before not to repaint till July 3. He disregarded the warning. He came back on June 18 with a red background and new paint. As traffic slowed and occasionally stopped on one of Guwahati’s busiest corridors, a crowd assembled below the flyover and sang Zubeen’s songs till around 9:30 p.m. What was initially portrayed as cultural remembrance turned into an open display that state government officials would subsequently connect directly to a diplomatic disaster.

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma announced on June 23, five days later, that Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi would not be travelling to Guwahati. The whole summit was shifted to New Delhi. The official justification mentioned the logistical challenges of hosting a summit outside of the capital as well as Japan’s ongoing Diet session. However, sources in the Assam government, as reported by The Economic Times, say that the cancellation was related to the recent controversy. During the mural demonstration and replacement, the Japanese advance delegation inspecting Guwahati was trapped in traffic for two hours. According to the sources, that disturbance contributed to worries regarding preparedness.

Assam had been planning for weeks. The renovated airport terminal was personally visited by the Chief Minister. The streets were cleaned. The corridors were made more aesthetically pleasing. Investment pipelines, Japanese corporate interest, and the visibility that transforms long-standing JICA initiatives into new manufacturing and jobs were all much expected. Rather, the visit did not happen. A Japanese prime minister’s visit to Guwahati was cancelled for an unprecedented second time in seven years.

Comrade Marshall Baruah’s record: CAA protests, direct attacks on CM Himanta, and repeated defiance

Born in a quiet village in Kakilaguri, Gohpur in Biswanath district, in 1994, Baruah relocated to Guwahati to study mass communication and converted public spaces into his permanent art canvas.  He mentions Guernica by Picasso and Banksy as examples of how art can be used as a political tool. In reality, he has continuously attacked the state and its development program with his actions.

He gained notoriety in 2019 and 2020 amid the anti-CAA protests. In addition to opposing a central law, such protests caused the kind of protracted disruption that led to the cancellation of then Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s scheduled visit to Guwahati. Due to violence, curfews in place, and constant disputes with the government, Assam lost the opportunity it had. That ecosystem of activists included Baruah.

During protests over the removal of trees for a Bharalumukh flyover in November 2024, he painted ‘Kick Himanta Save Nature,’ a direct and personal insult directed against the Chief Minister. He was taken into custody for 14 days after being held, and has been summoned by a Guwahati court to appear on June 25 for the same case.

The repainting on June 18 followed the same pattern: the disturbance occurred at the precise moment Japanese inspection teams were on the scene, a crowd assembled on an important traffic route during a delicate diplomatic window, and police warnings were disregarded. These links related to the cancellation have now been made by state government sources. Opposition leaders have called any connection ‘speculative’ and denied it. However, the Japanese delegation’s traffic bottleneck has been reported, and the timing cannot be disregarded.

Why a Japanese PM landing in Assam would’ve changed things

The majority of people outside of the region are unaware of Japan’s significant impact on northeastern India. For almost 20 years, the Japan International Cooperation Agency has been one of the most important development partners in the region, and its efforts are evident in the actual landscape. When it is finished, the 19-kilometre Dhubri-Phulbari Bridge, which crosses the Brahmaputra and was largely funded by Japanese financing, would be the longest river bridge in India.

Additionally, JICA has funded the construction of highways in Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Assam, Guwahati’s water supply and sewage systems, and a variety of urban infrastructure that, while seldom making national news, decides whether or not everyday life in the region improves.

Throughout successive governments, this partnership has been maintained through the Act East Forum, a bilateral Japan-India setup with a specific focus on the Northeast. A Japanese industrial township in Assam, which would provide manufacturing jobs, technical training, and corporate networks to a state that has long been trying to move beyond insurgency and towards economic growth, has been openly talked about by the authorities in the state.

The kind of high-profile event that turns aspiration into a road map would have been a prime ministerial visit accompanied by business delegations. Investors take these events seriously and change their risk calculations if necessary.

At the Hinge of Asia’s great power contest, no brushstroke is accidental

Japan’s involvement in India’s Northeast is no accident. The ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific‘ framework, which Tokyo and New Delhi have jointly developed, is a pragmatic strategic architecture that presents Japanese investment in the region as an obvious counterweight to China’s Belt and Road presence in adjacent Bangladesh, Nepal, and Myanmar. These clashing perceptions are especially noticeable and significant in the Northeast. Any obstacle to a high-profile Japan-India partnership gains resonance in that tense atmosphere, so it wouldn’t be considered elsewhere. It is unclear whether the occurrences of June 18 were a coincidence of timing or something else that the official record does not yet reveal.

On June 25, Marshall Baruah is scheduled to appear in court. At Ganeshguri, the Zubeen Garg mural reappears, this time in a redder background. Delhi, which is far from the Brahmaputra, will host the India-Japan summit. As in the past, Assam is left with the peculiar disappointment of a territory that consistently reaches the verge of international attention, only to discover that the event has been shifted to another place.

