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Supreme Court stays Delhi HC order directing release of 1993 Bowbazar blast ‘mastermind’ Rashid Khan who ‘intended to kill Hindus in Kolkata’: Read what happened and how Mamata Banerjee govt pushed for premature release

Anurag
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Supreme Court stays Delhi HC order directing release of 1993 Bowbazar blast ‘mastermind’ Rashid Khan who ‘intended to kill Hindus in Kolkata’: Read what happened and how Mamata Banerjee govt pushed for premature release

On 22nd June, the Supreme Court stayed the Delhi High Court order granting remission and directing the release of Md Rashid Khan, the TADA convict described by the West Bengal government as the mastermind of the 1993 Bowbazar blast.

Notably, Khan financed a planned bomb-making operation amid communal tensions following the December 1992 demolition of the disputed structure at Ayodhya. He had intended “to kill the Hindus in Calcutta” using bombs through “Muslim brothers”. An accidental detonation at the bomb workshop killed 69 people, none of whom were Hindus, injured dozens and brought down buildings in the densely populated central Kolkata neighbourhood.

A bench of Justices PK Mishra and Sanjeev Sachdeva passed the interim order while hearing the West Bengal government’s challenge to the Delhi High Court judgment dated 5th June. Khan, now around 77 years old, has spent more than 33 years in prison.

Additional Solicitor General SV Raju questioned the High Court’s reliance on the reformative theory of punishment in a case involving a massive explosion and widespread casualties. He also pointed out that the State Sentence Review Board had ultimately advised against Khan’s premature release.

Senior Advocate MR Shamshad, appearing for Khan, referred to his long incarceration, prison conduct, age and poor health. He also invoked the release of co-convict Pannalal Jaiswara in March 2014.

The bench, however, distinguished Khan’s case by observing that he was the “mastermind”. When Shamshad argued that Khan had been released on parole several times and had always returned, the court noted that he had been punished for an act that was “almost a terrorist act”.

The Supreme Court stayed the release order after observing that the appeal could become infructuous if Khan was freed before the challenge was examined. The apex court has scheduled the next hearing in the matter for 28th July.

Delhi High Court granted remission and ordered immediate release

Justice Neena Bansal Krishna of the Delhi High Court had allowed Khan’s petition on 5th June and directed that he be released forthwith if he was not wanted in any other case.

The High Court acknowledged that the Bowbazar blast was not an individual crime and had affected society at large. It nevertheless held that the gravity of the offence could not remain the sole ground for denying remission when the applicable policy did not expressly exclude TADA offences or crimes affecting national security.

A character certificate issued by the Superintendent of Presidency Correctional Home in February 2020 described Khan’s behaviour as “very very good” and stated that he had remained free from prison punishment.

The judgment recorded that he spent 93 days on parole without a police escort, returned within the prescribed period and faced no complaint of threats or communal hostility. Khan was also stated to be suffering from diabetes, hypertension, chronic metabolic disease, benign prostatic hypertrophy, a cataract and other age-related ailments.

The High Court concluded that the possibility of Khan committing another offence was very low. It held that keeping him imprisoned after more than 33 years would serve no fruitful purpose and that his sentence had already achieved its deterrent and reformative objectives.

Instead of directing the government to reconsider his case, the court granted remission itself, saying that sending the matter back to the executive would serve no purpose once the circumstances justified release. The Chief Minister Suvendhu Adhikari-led West Bengal government approached the Supreme Court to challenge the judgment of the Delhi High Court.

Mamata government’s board backed Khan’s release in 2015

In 2007, the CPI(M)-led West Bengal government initiated the process for Khan’s premature release after the prisons department recommended his case following his completion of 14 years in prison. However, the proposal did not result in his release. The Supreme Court subsequently clarified in 2014 that the Union government, and not the State, was the appropriate authority to grant remission to a TADA convict.

The Mamata government later revived the effort, with the State Sentence Review Board recommending his release in March 2015. The West Bengal State Sentence Review Board considered 32 cases and recommended five life convicts, including Khan, for premature release. There were attempts to paint him as a “good person” in media as well because he had “taken up art”.

The Board examined reports from the police, correctional authorities and probation officials. It also considered the duration of imprisonment, physical and mental condition, age, prison conduct, possibility of reoffending, social acceptance and prospects of rehabilitation.

A formal release order was not issued because the Supreme Court had temporarily restrained state governments from exercising remission powers in certain categories of cases while hearing the Union government’s petition in the V Sriharan matter.

Khan’s case became caught in a dispute over whether the State or the Centre was the appropriate authority to grant remission to a convict sentenced under a central law such as TADA.

The Delhi High Court noted that the 2015 recommendation had not been reversed because of any subsequent misconduct by Khan. The judgment described the later denial of remission as a “change of heart” arising from legal confusion over jurisdiction.

Notably, West Bengal’s position changed in subsequent years. The State Sentence Review Board rejected Khan’s request on 29th May 2017 and again on 8th August 2018 after Kolkata Police raised strong objections based on the gravity of the crime, its social impact and Khan’s role.

In February 2019, West Bengal sent an unfavourable recommendation to the Union government. The Ministry of Home Affairs also refused his request, citing the TADA conviction and the effect of the crime on national security.

The West Bengal government, whose Sentence Review Board had recommended Khan’s release in 2015, eventually approached the Supreme Court in 2026 to stop the Delhi High Court’s release order. The main difference was that power in the State was in the hands of a BJP-led government instead of a TMC-led government.

Why Khan approached the Delhi High Court

Khan’s son used the Right to Information Act in 2016 to obtain details about the stalled remission process. The West Bengal government confirmed that the State Sentence Review Board had recommended Khan’s premature release on 25th March 2015, but the decision was subsequently reviewed because of the Supreme Court’s orders restricting states from granting remission in certain cases. A second RTI response in July 2016 again stated that the State had been prevented from implementing the recommendation.

Khan then submitted a representation to the Union Home Ministry on 8th August 2016, citing the release of his co-convict and West Bengal’s earlier recommendation. His son sent several reminders, while the Home Ministry stated in September and November 2017 that the application remained under consideration.

Khan eventually approached the Delhi High Court because TADA was a central law, and he argued that the Union government, based in New Delhi, was the appropriate authority for deciding his remission. He challenged the State Sentence Review Board’s 2017 and 2018 rejections and sought directions for his premature release.

Bombs manufactured above a satta den in Bowbazar

The case arose from a devastating explosion on the night of 16th March 1993 at premises in the 266-268-A and 267 BB Ganguly Street area of Bowbazar in central Kolkata. The records describe the location as a clandestine bomb-making workshop operating above or alongside illegal gambling premises linked to Khan.

According to court documents and media reports, Md Khalid acted under Khan’s instructions and procured nitro-glycerine and other chemicals used to manufacture bombs and grenades. Khan financed the procurement and processing of the explosive material.

Khan’s gambling establishment provided cover for the activities. The movement, noise and late-night operations associated with satta betting allowed explosive materials to be brought in and devices to be assembled without immediately drawing attention.

During the hearing at the Sessions Court, investigators stated that the accused had accumulated quantities of volatile explosive substances far beyond what could be safely handled or stored. Khalid was accused of functioning as the principal bomb-maker, while Khan was presented as the financier, organiser and central figure directing the operation.

The prosecution said that the bombs were being manufactured for later terrorist operations. The blast itself was not the planned attack. It reportedly occurred when the stockpiled explosives and assembled devices detonated accidentally inside the workshop.

The initial ignition reportedly triggered a chain of explosions through the stored material. The force demolished the workshop and tore through surrounding buildings in the congested neighbourhood. Closely packed structures and narrow streets increased the scale of the casualties.

The Bowbazar explosion therefore differed from a timed bombing at a selected public target. According to the prosecution, it exposed an operating bomb factory after explosives intended for future use went off prematurely.

69 killed and buildings reduced to rubble

The First Information Report registered on 17th March initially recorded the deaths of 40 people and grievous injuries to several others. The toll later rose. A New York Times report from March 1993 stated that Kolkata Police stated it was a bomb blast but one officer was quoted saying that a large cache of explosives were stored in the building. According to the officer, the blast happened because of “careless handling” of the explosives.

During subsequent proceedings, the State placed the final figure at 69 people killed and 46 injured. Eight buildings were stated to have been destroyed or damaged. Victims included residents of adjoining multi-storey buildings and people present in the area. The blast wave, falling masonry, shattered debris and fires caused extensive devastation.

Two multi-storey structures were reportedly reduced to rubble, while surrounding buildings were badly damaged. Police personnel and fire brigades reached the site during the night. Rescue operations were complicated by the confined streets, unstable debris and the possibility that further explosive material remained at the location.

Police removed injured people to hospitals and collected material from the wreckage. The complaint lodged by Sub-Inspector BK Chattopadhyay stated that unknown persons, acting pursuant to a criminal conspiracy, had caused the explosion using explosive materials.

Forensic evidence shifted probe towards a bomb factory

The case was initially registered under Sections 120B, 436, 326 and 307 of the Indian Penal Code and provisions of the Explosive Substances Act. Murder charges were added as the casualties mounted.

According to the prosecution, forensic examination of the debris revealed explosive residues, fragments, wiring and materials associated with bomb assembly. Investigators rejected the possibility that the destruction had resulted from a gas leak or an ordinary accident.

Witness accounts and material recovered from the premises also connected the site to Khan’s illegal gambling operations.

TADA provisions were added in May 1993. The police submitted the charge sheet before the Designated Court on 14th June 1993 for offences including criminal conspiracy, murder, destruction by explosives, violations of the Explosive Substances Act and Sections 3 and 4 of TADA.