For the time being, the scenario that links the paint on the pillar to the ministry’s phone call is told solely through questions and the deliberate sequencing of matters that were never officially disclosed.

‘USAID was influencing elections around the world, making corrupt politicians rich, created COVID in Wuhan and even caused the Ukraine-Russia war’: Elon Musk

A public spat has erupted between Elon Musk and Democratic Congressman Rohit “Ro” Khanna over the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) and wealth taxes. Khanna referenced a study published in “The Lancet” and attributed the potential deaths of millions of kids globally to his involvement in the Trump administration.

Afterwards, a series of fiery exchange took place between the two as Musk labelled him “Ro the Robber,” insinuating that he profits inappropriately from the stock market. He warned that it was “time to sue this liar” for spreading misinformation and firmly rubbished the Khanna’s remarks.

Musk, the world’s richest man, who ran the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) in the first few months of the new Trump administration to check unnecessary spending, refuted Khanna’s allegations and stated, “All DOGE required was contact information of the recipients to confirm that funding was not fraudulent. No validated medical funding was stopped.” He mentioned that the State Department currently supervises anything that appeared to be valid life-saving funding and added, “If anyone had actually died as a result of DOGE, their names would be worldwide headline news.”

He also emphasised the dubious history of the federal agency and wrote, “On the other hand, USAID did help fund the Wuhan Virology Institute, which caused the deaths of millions, and the revolution that started the Russia-Ukraine war.”

Musk reiterated, “The standard applied by DOGE was very simple and easy: Provide contact information for the recipients of aid, so that we can confirm it is not fraudulent.” He accused that this monetary assistance was, in fact, “being sent to corrupt politicians under the guise of aid” and declared that “liars and stock insider traders” such as “Ro the Robber” should be incarcerated.

The Tesla CEO similarly outlined, “All DOGE did was require contact with the aid recipients to confirm that funds were being used legitimately. Anything less than this is insane.” He pointed out that the Justice Department has charged many individuals from USAID with “stealing money” and stressed that “they pled guilty.”

“Four men, including a government contracting officer for the USAID and three owners and presidents of companies, have pleaded guilty for their roles in a decade-long bribery scheme involving at least 14 prime contracts worth over $550 million in US taxpayer dollars,” divulged US Department of Justice in 2025.

“I do believe once we take power, there has to be accountability. There needs to be accountability for Elon Musk. You know, they’re celebrating that he created 4,400 millionaires, but they don’t talk about the 4.5 million children around the world who he possibly sentenced to death by dismantling USAID. He needs to answer for that. He needs to be subpoenaed. He needs to face an investigation. He needs to answer for what he did with DOGE,” Khanna had targeted the billionaire entrepreneur during a conversation with host Jennifer Welch at “IHIP News” podcast on 20th June (Saturday).

“The world’s richest person has spent all day tweeting, going after me. Why? Because I cited an academic study that his DOGE cuts may lead to the deaths of millions of children overseas. You know, Elon, I thought you were a free-speech guy. Why not debate me on these issues instead of threatening lawfare? You’re not going to be able to intimidate me,” Khanna later challenged in a video amid Musk’s rebuttals.

USAID was known as the biggest foreign aid agency in the world. However, it was shut down during President Donald Trump’s second term due to multiple grave accusations including fraud and regime change plots. Later, the US State Department absorbed much of its remaining operations.

USAID’s intervention in the name of supporting democracy and providing help

Samantha Power, who was the US Ambassador to the United Nations, after which she was appointed as the administrator of the USAID, conveyed, “We are establishing the Partnerships for Democracy fund and using our alliances and convening power to support the locally led ambitions of pro-democratic movements and governments,” in June 2022 at an official event.

She informed that a “Coalition for Securing Election Integrity” was formed which involved both governmental and nongovernmental organisations to “set norms for what constitutes a free and fair election.” She unveiled, “We’ll draw from our new Defending Democratic Elections Fund to help strategically important elections meet these agreed standards throughout the election cycle.”

Power announced the establishment “of an insurance fund for investigative journalists called Reporters Mutual” to “defend journalists and media organisations from legal harassment.” She expressed that earlier the work concentrated on instructing these journalists in investigative methods, acquiring evidence and factchecking to assist their probes within the country. However, the regional program has been introduced for cross-border collaboration among journalists.

Power’s statements reflect an acknowledgement of the critical USAID role in deploying a wide range of tactics to sway elections in their favour, particularly those deemed “strategically important.” They founded a committee to determine what qualifies as a free and fair election, which implies that the process would only be recognised as such if it aligned with their self-serving criteria and not otherwise. People were even trained to promote certain narratives that supported this overt interference, masquerading as investigative journalism and fact-checking.

“Notice the pattern? Since the 2025 USAID cuts, 7 conservative candidates swept presidential elections across Latin America: Ecuador, Bolivia, Honduras, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, and Peru. If USAID was still in place, Lula most likely wouldn’t have won in Brazil”, a popular X handle posted.