The prosecution said that Khan had declared an intention to kill Hindus in Kolkata using bombs through Muslim associates. It argued that this demonstrated an intention to disturb communal harmony and strike terror amid the tensions that followed the demolition of the disputed structure at Ayodhya in December 1992.

An earlier Calcutta High Court proceeding concerning the validity of the TADA sanction observed that the explosion itself did not prove an intention to kill Hindus because no Hindu was reportedly killed in the accidental detonation. That proceeding dealt with the sanction and cognisance under TADA, not the final determination of Khan’s guilt.

TADA court convicted Khan and his associates

A designated TADA court convicted Khan and several associates in 2001. Khan was held guilty of offences including murder, criminal conspiracy, violations of the Explosive Substances Act and offences under TADA.

The prosecution identified Khalid as the bomb-maker and Khan as the organiser who financed and directed the operation. West Bengal continued to describe Khan as the mastermind while opposing his premature release.

The Supreme Court subsequently dismissed the appeals filed by Khan and the other convicts and upheld their convictions and sentences.

Conclusion

The case has now returned to the Supreme Court, which will examine whether the Delhi High Court was justified in granting remission to a convict described as the mastermind of a bomb-making operation that killed 69 people. Until then, Khan will remain in prison, with the apex court’s stay preventing the implementation of the release order.

‘Purificatory ceremonies in temples should comply with Shastras’: Maharashtra court stays restoration of idols in Shri Vitthal-Rukmini Temple using chemicals

Aditi
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‘Purificatory ceremonies in temples should comply with Shastras’: Maharashtra court stays restoration of idols in Shri Vitthal-Rukmini Temple using chemicals

A Maharashtra court on Monday (22nd June) passed an interim order restraining the Shri Vitthal-Rukmini Temple committee from applying a protective chemical coating on the vigrahas (idols) of Shri Vitthal and Goddess Rukmini. Joint Civil Judge SS Raul, Junior Division, Pandharpur, passed a temporary injunction on 22 June 2026, observing that the application of chemicals on the murtis placed in Shri Vitthal Rukmini Temple in Pandharpur, Maharashtra, in the name of restoration would hurt the sentiments of devotees, who want the restoration process to comply with the Shastras.

“When devotees consider that god himself resides in the idol, such use of chemicals upon it adversely affects the sentiments of devotees.” The court examined the report of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) on the status of the idols and noted that the idols showed no signs of deterioration and that any delay in restoration would cause no damage.

The court rejected the temple administration’s claim that private individuals have no right to file a suit to stop the restoration process, as the temple administration is governed by the Pandharpur Temple Act. The court held that the plaintiffs are devotees and that any act affecting the idols would affect the sentiments of devotees.

Why the opposition

The plaintiff, representing the Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh, which works for the protection of Hindu Temples, had approached the court seeking to stop the temple administration from carrying out a proposed restoration of the Shri Vitthal murti, scheduled for June 23–24, 2026. The restoration process would involve coating the murti with epoxy resin as suggested by the Department of Archaeology. The restoration process was last carried out in 2020, despite opposition. At that time, it was assured to the people opposing the process that no restoration would be carried out for the next 10 years. However, the Department of Archaeology has again suggested the process, within 6 years of the last restoration.

The procedure involves cleaning the idols with chemicals, followed by filling the gaps or holes in the murti using stone powder combined with binding agents. The plaintiff has opposed the restoration of the murti using chemicals and has advocated for the traditional method of restoring the murti using ‘Vajralep’ as prescribed in the Shashtras.

Temple administration is merely a custodian of the temple: Court

The defendants opposed the pleadings of the plaintiffs, claiming that the temple administration is governed by the Pandharpur Temple Act and therefore, the plaintiffs have no locus standi in the case. After examining the question of locus standi, the court rejected the defendants’ argument that the plaintiff had no right to file the present suit. The court also noted that the temple committee itself treated the plaintiffs as stakeholders by inviting them to a meeting of stakeholders held before taking the final decision regarding the restoration process.

The court further said that the temple administration is merely a custodian of the temple, and it exists for the smooth functioning of the temple. It added that the temple administration cannot claim any sovereignty or ownership over the temple idols. The court acknowledged the plaintiff’s right to file the present suit, saying that plaintiffs are devotees and any act affecting the idols is the concern of all devotees.

“The temple being a religious place, religious sentiments of all the devotees must be taken into consideration. The plaintiffs, being one of the devotees, whose religious sentiments have been affected by the proposed act of the defendant, are the persons having a right existing in their favour to file the present suit. At the primary stage, the objection raised by the defendant that the plaintiffs do not have locus-standi is not tenable,” the court asserted.

Restoration of idols should conform to the Shastras: Court

The plaintiff had submitted before the court that the chemicals to be used in the proposed restoration are prohibited in the Shastras. He argued that Vajralep prepared using Ayurvedic and natural herbs should be applied on the idols for restoration after the prescribed ritual. The plaintiff said that the objections regarding the proposed restoration were not taken into account by the defendants, who made the decision regarding restoration ex parte.

In light of precedents on the protection and restoration of temple idols, the court said that any departure from the rules prescribed in the Agamas (Shastras) relating to worship and purificatory ceremonies for restoring the sanctity of the shrine results in the defiling of the idols.

The court noted the defendant failed to prove that the proposed restoration would conform to the Shastras. “Any departure from such procedure will result in defilement of the idol itself. This will strongly affect the religious sentiment of devotees, including plaintiffs. Thus, the plaintiff’s right in respect of the idol of having religious sentiment and their faith that the divine spirit rests in the idol, is going to be affected by the proposed act of the defendant. Thus, plaintiffs have proved the existence of a right in their favour which requires adjudication on merit. Thus, they have a prima facie case established in their favour,” the court stated.

The court issued the temporary injunction, observing that if the injunction is refused, the sentiments of plaintiffs and other devotees will be affected.

BBC sanitises Antifa terror: British broadcaster calls Antifa attackers ‘protestors’ after US court hands them 450 years in prison over Texas ICE attack, cop shooting

Shraddha Pandey
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BBC sanitises Antifa terror: British broadcaster calls Antifa attackers ‘protestors’ after US court hands them 450 years in prison over Texas ICE attack, cop shooting

The BBC has a penchant for humanising Islamic terrorists and stirring sympathy for ideologically aligned individuals, regardless of how heinous a crime they may have committed. The state broadcaster of the United Kingdom gave ‘protestors being incarcerated’ victimhood spin to the conviction and sentencing of eight Antifa terrorists who ambushed an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) facility in Alvarado in the US’s Texas, and shot a police officer in the neck.

Eight Antifa terrorists collectively sentenced to 450 years in prison; BBC portrays convicts as ‘protestors’ being jailed for their activism

On the 23rd of June 2026, eight members of a North Texas Antifa cell were sentenced in federal court in Fort Worth, Texas, to a combined 450 years in jail. The accused persons Benjamin Hanil Song, Maricela Rueda, Cameron Arnold, Savanna Batten, Zachary Evetts, Bradford Morris, and Daniel Rolando Sanchez Estrada were convicted in February-March 2026 for their roles in the attack on 4th July 2025 on the Prairieland ICE Detention Centre in Alvarado. The facility housed immigrants awaiting deportation to their home countries.

With 46 witnesses and 210 exhibits, the prosecutors proved at trial that the accused persons formed a coordinated Antifa cell. The Antifa ‘activists’ used encrypted applications, monikers, Faraday bags, and reconnaissance to plan a violent attack. The US Justice Department said that at least eleven Antifa terrorists arrived in black bloc attire, had their faces covered. They were armed with at least 11 firearms, body armour, and military-grade first-aid kits with tourniquets. The Antifa terrorists also carried explosives/fireworks.

After arriving at ICE’s detention facility, the Antifa terrorists began shooting off and throwing fireworks (explosives) at the facility and vandalising vehicles and a guard shack on Prairieland property.

“Trial testimony reflected that, late at night on July 4, 2025, at least eleven of the defendants rioted and attacked the Prairieland Detention Centre in Alvarado, Texas, which the U.S. Department of Homeland Security was using to house illegal aliens awaiting deportation.  The defendants dressed in “black bloc”—dark clothing with head and face coverings that concealed their identities—designed to hide each individual’s identity but also to aid and abet those members engaged in illegal acts by making members indistinguishable from one another to law enforcement,” the US Justice Department said.

The Antifa terrorists attacked the detention facility by shooting off and throwing fireworks, vandalising vehicles and a guard shack, slashing tyres, breaking surveillance cameras, and spray-painting derogatory graffiti.

When an Alvarado police officer responded to the 911 call from correctional officers, the Antifa cell leader Benjamin Hanil Song, who is a former US Marine Corps reservist and  Nathan Baumann, shouted “get to the rifles” on bodycam audio and opened fire. The bullet fired by Song struck the police officer in the neck/shoulder. Although Song fled the scene immediately, he was captured on 15th July 2025.

The prosecutors presented evidence showing how the Antifa operatives were working in an organised fashion to attack the detention centre in Alvarado. These included numerous chats of the members, who used an encrypted messaging app to coordinate with each other that had auto-delete functions, permanently deleting some Antifa Cell members’ communications.

The court convicted eight of the Antifa terrorists involved in the Alvarado ICE detention centre attack on the charges of rioting, using weapons and explosives, providing material support to terrorists, obstruction, and attempted murder of a law enforcement officer.

The federal court sentenced Benjamin Hanil Song, who was convicted of the attempted murder of a police officer, to 100 years in prison.

Convict Maricela Rueda was sentenced to 70 years in prison; Cameron Arnold was sentenced to 50 years in prison; Savanna Batten was sentenced to 50 years in prison; Zachary Evetts was sentenced to 50 years in prison; Bradford Morris was sentenced to 50 years in prison; Elizabeth Soto was sentenced to 50 years in prison; and Daniel Rolando Sanchez-Estrada was sentenced to 30 years in prison.

Despite there being evidentiary proof establishing that the convicts not only subscribed to the Antifa ideology but also worked in a coordinated manner to carry out a violent attack on an ICE detention centre, the BBC described the Antifa links of the convicts as “alleged”.

The Islamo-leftist propaganda outlet passed off a planned armed ambush with gunfire on police as a “protest”.

“Eight people with alleged ties to Antifa collectively sentenced to 450 years in prison over ICE centre protest,” the BBC wrote on X on 24th June.The

The BBC’s blatant attempt at sympathetically contextualising the attack and conviction of the Antifa terrorists, decoupling the convicts and the Antifa ideology, and giving a victimhood spin to the left-aligned perpetrators attracted severe backlash online.

Many said that while the Antifa terrorists were sentenced for planning a terrorist attack, shooting a law enforcement officer in the neck, the BBC framed their sentencing as an unfair outcome of ‘protesting’.

In fact, some X users added context to the BBC’s post and wrote, “
The individuals were sentenced for a terrorist attack involving explosives and the attempted murder of a police officer, not a protest. Following their convictions, their ties to the group are no longer alleged.”

The “alleged” dodge and the erasure of the police officer’s shooting show that leftist media outlets like the BBC have no qualms about downplaying even the attempted murder of an ideological adversary or a police officer simply doing his job to whitewash those ideologically aligned with them.

Further humanising the attempted murder convict Benjamin Song, the BCC cited an Associated Press report quoting Song’s mother Hope disputing ‘claims’ that Benjamin shot the officer and claiming that her son “didn’t intend to hurt anyone”. How utterly shocking and believable it is that the family members of a murder convict claim that he/she did not commit any crime.

In one single article, the BBC not only decoupled Antifa or “anti-fascist” ideology from the convicted individuals but also whitewashed the far-left extremist ideology itself. In short, the BBC said, “Look, the protestors who attacked the ICE facility and shot a police officer were not linked to Antifa ideology, even though one of them shot a police guy in the neck, they did not intend to hurt anyone. Also, Antifa is just an ideology and subscribing to it is not a crime.”

The BBC, however, has exhibited a well-documented pattern of inserting sympathetic ‘context’, using the “alleged” framing to downplay even legally proven crimes of ‘activists’ aligned with their leftist ideology.

Such is their institutional bias and commitment to shielding those the left liberals across the world usually portray as victims, despite their predatory antecedents, that the BBC chose to humanise Antifa terrorists in the US but did not cover the recently released Rape Gang Inquiry Report in its home country the UK, because around 87 to 95% rapists were identified as Pakistani Muslim men victimising non-Muslim girls due to religious hatred.

Back in 2022, the BBC’s anti-Hindu Leicester violence reportage was riddled with anti-Hindu bias, with a deliberate attempt at villainising Hindutva and the BJP-RSS, even though there was nothing linked to RSS, BJP, or so-called Right-Wing extremists or fascist orientation to the violence at all. The BBC had conveniently shifted the blame for the Muslim-orchestrated violence and hatred to Hindus.

In August 2024, when Hindus were being singled out, raped, looted, and killed by Muslim mobs in Bangladesh, the BBC had claimed that the “far-right” was spreading false claims about Muslims targeting Hindu minorities. Driven by the ideological imperative of Muslim saviourism, the BBC framed the Islamist onslaught against Hindus, and the desecration of their temple,s as “political violence” or political retribution for supporting the ousted PM Sheikh Hasina’s party.

In May this year, the BBC ran the headline “Selling children to survive: Afghan fathers forced to make impossible choices.” In this story, the BBC profiled Afghan men who were selling their daughters as young as five-year-old daughters into marriage or servitude in exchange for money.

OpIndia reported on how the BBC humanised the “impossible choices” of Afghan fathers and desperation. Instead of highlighting the blatant child trafficking and victimisation of minor girls, the BBC invoked sympathy for men selling off their daughters to pay bills.

Clearly, when violence of depravity comes from ideological or religious groups/individuals aligned with leftist causes, be it Antifa or Islamism, the BBC inserts soft language, passes off its sympathetic narrative as context, and downplays their crimes regardless of convictions, sentences, or the naked truth.

Bangladesh hunts for $230 billion stashed abroad: As its economy struggles, a look at how Indian liberals once cited it to attack the Modi government

Shraddha Pandey
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Bangladesh hunts for $230 billion stashed abroad: As its economy struggles, a look at how Indian liberals once cited it to attack the Modi government

Bangladesh is intensifying its efforts to recover assets worth over $230 billion allegedly siphoned from the country during the 15-year rule of ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Earlier, the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus had said that over $234 billion was ‘stolen‘ from Bangladesh, and even claimed that the United Kingdom was “morally obliged” to help in recovery. Now, the PM Tarique Rahman-led government is desperately chasing the mirage of $230 billion as Bangladesh grapples with economic challenges exacerbated by the West Asia crisis.

Muhammad Yunus-led interim government had claimed that over $16 billion was being drained out of Bangladesh annually in the later years of Hasina’s rule.

Reports say that the new government has “doubled down” on recovery efforts. The Rahman government is actively seeking international support and lodging cases against tycoons and Hasina-era figures. The government, though desperate, is not delusional. Bangladesh lacks the requisite expertise in complex cross-border asset tracing and prosecution, which, anyway, is like searching for a needle in a haystack. Bangladeshi officials say that it will take years, if not decades, to claw back any significant amounts.

Since Sheikh Hasina was forced out of power and her country, the economy of Bangladesh has hollowed out.

The Bangladeshi government officials admit that the country’s economy is in shambles. Recent reports indicate that Bangladesh’s banking sector is in a near-collapse state, with non-performing loans (NPLs) surging to around 30 to 35% of total credit, making it among the highest globally.

Several banks have become technically insolvent or forced into mergers.

Meanwhile, Bangladesh’s Foreign Exchange Reserves, which peaked under the Hasina government near $48 billion in 2021, slumped to the $20 billions range by 2024. Experts attribute this sharp decline partly to mismanagement and looting.

Bangladesh’s GDP growth crashed to 3.49% in FY 2024-25, although the GDP is projected to grow by 4.6% to 4.9% for the 2025–2026 fiscal year.

The US-Israel war against Iran and consequent energy crisis have severely impacted Bangladesh, which imports 95% of its oil and fuel. Bangladesh’s Finance Minister Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury recently said that the country’s treasury “bled” around $4 billion over the last three months due to higher energy prices resulting from the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz.

The country is forced to request a $3 billion loan from international lenders, including the IMF, World Bank, and the Asian Development Bank. This move came after Bangladesh’s fiscal deficit rose to a projected 3.6 per cent in the current financial year.

In this wake, Minister Mahmud Chowdhury said that the BNP-led government in Bangladesh is doubling down on recouping what it describes as “plundered assets”.

“Whatever we may be able to recover at a time like this, when we are really having serious fiscal issues, any amount of money helps,” he said.

In April this year, PM Tarique Rahman informed the Bangladeshi Parliament that recovery efforts are being bolstered “through information exchange, asset identification and enhanced mutual legal assistance with the concerned countries”.

He emphasised that the Rahman government is “placing the highest priority on recovering laundered assets abroad.”

Bangladesh is pursuing its allegedly siphoned assets in the UK, US, United Arab Emirates and Singapore, among other countries. A task force has been formed under the new central bank governor, Mohammed Mostaqur Rahman, to trace and retrieve the missing Bangladeshi funds abroad.

Further lamenting the alleged loot of Bangladesh’s funds, Mahmud Chowdhury said, banks’ balance sheets were “nil or in the minus” territory, forcing the government to recapitalise them.

“They (Sheikh Hasina-linked businessmen and politicians) took $234bn out of the country, laundered out, so the banks are in distress,” Chowdhury said.

Earlier in June 2026, the Rahman government was compelled to earmark $3.2bn for an emergency lifeline to help revive the banking sector.

Inflation has also remained a perpetual challenge for Bangladesh’s economy. Even after months of monetary tightening by the new central bank governor, inflation is still above 8%, making it the highest in South Asia. As of May 2026, Bangladesh’s inflation rate stands at 9.42%, rising from 9.04% in April 2026.

Before, during, or after the Iran war, the cost of food, fuel, rent, and essential services kept surging for ordinary households in Bangladesh. The country was still struggling to recover from the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic when political instability engulfed Bangladesh. The country’s overall poverty rate stands at an estimated 27.9%, with extreme poverty at 9.3%, meaning that approximately 27.9% of the population lives below the national poverty line, meaning over a quarter of the country is considered poor.

A significant section of Bangladeshi families who were earlier considered “just above” the poverty line are now slipping back into poverty because their earnings can no longer keep up with rising prices. 

In addition, the government borrowing rates have also been troubling. Bangladesh’s total public debt burden has exceeded Tk 22 lakh crore, representing approximately 40.2% to 41.8% of the country’s GDP. Earlier this month, the Bangladeshi media reported that even if the government does not take fresh loans in the next financial year, which is highly unlikely, “it will still have to spend approximately BDT 4.35 trillion solely on repaying the principal and interest of previously incurred debt.”