According to Wikileaks, nearly half a billion dollars were transmitted via the international media non-governmental organisation, Internews Network. USAID contributed to media outlets in over 30 nations. It financed training and resources for about 6,200 journalists as early as 2003, backed 707 non-state news groups and aided 279 civil society entities. Jeanne Bourgault who is the President and CEO of Internews spent 6 years with USAID before she made the switch.

The disclosers were made in a deleted fact sheet of the agency that exposed the scale of direct American involvement in global media systems over the previous 20 years. Additional leaked data unveiled that Internews collaborated with 4,291 media platforms, generating 4,799 hours of programming in a single year and reaching an estimated 778 million people. It reportedly pushed for media control and covert censorship.

Similarly, USAID reportedly funded and trained thousands of attorneys, judges and election workers. It also carried out surveys that cast doubt on the validity of elections, released reports alleging fraud and took part in supervising fresh elections both domestically and internationally.

From virus to regime change: US, USAID breeds and nurtures havoc around the world

USAID awarded the EcoHealth Alliance more than $1 million between 2009 and 2019 which was used for research on bat coronaviruses at the Wuhan Institute of Virology. “It is deeply disturbing that American taxpayers footed the bill for over $1 million to support dangerous and potentially deadly research at the WIV, a laboratory run by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and tied to military biological research. I thank my colleagues for including my amendment to end the flow of federal dollars to the WIV,” stated Congressman Guy Reschenthaler in 2021.

Moreover, Tulsi Gabbard, the former US director of national intelligence (DNI), recently shared a collection of declassified documents about Covid-19’s origins and Chief Medical Advisor to President Joe Biden, Dr Anthony Fauci, exposing “years of lies, censorship and cover-ups.”

“I’m releasing never-before-seen communications and documents exposing how Dr Fauci provided millions in US taxpayer dollars to fund dangerous gain-of-function research at the Wuhan lab, worked with politicised elements within the Intelligence Community to suppress the truth about his actions and hide the virus’s lab-leak origins, and lied to Congress while under oath in 2024. It’s time you know the truth,” she asserted.

Gabbard recounted that the pandemic “caused tremendous hardship and pain for millions of our fellow Americans and for countless people around the world.” She underscored, “The tactics used to hide the truth are straight from the deep state playbook: politicised self-serving leaders like Dr Fauci covered up their own wrongdoing and abuses of power, manipulated intelligence, lied to Congress and undermined a duly elected President by restricting his access to vital facts needed to keep the country safe.”

OpIndia had extensively covered Dr Fauci’s claims and the suppression of legitimate concerns regarding coronavirus origins and research at the hands of the administration under his influence. It is notable here that US government documents have shown that it was US government funding that was carrying out gain-of-function research at the Wuhan Institute of Virology in China.

The installation of puppet governments that adhere to the directives of Washington has been a longstanding and ambitious project of the US and its agencies, including USAID. These dangerous and violent schemes have manifested numerous times in different parts worldwide, including the regime change operation in Ukraine.

A leaked cable obtained by Drop Site News reinforced concerns that Khan’s government was toppled in 2022 due to American support. It drew a link between US disapproval of his policy on Russia and the internal no-confidence vote that removed him from office. Additionally, it recorded a direct signal that Washington would “forgive everything” if Khan were replaced.

American diplomat and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) asset Victoria Nuland, who partnered closely with USAID has often been reported as the mastermind of the regime change in Ukraine. She and the late US Senator John McCain fuelled and frequently participated in demonstrations in Ukraine that eventually evolved into the violent Euromaidan revolution, which claimed the lives of over 100 protestors and 13 police officers.

This movement pressured President Viktor Yanukovych, who was democratically elected in 2010 to flee because he had refused to sign Association Agreement and Free Trade deal with the European Union. He refused to join the EU and opted to seek closer ties with Russia alongside a $15 billion bailout. However, neither the US nor its friends were pleased with his choice and orchestrated the uprising.

Nuland was a major motivator for the agitation and guided the selection of the post-revolution authorities. These actions of the United States and its Western allies in the backyard of Russia raised heckles in Moscow and ultimately set off the ongoing conflict in the region.

Bangladesh’s former home minister, Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal also outlined the involvement of the CIA in the downfall of Sheikh Hasina government in 2024. Interestingly, Nuland’s name had come to light in association with this conspiracy as well.

Conclusion

From Asia to the Arab states and Europe, the United States has been proactive in subverting and uprooting governments under the guise of advancing democracy, despite their actual intentions being completely disconnected from their claims. The nation has employed both violent and diplomatic strategies, including protests and coups.

USAID was one such agency that was at the forefront in pursuing these nefarious goals. Nevertheless, the repercussions of its wicked aims also affected American citizens. These alarming activities have been extensively documented and exposed, which also encompassed massive corruption, resulting in the Trump administration’s decision to disband it.