The political instability in the country over the past two years has resulted in a steep drop in investment in Bangladesh. The new government is working to attract foreign investments; however, Bangladesh’s tendency to descend into communal anarchy still remains a concern for investors, who continue to not feel confident enough to inject fresh capital or start new projects in the country.

Bangladesh’s textile industry, once booming, is now in shambles. The country’s textile industry, valued at around $23 billion, forms the backbone of the nation’s economy, supplying yarn to the ready-made garments sector, which accounts for approximately 85% of the country’s total export earnings. However, the political instability and senseless hostilities towards India added to Bangladesh’s troubles.

With India set to ink deals with the European Union and the US, the country’s textile and apparel industry will get a massive boost. The US is already the largest export market for Indian textiles and textile products, with exports valued at $10.5-11 billion annually. In February 2025, the Modi government allocated Rs 5272 crores to the Ministry of Textiles this year as compared to Rs 4417.03 crores in the Financial Year 2024-25, in a clear bid to take advantage as businesses try to move away from Bangladesh. This has further added to Bangladesh’s troubles.

Imposed in May 2025 in an unannounced response to Muhammad Yunus’s hostile behaviour towards India. New Delhi imposed port restrictions on Bangladeshi goods, estimated to cost Bangladesh over $770 million.

While Bangladesh may not have been an economic Utopia under Sheikh Hasina, the period between 2022 and 2025 has been described by experts as a phase of “reversal,” meaning Bangladesh is undoing years of progress in poverty reduction and other such aspects.

Clearly, Bangladesh is in a deep financial quagmire and is taking desperate measures, including efforts to recover the siphoned $230 billion worth of assets stashed abroad.

Ironically, this is the same Bangladesh, Indian liberal commentariat hailed as an economic Utopia, much smaller but way ahead of an economic giant India. From Germany-based YouTuber Dhruv Rathee, anti-Modi parties, to Indian leftist media outlets, all of them repeatedly cherry-picked numbers and concocted a ‘Bangladesh is ahead of India’ narrative based on half-truths and exaggerations.

They would lend credence to and amplify the “Bangladesh miracle” narrative to target the Modi government, conveniently ignoring the stark differences between the nature of the economies, the population size and political realities of India and Bangladesh. While Bangladesh has a GDP of $450 billion, India is roughly 8-9 times larger, standing at nearly $4 trillion.

Undoubtedly, India did not fully tap its textile potential earlier, and Bangladesh had an edge in this sector. However, India is such a massive and diverse economy that it could, and now is, exerting dominance in this arena as well.

Indian liberals highlight Bangladesh’s slight edge in nominal GDP per capita ($2,911) compared to India ($2,812) as a shame on New Delhi that even an unstable country like Bangladesh is ‘ahead of us’. However, they conveniently forget that Bangladesh sometimes surpasses India in terms of per capita income due to currency fluctuations and its export-centric model.

Beyond cherry-picked numbers, India remains a spectacularly larger, wealthier, and more diversified economic superpower. India remains the fastest-growing major economy, while the Indian liberals’ favourite, Bangladesh, significantly depends on India for rice, power, and other essential supplies.

However, nothing better can be expected from those driven by ideological-political disdain from Modi/BJP, who earlier attacked the Modi government with ridiculous arguments like “even Taliban-ruled Afghanistan’s currency is stronger than ours”.

Smart locks turning into death traps? From Delhi to Lucknow, biometric doors jammed during power outages: Why is ‘fail-secure’ technology costing innocent lives?

अर्पित त्रिपाठी
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Smart locks turning into death traps? From Delhi to Lucknow, biometric doors jammed during power outages: Why is ‘fail-secure’ technology costing innocent lives?

Several tragic incidents reported across the country in recent years have highlighted a major safety issue linked to biometric and smart locks. From the basement flooding in Old Rajinder Nagar, Delhi, to the hotel fire in Malviya Nagar and the library fire in Lucknow, these incidents had one common factor. During the emergencies, power failures caused biometric and smart-lock doors to stop working, trapping people inside. As a result, many people were unable to escape in time and lost their lives.

According to the experts, the problem is linked to the way some smart doors are designed. At present, biometric doors mainly work on two systems: “fail secure” and “fail safe.” Among these, the fail-safe system can become dangerous during emergencies. In this system, the door remains locked whether electricity is available or not.

Such doors need power to open. Under normal conditions, when a person scans their fingerprint or face, an electrical signal activates a mechanism inside the lock, which pulls back a spring and unlocks the door. However, if the power supply is cut, the system stops working, and the door remains locked.

Fail-safe locks work differently. In this system, a magnet keeps the door locked. When a fingerprint or other biometric key is used, the power to the magnet is switched off, and the door opens. Because of this design, fail-safe doors automatically unlock when there is a power outage, allowing people to exit safely during an emergency.

Experts believe that one reason fail-safe technology is not widely used in India is the fear of theft. Many people worry that if doors automatically unlock during a power cut, their homes or businesses could become vulnerable to break-ins. As a result, protecting property is often given more importance than emergency safety.

Safety guidelines clearly state that fail-secure doors should only be installed in places where highly valuable assets need protection and not in areas where large numbers of people regularly enter and exit. The rules also require every such door to have a mechanical override or manual unlocking system so that it can be opened during emergencies,s even if there is no electricity.

However, safety experts say these guidelines are often ignored. The incidents in Delhi and Lucknow have once again raised concerns about the use of smart locks without proper emergency systems. These tragedies have also sparked questions about whether enough attention is being given to human safety when installing such security systems.

Why are Asiatic Lions, which once roared from Greece to the Ganges, confined to Gir? A journey from the brink of extinction to a resilient population of 891

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
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Why are Asiatic Lions, which once roared from Greece to the Ganges, confined to Gir? A journey from the brink of extinction to a resilient population of 891

On the road connecting Junagadh and Amreli in Gujarat, mornings often reveal a scene that is difficult to imagine in most parts of the world. Cattle graze in open fields, Maldhari herders begin their daily routine, and somewhere nearby, an Asiatic lion may be resting under a tree or moving through agricultural land. In many countries, large predators and people are separated by fences, protected zones or vast distances. In Gujarat’s Gir, however, humans and lions have shared the same environment for generations.

Today, the Asiatic lion survives naturally only in Gujarat. Anyone hoping to see these lions roaming freely in the wild must visit the Gir region and the surrounding areas of Kathiawad, also known as Saurashtra. While this achievement is a source of pride, it also raises an important question. How did a species that once occupied a vast territory across continents disappear almost everywhere, yet survive in one corner of western India?

The answer lies in a unique combination of history, geography, community participation and decades of conservation efforts.

A Lion that once ruled a vast territory

The Asiatic lion was not always limited to Gujarat. Historical records and scientific studies show that lions once ranged across a huge area stretching from parts of Europe and North Africa to West Asia and the Indian subcontinent.

Their presence was recorded from the Mediterranean region through present-day Iran and Iraq and into northern India. Within India, lions were found across regions that now include Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. Ancient texts and historical accounts suggest that lions were familiar animals to people living across much of the subcontinent.

The lion also occupied an important place in Indian culture. It appeared in mythology, religious traditions and royal symbolism. Goddess Durga is depicted riding a lion, while lions are frequently mentioned in ancient literature as symbols of courage and strength. The four lions of the Ashoka Pillar, which today form India’s national emblem, reflect this long-standing association.

Yet cultural importance alone could not guarantee the species’ survival.

The decline of the Asiatic lion

By the nineteenth century, the future of the Asiatic lion had become uncertain. Large-scale hunting and habitat loss pushed the species towards extinction.

For kings, nawabs, princes and British officials, lion hunting became a symbol of status and power. At the same time, forests were cleared to make way for agriculture and expanding human settlements. As natural habitats shrank, lions lost both space and prey.

Large predators require extensive territory to survive. As forests disappeared and human activity increased, lion populations declined rapidly across their historic range. One region after another lost its lions until only the forests of Gir remained.

By the end of the nineteenth century, estimates suggested that only a small number of Asiatic lions survived. Some accounts placed the population at little more than a dozen animals. A species that had once roamed thousands of kilometres was suddenly fighting for survival in a single landscape.

Why Gir became their last refuge

Many forests have water, vegetation and wildlife, but Gir offered something more. The region developed a stable ecosystem capable of supporting lions over a long period.

The Gir landscape includes dry deciduous forests, thorn scrub, grasslands, riverine habitats and open spaces. This variety creates suitable conditions for large carnivores. Lions require shelter, breeding areas and access to prey, and Gir provided all three.

The forest’s ecological diversity helped maintain a healthy balance between predators and prey. As a result, lions were able to continue surviving even when populations elsewhere disappeared.

The Animals that sustained the Lions

The survival of any large predator depends on the availability of prey. Gir’s rich wildlife population became one of the biggest reasons behind the lion’s continued existence.

Species such as chital, sambar, nilgai, wild boar, chinkara and chausingha formed the foundation of the ecosystem. Over time, the numbers of these animals increased significantly. The growth of the chital population was particularly important because it ensured a stable food source for lions.

Conservation experts often point out that protecting predators alone is not enough. The entire food chain must remain healthy. In Gir, the steady growth of prey populations strengthened the chances of lion recovery.

The Maldharis and a rare example of coexistence

One of the most remarkable aspects of the Gir story is the relationship between lions and the Maldhari community.

The Maldharis are traditional pastoralists who have lived in and around the Gir region for centuries. Their settlements, known locally as ‘nes’ (nesda), are spread across the landscape. Livestock rearing has long been their primary way of life.

In many parts of the world, conflicts between humans and large predators often lead to hostility. Livestock losses can result in retaliation against wildlife. In Gir, however, a different relationship evolved over generations.

This does not mean conflicts never occur. Lions do sometimes prey on livestock, causing losses for herders. Yet many Maldharis view lions as a natural part of their surroundings rather than as outsiders. Their attitude combines caution, respect and familiarity.

Older residents often speak about lions as they would speak about long-known neighbours. They understand lion behaviour, know when to remain alert and have learned how to share the landscape with them. This knowledge has been passed down through generations and has helped maintain a balance between people and wildlife.

A living culture, not just a conservation idea

The coexistence seen in Gir is not simply the result of government policies. It is part of everyday life.

As dawn breaks in a Maldhari settlement, cattle are taken out for grazing, milk is collected, and routine activities begin. Throughout these daily tasks, the presence of lions remains an accepted reality.

Over the years, some Maldhari families were relocated as part of conservation efforts. Even so, their connection with Gir remains strong. Their contribution to the region’s identity is deeply rooted and continues to be an important part of the lion conservation story.

Conservation efforts gain momentum

While coexistence played a major role, the recovery of the Asiatic lion also required organised conservation measures.

After Independence, it became increasingly clear that hunting restrictions alone would not save the species. Protecting the entire habitat was essential. In 1965, Gir was declared a wildlife sanctuary, marking a major step in conservation planning.

During the 1970s, detailed scientific studies were carried out to understand lion behaviour, habitat use and ecological needs. Researchers examined how lions moved across the landscape, how much territory they required and how prey populations influenced their survival.

At the same time, several Maldhari settlements were relocated from parts of the forest. Although the process was challenging, it allowed certain areas to regenerate naturally. Grasslands improved, vegetation recovered, and prey species benefited from the reduced pressure on the ecosystem.

Conservation efforts later expanded beyond Gir itself. Authorities began treating Gir, Girnar and neighbouring regions as a connected landscape capable of supporting a growing lion population.

Forest officials introduced regular monitoring systems, communication networks, community engagement programmes and safety measures such as covering open wells that posed risks to wildlife. These initiatives strengthened protection across the region.

The numbers from 177 to 891 tell the story

Perhaps the clearest evidence of success can be seen in the lion population figures.

The 1968 census recorded only 177 lions. Although the species had escaped extinction, its future remained uncertain.

The population gradually increased over the following decades. The count rose to 180 in 1974, 205 in 1979, 239 in 1984, 284 in 1990 and 327 in 1995. By 2005, the number had reached 359, while the 2010 census recorded 411 lions.

Growth accelerated in the following years. The population reached 674 in 2020, demonstrating that conservation efforts were producing results on a larger scale.

According to the latest count released by the Gujarat government in 2025, the number of Asiatic lions has reached 891. For a species that had once been reduced to a tiny surviving population, this represents one of the most remarkable wildlife recoveries in modern conservation history.

Lions beyond Gir

The growing population has also changed the geography of lion distribution. Earlier, most lions were concentrated within the Gir forests. Today, they occupy a much larger area across the Kathiawad region.

Lions are now regularly found in Girnar, coastal belts, agricultural landscapes and districts such as Amreli and Bhavnagar. Many animals live outside the traditional core forest area and have adapted to a broader landscape that includes human settlements.

This expansion brings new management challenges, but it also demonstrates the recovery of the species. The Asiatic lion is no longer confined to a small pocket of habitat.

A legacy preserved

The story of the Asiatic lion is not only about a predator. It is also a story about forests, prey animals, local communities, scientists, forest staff and decades of consistent conservation work.

Gir provided shelter when the species had nowhere else to go. Healthy prey populations ensured food. The Maldharis offered an example of long-term coexistence, while government agencies and conservationists created systems that helped the population recover.

At a time when the Asiatic lion seemed destined to disappear from the world, Gujarat helped keep the species alive. Today, every roar heard across the Gir landscape stands as a reminder that wildlife can recover when habitat protection, community support and scientific conservation work together.

The survival of the Asiatic lion is not simply a conservation achievement. It is proof that a species on the verge of extinction can return when people choose to protect it.

Guarding the Dharmic land: How India’s new FCRA Rules finally shut the door on conversion money

Divyansh Tiwari
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Guarding the Dharmic land: How India’s new FCRA Rules finally shut the door on conversion money

The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Rules, 2011, were amended by a Gazette notification published by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs on June 22, 2026. One point of statutory clarity must be made clear before moving on, the Rules, which are the subordinate, delegated laws formed under the parent Act, are what have been changed. The main FCRA itself, the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010, has not been altered. The operational mechanics, such as who is eligible for FCRA registration, what they must formally declare, how they must account for each rupee of foreign money they have received, and which activities are now specifically prohibited, have been altered by the Home Ministry.

This distinction is important since it defines how the change was implemented. Changes to the Rules do not require Parliament’s approval. On June 22, the executive administration, through the Ministry of Home Affairs, exercised its assigned authority to notify them directly. The announcement is transparent, legal, and open to the public through the Official Gazette. On this particular occasion, critics who claim procedural impropriety are just legally incorrect.

Nevertheless, it is important to recognise the importance of the changes. These are some of the most significant changes to India’s foreign funding structure in a long time.

The long permissive interregnum and how it was exploited

The United Progressive Alliance government was in power when the original Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Rules were drafted in 2011. At that time, they allowed organisations registered for broad, flexible purposes, such as ‘religious,’ ‘educational,’ ‘social,’ or ‘cultural’, to accept donations from outside with comparatively little examination of what those purposes actually meant in reality. Basic disclosures were filed, annual returns were required, and registration was necessary. However, there was no clear definition of what constitutes a ‘religious purpose’ in the Rules. The consequences of that silence were significant.

During the UPA years, when Sonia Gandhi had significant influence over the ruling coalition, this regulatory vacuum manifested itself in an actual manner rather than being a hypothetical shortcoming. The 2011 Rules’ ambiguous language allowed foreign donations to support initiatives that clouded the distinction between organized ideological mobilization and declared charitable or religious goals. One such vector of religious outreach functioning with little monitoring was the Zakir Naik story, which rose to prominence between 2005 and 2007 with the establishment of his Dubai based Peace TV and its foreign funded preaching network. Concerns about Chinese funds getting into Gandhi family affiliated organizations surfaced at the same time. The Rajiv Gandhi Foundation and Rajiv Gandhi Charitable Trust, both chaired by Sonia Gandhi, had their FCRA registrations revoked in 2022 due to discrepancies and violations, which was the most notable example of remedial action prompted by these patterns of unexamined inflows.

In the subsequent years that followed, intelligence reports from central agencies and state governments consistently pointed out a concerning trend. Foreign funds that were supposed to be used for charitable, educational, or religious purposes were instead being used, either entirely or partially, for organised religious conversion and proselytising, especially in rural and tribal areas. Over 20,000 FCRA registrations have been suspended or cancelled since 2014, with conversion activity being one of the reasons given, according to enforcement data from the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Four Christian evangelical organisations operating in Jharkhand, Manipur, and Mumbai had their FCRA licenses suspended by the MHA in September 2020 due to intelligence reports about their efforts to convert tribal communities. In the same month, the licenses of thirteen more NGOs were suspended for similar reasons. Prominent organisations like World Vision India, the Church’s Auxiliary for Social Action, and the Evangelical Fellowship of India had their registrations revoked in 2024. The pattern was the same in all of these cases, registration for welfare or religious purposes, but field activities consistently veered into aggressive conversion drives aimed at economically disadvantaged groups, with foreign finance supporting the entire endeavour.

However, there was no clear prohibition on this path in the Rules. Case by case, notice by notice, cancellation by cancellation, enforcement continued to be reactive. A systemic, rule-based closure of the loophole itself was what the nation required.

Precision where there was permissiveness

This vacuum is purposefully filled by the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Rules, 2026, which go into force immediately following the gazette notification.

First and foremost, all organisations wishing to register under the FCRA must now choose their goals from a government-notified Schedule that encompasses five major categories, social, religious, cultural, economic, and educational. Self-defined, unrestricted goals are a thing of the past. You cannot register if your purpose is not specified.

Second, the Rules now specifically stipulate that activities must be conducted ‘excluding proselytisation‘ for a number of groups within the religious community. Religious education, documenting of religious traditions, preservation of indigenous beliefs, satsangs, talks, meditation retreats, and, most importantly, the documentation, maintenance, and rejuvenation of indigenous and tribal faith practices are among the categories affected. Particular consideration must be given to this final category. The phrase preserving or reviving indigenous faith was appropriated for decades as a pretext for systematic conversion. The Rules have forged a boundary that is both legally correct and civilisationally sensible by allowing certain activities but expressly prohibiting proselytisation inside them.

Third, any organisation that employs foreign nationals as essential staff, other than those of Indian origin, will no longer ‘ordinarily not be considered’ for registration or prior authorisation. This resolves a long-standing issue with externally driven organisations that effectively serve as tools of foreign cultural or religious agendas by placing foreign nationals at the operational helm.

Fourth, the meaning of ‘key functionary’ has been greatly expanded to include directors of companies, partners in businesses, trustees, the Karta of a Hindu Undivided Family, and anybody with effective management control. This eliminates a popular loophole in which nominal Indian names sat at the top while actual direction came from foreign individuals operating outside of formal scrutiny.

Fifth, transparency at both ends of the money path is tightened by new disclosure regulations. In registration applications, NGOs are required to include details regarding all social media accounts they have. The true donor, or the original source of the donation, must be revealed when contributions come through intermediary vehicles like donor-advised contributions.

Sixth, a minimum of ₹10 lakh in foreign contribution on declared activities over the past two financial years is now required for renewal in order to stop stagnant organisations from accumulating licenses. Subsequent instalments will only be granted to groups receiving funds under Prior Permission if 75% of the last instalment has been used. In other words, licenses that are dormant will expire.

Finally, all current FCRA-registered associations have one year from the date of notification to formally declare their precise purposes and modes of operation under the new Schedule. This transition provision compels a public accounting and is not just administrative. These days, every organization must formally commit to specific and clearly defined goals.

The pending bill: Completing the architecture

There is more to the June 22 Rules change than just this. It is a component of a broader legislative framework that the government is systematically putting together. The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026, was presented to the Lok Sabha by the government in March of that year. The Bill, which is presently being considered, proposes amending the parent FCRA Act itself. A Designated Authority, a government appointed individual with the power to take over the management of foreign donations and the assets of organisations whose FCRA registration has been cancelled, given up, or not renewed, serves as its central focus.

At present, when an organisation loses its licence, its owned assets, land, buildings, hospitals, schools, and equipment built over the years with foreign funds often fall into a legal vacuum. The gap in question would be completely closed by the Bill. The Consolidated Fund of India would receive the proceeds from the Designated Authority’s oversight, management, and, if needed, disposal of those assets. This completely changes enforcement instead of causing lengthy court proceedings during which assets remain intact, and operations essentially continue, a cancelled licence would have actual, immediate, and permanent consequences.

A civilisation protecting itself

India’s actions are not motivated by fear. The civilisation that birthed the Guru Granth Sahib, the Tripitaka, the Vedas, and the Upanishads does not fear free religious practice or open theological discussion. It will no longer tolerate the systematic channelling of foreign funds to target its most vulnerable communities, its forest-dwelling peoples and rural poor, as captive fields for conversion projects directed and funded from abroad. Every genuine democracy defends its social and cultural fabric against manipulation by foreign funding. FARA exists in the United States. Foreign religious organisations are subject to strict regulations in France. India’s stricter FCRA framework is a completely normal exercise of social self-determination, not an exception.

The June 22, 2026, notification of the rules is accurate, reasonable, and long overdue. The framework will be complete after Parliament has finished working on the current Amendment Bill. When combined, these amendments provide a straightforward but significant guarantee that anyone who wants to help India’s people can do so without restriction as long as they do so on India’s terms, with clear intentions, stated goals, and no conversion agenda supported by foreign funds. India’s dharmic heart is now carefully guarded.

US lifts sanctions on Iranian crude: How Tehran’s oil exports are rebounding after years of restrictions and why prices could ease

Rukma Rathore
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US lifts sanctions on Iranian crude: How Tehran’s oil exports are rebounding after years of restrictions and why prices could ease

Over 30 oil tankers hauling Iranian crude are currently progressing towards Asia, with active AIS (Automatic Identification System) transponders. Kpler shipping data has also reported the development. These vessels are carrying more than 50 million barrels of crude oil. The major shift has transpired after the agreement between the United States and Iran.

“Strait of Hormuz crossings rebounded sharply over 19th-21st June, with 71 confirmed transits and a weekend peak of 35 on 20th June, supported by the blockade lift and renewed free-passage signals,” Kpler informed. The volumes have stayed below the levels seen before the crisis, and a sense of caution persists. Nevertheless, the absence of new physical attacks since 10th June outlines that the reopening is fostering a steady recovery amidst critical diplomatic ties, signifying vital improvement.

Iranian crude is flooding the global market again, just as the US lifted sanctions on the shipments. The maritime intelligence company TankerTrackers highlighted that the country shipped about 36 million barrels of crude oil since 15th June. It is projected that roughly 150 million barrels of crude will soon reach other nations despite the fragile cease-fire deal between the United States and Iran.

More than 30 million barrels, taken from Kharg Island,d which is the Islamic Republic’s main export terminal in the northern Persian Gulf and crude that had been blockaded by the US, departed for Asia in the last week reported Bloomberg. Iran has been able to transport roughly 20 million barrels of its crude on tanker vessels that were anchored off the port of Chabahar, close to the country’s border with Pakistan.

The US gives an oil waiver to Iran

The United States partially removed restrictions on Iranian oil shipments for 60 days on 22nd June (Monday). The US Treasury Department approved “all transactions” previously forbidden by sanctions involving the production, sale, transportation, and delivery of Iranian-origin crude oil and related petroleum commodities until 12:01 am Eastern Daylight Time on 21st August.

“In line with the ongoing productive talks in Switzerland, Iran has committed to free and open transit in the Strait of Hormuz and to permit International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors into their country. As part of the framework, Treasury has issued a temporary 60-day general license authorising the production, delivery and sale of Iranian oil,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent stated.

The two hostile countries continue talks aimed at completely reopening the strait and establishing a more comprehensive peace framework.

Crude oil, petrochemical goods and petroleum products of Iranian provenance are all covered by the permit. It facilitates the importation of Iranian oil into the United States but does not enable transactions involving North Korea, Cuba or Ukrainian territories taken over by Russia.

The oil markets have responded swiftly. West Texas Intermediate crude went below $74 per barrel, while Brent crude slipped past $78. The prices are about 30% more than they were prior to the dispute disrupting maritime routes in the Persian Gulf. However, the present reshuffle in energy costs is progressing in a positive direction.

The US earlier agreed to grant waivers for the trade of Iranian crude oil, petroleum items and derivatives alongside related services under the MoU inked last week. Additionally, the license allowed the importation of the supply into the United States when needed to fulfil its sale, delivery or offloading.

The Strait witnessed ship movements shortly following the peace deal

Shipping data revealed that after the United States and Iran reached an arrangement to reopen the strait, at least 3 tankers holding Iranian oil were able to pass through the American naval blockade a few days ago, with an empty 4th vessel travelling towards the Gulf of Oman, reported Marine Link. The shipments showed a gradual restart of these exports, which are anticipated to boost the supplies to the world market.

According to ship-tracking data from Kpler and Vortexa, the very large crude carriers Hero II and Diona, each containing two million barrels of oil, navigated through the Gulf of Oman and were moving east. Kpler, Vortexa, and LSEG data unveiled that the Suezmax Sonia I, with one million barrels of oil, also managed to get past the blockage and was bound for Singapore.

Kpler statistics illustrated that Hero II loaded its cargo in late March, whilst Diona and Sonia I loaded their cargo between 8th and 19th April. Kpler and LSEG data demonstrated that the empty Iranian-linked VLCC Stream was making its way to the US blockade. According to a senior US official, Washington will permit Tehran to start selling fuel and oil in accordance with the memorandum of understanding (MoU) the two sides reached to end the war.

“3 Iranian oil tankers are currently sailing in the northern Indian Ocean, and two others carrying essential goods and livestock feed are en route and sailing towards southern ports,” Iranian state TV likewise mentioned. “Last night, 12.5 million barrels of oil went through the Strait of Hormuz. That is a high since the beginning of the conflict,” US Vice President JD Vance conveyed on 18th June.

The US reintroduced severe sanctions on Iran in 2018

President Donald Trump withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (Iran Nuclear Agreement) on 8th May 201,8 during his first term in office. As a result, the White House reinstated all of the sanctions it had waived as part of the accord, which called for the easing of all nuclear-related economic and financial restrictions in exchange for the Islamic regime enforcing strict limitations placed on its nuclear program.

On 5th November, heavy sanctions were put on Iran’s energy industry and petroleum-based transactions after a 180-day wind-down period. Iran has some of the largest oil reserves in the world and was exporting over 2 million barrels of oil per day before the decision. The figure fell to about 350,000 barrels per day by the end of 2020, as the nation lost its crucial economic lifeline.

Notably, Iran encountered international sanctions for the first time in 1979, which were later extended to its energy sector during the 1990s.

Hassan Suhrawardy was no ‘academic’: He was a Muslim League Jihadi, whose nephew was the ‘Butcher of Bengal’ – why Gopal Mukherjee deserves his name etched in history

Shriti Sagar
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Hassan Suhrawardy was no ‘academic’: He was a Muslim League Jihadi, whose nephew was the ‘Butcher of Bengal’ – why Gopal Mukherjee deserves his name etched in history

West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari announced on Sunday, 21 June, that Kolkata’s Suhrawardy Avenue would be renamed Gopal Mukherjee Road, a move he described as a historic correction of a long-standing historical wrong. The decision came a day after the Kolkata Municipal Corporation formally renamed the prominent road, which had for decades carried the name of the Suhrawardy family.

Welcoming the move, Adhikari, in a post on social media, wrote, “For decades, a major artery of our city bore the name of someone who wilfully misused state power as a weapon, orchestrating the massacre of innocent citizens for sheer political gain.”

The road has now been named after Gopal Chandra Mukherjee, popularly known as Gopal ‘Patha’, an influential figure linked to the events that followed the Great Calcutta Killings of 1946.

The decision has immediately sparked a political controversy. Leaders from the Congress, Youth Congress, Left parties and several secular commentators have accused the BJP government of confusing history. They argue that the avenue was named after Lieutenant Colonel Hassan Suhrawardy, an academic and former Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University, and not after his nephew, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the former Premier of Bengal, who remains a deeply controversial figure because of his role during Direct Action Day in 1946.

Left and Youth Congress defend Hassan Suhrawardy

The Youth Congress, Trinamool Congress (TMC), and various leftists began accusing the BJP government of confusing history, arguing that the administration had targeted the wrong member of the Suhrawardy family. Opposition leaders and secular academicians are trying to defend Hassan Suhrawardy by portraying him as a mere “academic” and an innocent intellectual whose only mistake was that he happened to be the uncle of the infamous Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. 

However, the reality is not as simple as the leftists are portraying on social media. In reality, Hassan Suhrawardy was not merely an academic but was also associated with the Muslim League, and the larger political legacy of the Suhrawardy family cannot be separated from the events that shaped Bengal during the Partition era.

Who was Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy: The Butcher of Bengal

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was a senior Muslim League leader who served as the Premier of Bengal in the years leading up to Partition. He later moved to Pakistan and eventually became the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

His name remains closely associated with the communal violence that erupted in Calcutta on 16 August 1946, a day remembered as the Great Calcutta Killings.

The violence followed Muslim League leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s call for “Direct Action Day” after disagreements with the Congress over the future of British India. The day witnessed one of the worst outbreaks of communal violence in pre-Independence India.

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy had instructed all Islamic clerics to deliver sermons telling Jumma Namazis to do everything possible for the creation of Pakistan. It was a clear dog whistle to start attacking the Hindu community.

At the same time, he assured violent Muslims that they would enjoy legal immunity and that the police would not intervene. This further emboldened armed mobs to unleash mayhem in Hindu neighbourhoods.

Suhrawardy effectively restrained the law enforcement authorities, allowing the Muslim goons to carry out their attacks without fear of reprisal. As the day progressed, the situation deteriorated rapidly.

Muslim mobs armed with iron rods, swords, and other weapons began targeting Hindu homes and businesses across the city of Kolkata. Areas such as College Street and Barabazar became battlegrounds for Muslims to carry out mass killings, rapes, and arson.

The riots lasted several days and are estimated to have claimed around 5,000 lives. Tens of thousands were injured, while over one lakh people were rendered homeless. The violence later spread to other parts of the subcontinent and contributed to the atmosphere that ultimately led to Partition.

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy had played a central role in enabling the violence that engulfed Calcutta in August 1946.

Unmasking the uncle: The so-called “Secular intellectual”

While leftists and secularists have started their ritual mourning, crying that the road was named after the “secular intellectual” uncle Hassan and not the “butcher” nephew Huseyn, the historical reality of the family’s political allegiance tells a deeper story.

Lieutenant Colonel Hassan Suhrawardy was far from a neutral academic detached from Muslim League politics. Though his public image is carefully curated as a sophisticated surgeon, Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University, and an art critic, he was later an active, deeply embedded member of the Muslim League. In 1932, he was bestowed a knighthood by the British Empire for saving the life of Sir Stanley Jackson, the British Governor of Bengal.

On 6th February 1932, during the Convocation Ceremony of the University of Calcutta, 21-year-old revolutionary Bina Das had fired shots at the Governor. Hassan Suhrawardy, who was present on the stage as the Vice-Chancellor, immediately leapt forward, grabbed Bina Das’s hand, and restrained her, thereby saving Jackson’s life and securing his title of “Sir.”

Yet, when the Muslim League intensified its communal separatist movement and called upon its members to reject British titles, Hassan Suhrawardy completely fell in line with his party’s directives. Selected by the Muslim League to be a member of the Legislative Assembly, he formally renounced his knighthood at the ultimate call of his party, proving where his foundational loyalties lay. His daughter later went on to become a prominent politician and diplomat in Pakistan, cementing the family’s absolute alignment with the Partition architects.

A history of appeasement: The Nehru-Suhrawardy correspondence

The defensive posture adopted by the Youth Congress and modern leftists is part of a long-standing pattern of political appeasement toward the infamous Suhrawardy family. Historical archives reveal that this protection dates back to the highest echelons of post-Independence governance. 

The Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru contain a fascinating episode that sheds light on Prime Minister Nehru’s priorities in the volatile years immediately following Independence, showing how he personally intervened to bail out the “Butcher of Bengal” from massive financial liabilities before Suhrawardy abandoned India for Pakistan.

Documents reveal that in December 1948, Nehru intervened regarding a major income-tax dispute involving Suhrawardy.

At the time, Suhrawardy had complained that he had been assessed nearly ₹50 lakh in taxes for the years 1945-46 and 1946-47. He alleged that tax authorities were acting unfairly and harassing him.

On 12th December 1948, Nehru wrote an official letter to Finance Minister John Matthai regarding an enormous income-tax assessment issued against Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. The former Premier of Bengal had personally complained to Nehru that the Income Tax Department was “harassing” him by assessing him for nearly ₹50 lakh in unpaid taxes for the financial years of 1945–46 and 1946–47. 

Rather than leaving the tax evasion case entirely to the legal tax authorities, Nehru chose to intervene. He forwarded Suhrawardy’s grievances to Matthai and explicitly cautioned that any “high-handed” action could have serious political repercussions.

In the letter, Nehru wrote to Finance Minister John Matthai expressing concern about the matter. In the letter, Nehru stated: “There are certain public consequences of what might be done to Suhrawardy. Every such action has certain reactions both in India and Pakistan.”

Nehru further argued that the matter should be handled carefully and without any appearance of vindictiveness. He requested that the issue be examined thoroughly and suggested that execution proceedings against Suhrawardy’s assets be halted while legal remedies were being pursued.

In the same letter, Nehru acknowledged that “Suhrawardy’s record in Bengal as Premier was thoroughly bad,” but also noted that Suhrawardy had later worked with Mahatma Gandhi and had made efforts toward communal harmony.

An excerpt from Nehru’s letter to the then Finance Minister

On the very same day, Nehru wrote another letter to West Bengal Chief Minister Dr B.C. Roy, describing the multi-lakh tax assessment against the riot architect as “extraordinary” and asking for confidential information. Suhrawardy was no ordinary citizen; he was a man directly responsible for the slaughter of thousands of Bengalis. 

Yet, Nehru’s primary concern remained the broader political fallout and the reaction of Muslim leaders, rather than fiscal justice. Backed by this prime ministerial shielding, Suhrawardy smoothly disposed of his commercial interests in India, completely avoided the ₹50 lakh liability, moved to Pakistan, and eventually became the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

Who is Gopal Chandra Mukherji, and why has his name been chosen

The renaming of the avenue to Gopal Mukherjee Road finally brings historical recognition to the man who saved Kolkata from total liquidation. 

Gopal Chandra Mukherjee, popularly known as Gopal Patha, emerged as a prominent figure during the communal violence of August 1946. He earned the nickname “Patha” because he ran a mutton business. Before the riots, he had organised a group known as the Bharat Jatiya Bahini, which was involved in social and relief activities.

Patha became a key organiser of Hindu self-defence efforts after the violence broke out in Calcutta. Supporters portray him as a man who stepped forward when large sections of the Hindu population felt abandoned and vulnerable. Gopal Patha (Patha means ‘lamb’. He was called so because he ran a mutton shop) had already founded the Bharat Jatiya Bahini, an organisation of young men to help fellow citizens during a natural calamity.

On the 17th, Gopal Patha turned from a philanthropist to a warrior, ready to defend his people. Throughout the night, Gopal Patha, along with his young men from the Bharat Jayati Bahini, worked on a plan on how they could defend Hindus from the Muslim barbarians.

The Marwaris offered finances, and others spent the night making weapons for them. Muslim League chief minister of Bengal, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and the Muslim League goons had decided on the 17th that they were going to take two more days to complete the annihilation of Hindus.

But they had not taken into consideration their greatest roadblock – Gopal Patha. From the 18th to the 20th, Gopal Patha and his men put up a brave fight, paying the Muslim League goons back in equal measure, if not more.

Historian Sandip Bandopadhyay wrote, “They faced resistance everywhere. Hindu youths counter-attacked with such ferocity that the Muslim League men had to flee. Many were killed. Emboldened by their success in taking on and defeating their Islamist attackers, Hindu youths took the fight to Muslim-majority areas and started killing Islamist men. They did not, however, touch Muslim women and children or the aged and the infirm”. 

Having expected a one-sided slaughter, the Muslim League leaders began fleeing with their tails between their legs. It was only on the 21st of August, once the Muslim League realised its forces were being systematically defeated by Gopal Patha’s armed resistance, that the British Viceroy’s military rule finally stepped in to enforce order.

By replacing the Suhrawardy name with Gopal Mukherjee Road on Paschimbanga Divas, Kolkata has rejected a legacy of communal partition and state-sponsored violence, choosing instead to honour the local defender who stepped into the vacuum of law and order to save the city’s population from annihilation.

Keir Starmer resigns: How Rishi Sunak stood alone among British PMs in confronting Pakistani grooming gangs while the Labour Party looked away

Shraddha Pandey
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Keir Starmer resigns: How Rishi Sunak stood alone among British PMs in confronting Pakistani grooming gangs while the Labour Party looked away

Ever since Brexit, no Prime Minister in the United Kingdom has completed a full term. UK PM Keir Starmer has announced his resignation on 22nd June, amidst intensified pressure within the Labour Party after rival Andy Burnham’s decisive triumph in the Makerfield by-election held on 18th June. With this win, Burnham has positioned himself to challenge Starmer for the party leadership. Party leaders changed tunes from public support to appealing for considering ‘political realities’. While there are myriad factors for Starmer’s dwindling public popularity, his deliberate inaction on the Pakistani Muslim rape gangs’ issue is said to be a key reason for the consistent slump in approval ratings.

Keir Starmer has been grappling with personal unpopularity among the public and Labour voters, and criticism for one after the other policy missteps, including the controversial appointment of Peter Mandelson as UK ambassador to the US despite non-clearance from Security Vetting. What has exacerbated Starmer’s troubles are the poor election results and in-party apprehensions that Labour might suffer heavy losses at the next general election under Starmer’s leadership.

In view of the alarming political situation, party leaders have urged Keir Starmer internally to step aside and make way for Andy Burnham, who is enjoying relatively higher Labour and public popularity. Burnham’s recent electoral win has kindled the hopes that his leadership could save the Labour Party from a catastrophic rout at the next election.

In his speech on 22nd June, Keir Starmer admitted that his party viewed him as no longer fit to lead the party towards electoral victories.

The political mathematics aside, Keir Starmer has been at the blunt end of the British public’s ire over consistent Muslim appeasement for political gains. It must be recalled how PM Keir Starmer made a policy U-turn in June 2025, and committed to a statutory national inquiry into the Pakistani Muslim rape/grooming gangs after an audit and recommendations.

In January 2025, however, Starmer had called those who demanded an inquiry into grooming gangs the ones jumping on a far-right bandwagon. This came when American billionaire Elon Musk was leading the attack on the Starmer-led UK government over inaction in the Muslim rape gangs issue and failing to provide justice to non-Muslim girls victimised by mainly Pakistani Muslim men for years.

Keir Starmer’s initial reluctance to launch an inquiry into Pakistani Muslim rape gangs, and the eventual U-turn amid mounting pressure, made him lose support and popularity among both sides of the political-ideological spectrum.

Despite a Conservative pushback against Labour’s Muslim appeasement politics, the Labour government has shifted the UK’s stance to support Palestinian statehood and restrict certain arms exports to Israel, amidst domestic pressure from Muslims, who form a key Labour bloc in many areas and party leadership over the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. This policy shift came after Labour lost support in Muslim-heavy seats in 2024 over the Israel-Palestine issue.

Starmer has also faced two-tier policing accusations. From hosting Iftar events, calling Muslims “the face of modern Britain”, to a suicidally empathetic approach towards tackling ‘Islamophobia’, Starmer went overboard in keeping his party’s Muslim votebank content.

In fact, in December 2025, a row had erupted over the new Islamophobia definition that the Labour government led by Keir Starmer was planning to propose. The leaders of the British Hindu and Sikh communities have raised concerns that the new definition of what it calls “anti-Muslim hatred” will have a “significant chilling effect” on freedom of speech. The Labour government has faced backlash for pursuing the adoption of a definition that introduced vague and undefined concepts like “prejudicial stereotyping”, racialisation of Muslims”, “collective group with set characteristics”, “stir up hatred”, “practices and biases within institutions”.

This push towards the adoption of an Islamophobia definition that would operate as a de facto blasphemy framework came when the Labour government was facing peak public anger over failure to deliver justice to Pakistani Muslim rape/grooming gangs, mainly because of the Muslim identity of the rape Jihadis.

Keir Starmer also faced accusations of mismanagement during his tenure as Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), the head of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).

Pakistani Muslim rape-grooming gangs and the complicit silence of the Keir Starmer-led Labour government

It all began in the 1980s in the town of Telford, when vulnerable girls as young as 11 were lured, picked up, treated with fake care and, like adults, drugged, raped, beaten, sold, and even killed by grooming gangs or rape gangs for a full forty years. The young girls, mostly white, were tossed from one rapist to another, most of whom were of British Pakistani origins. Three girls were murdered, and two others died in tragedies linked to the scandal. As many as 1,000 girls suffered in a town of 170,000 people. In Telford, these Pakistani grooming gangs were literally running a rape house while they made the victims believe they were in love by buying them alcohol, cigarettes, doing their mobile top-ups, buying gifts etc.

A similar racket was unfolding in Rotherham, wherein around 1,500 girls were raped, abused, sold, and bought by men of Pakistani descent in a town of 260,000 people. Many victims were gang-raped, and the abuse went on unabated from 1997 to 2013. In Rochdale, the horror began in 2002. At least 47 young girls were subjected to abuse. Such has been the (Non) response of administrative and legal authorities that the grooming gangs continue to walk freely on the streets of “Great Britain”.

Sexual abuse scandals were widely uncovered in a series of locations in the UK, including Huddersfield, Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford, Bristol, Peterborough, and Newcastle. Despite multiple reports and inquiries, investigative operations like Stovewood and Tourway, the true scale of sexual exploitation by the grooming gangs could not be determined.

These ‘grooming’ crimes continue to haunt the United Kingdom as the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) reported in 2023 that there has been an 82% increase in online grooming offences against youngsters over the past five years.

The issue of Pakistani-origin men-led grooming gangs raping vulnerable white and other non-Muslim girls first became widely known in towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford. According to the 2014 Jay Report on Rotherham, almost 1,400 children were sexually exploited over 16 years, predominantly by men of Pakistani descent. Though even the Conservatives are not fully innocent, the Labour government and law enforcement authorities chose deliberate inaction, fearing triggering racism against Pakistani Muslim immigrants.

A recently released Rape Gang Inquiry Report, chaired by MP Rupert Lowe, revealed how the British government and CPS essentially suppressed ethnicity and religion data. The report mentions that the Labour Party either blocked or delayed national inquiries just to avoid upsetting the Muslim votebank. It further states that rape jihadis were handed lenient sentences with no deportations, with the Starmer-era CPS letting off thousands of rape jihadis with just ‘warnings’.

OpIndia earlier reported how politicians in the UK, especially the Labour Party, downplayed grooming Jihad cases. Sarah Champion, a Labour Party MP, had to apologise for an article published in The Sun in 2017 wherein she wrote that “Britain has a problem with British Pakistani men raping and exploiting white girls”. Champion had to not only apologise but also resign from her post as a shadow minister.

In 2012, Keith Vaz, a Labour Party leader and Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, downplayed the grooming jihad crimes, calling them not racially motivated and emphasising that the entire community should not be ‘stigmatised’.

The collective failure of the British governments and law enforcement authorities in bringing Muslim grooming/rape gangs, which targeted thousands of non-Muslim minor and adult girls for over two decades, stems from the idea of avoiding being ‘Islamophobic’. The Labour Party leaders were joined by the British media, who, for a long period of time, refrained from calling the Muslim rape gangs, mainly comprising Pakistani Muslim men, what they are, but chose the broader and rather vague term, “South Asian grooming gangs.”

Conservative politicians, British patriots, and Elon Musk, Starmer’s ideological adversaries, accused him of being complicit in the Pakistani rape gang crimes. Many had demanded that Starmer face charges for not taking action against these crimes during his service as the CPS head and during his tenure as Prime Minister.

Keir Starmer chose suicidal secularism and prioritised selfish political imperatives, Rishi Sunak decided to stick his neck out and speak up against the Pakistani Muslim Grooming Gangs

The Starmer-led Labour government succumbed to Muslim pressure and the ideological imperative of Muslim saviourism and chose to cover up or delay an inquiry into Pakistani Muslim rape gangs. However, former UK Prime Minister and Conservative leader Rishi Sunak never shied away from calling of Muslim rape jihadis.

Rishi Sunak was the only head of state in UK to not only call out Muslim grooming gangs, highlight how political correctness prevented politicians from speaking against rape jihad, but also outlined how he would tackle the problem of grooming gangs in the UK. 

In one of the interviews a few months before assuming office back in October 2025, then Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak called grooming/rape jihad a ‘horrific crime’ and vowed to tackle the problem as a priority if he was made Prime Minister.

Sunak had declared that he would form a new task force at the National Crime Agency that would focus on the problem of grooming gangs.  “We will have a requirement for police forces everywhere to prioritise this. I want to make sure that all police forces record the ethnicity of those involved, which currently is not done because people don’t want to do that. I want to create a brand-new life sentence for those involved in grooming, with very limited options for parole. A Conservative government should not be letting political correctness stand in the way of keeping people safe,” Sunak said back then.

Sunak fulfilled his promise and, in April 2023,  announced a new Grooming Gangs Taskforce to assist police forces in investigating the serious problem of Muslim grooming gangs in the country. In this task force, Sunak announced the appointment of specialist officers to assist in the investigation to ensure the criminals behind grooming gangs will be brought to justice. He also pledged to ensure the grooming gang members and the ring leaders get the toughest possible sentences for their crimes.

Sunak had also announced that his government will introduce legislation to bring the grooming gang leader a statutory aggravating factor during sentencing that would reflect the Government’s commitment towards ensuring the toughest sentences for the crimes.

Rishi Sunak had a vision and big plans for rooting out Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs once and for all. However, the Conservative Party’s drubbing in the general election dashed the UK’s hopes for an end to the grooming gang menace that still infects the country, and justice for the thousands of victims.

The Conservative Party’s 14 years in power ended with an electoral defeat due to public discontent with Tory governance on issues like the economy, cost of living, immigration, and post-Brexit challenges, compounded by internal party divisions. Though Rishi Sunak knew he was leading a sinking ship, the Conservative leader tried his best not to let political correctness and desperation to secure political gains hinder his pursuit of justice and safety for British girls from Pakistani Muslim rape gangs.

Though Keir Starmer got a lot more time in power and political stability than Rishi Sunak, Starmer failed to deliver on many fronts. Starmer’s flip-flops on ensuring justice for the victims of Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs will be remembered as one of his biggest failures as an elected representative of the British people.

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