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MEA condemns Khalistani attack on Indians in Australia, urges authorities to disallow territory for anti-India activities

On Thursday, the Indian Ministry of External Affairs strongly condemned the attack on the Indian community by the extremist Khalistani groups in Melbourne, Australia, and urged the local authorities to launch an investigation into the case and punish the perpetrators.

“We have been repeatedly taking up with Australian authorities and sharing our concerns about actions by such elements including those by proscribed terrorist organizations. We have also conveyed our firm rejection of the so-called Khalistani referendum and the politically motivated exercises by the extremist elements,” said MEA official spokesperson Arindam Bagchi.

The spokesperson also said that India has asked the Australian authorities to ensure the safety and security of the Indian community and their properties located in the Melbourne part of the country. “We have asked to ensure the safety and security of the Indian community and their properties. Also, we have urged the authorities to not allow their territory for such activities that are detrimental to the national interest of India,” Bagchi added.

According to the MEA, a few Australian leaders have also commented on the issue condemning the violence and the attack on the Indians in Australia by the extremists. “We’ll continue to take up the issue with the Australian authorities,” he reiterated.

On January 29, several videos went viral over the internet showing Indian Australians being attacked by Khalistanis with swords while carrying the Indian Tricolor. The Indians were attacked while they were protesting at the Federation Square in Melbourne against the rising pro-Khalistan activities in the country. It was reported earlier that the Indians had pre-notified the Victoria Police about the protest they had planned against the Khalistanis.

It is notable that the Khalistani terrorist outfit ‘Sikhs For Justice’, which has been banned by the Indian government, had announced that a referendum on Khalistan will take place on January 29 at Federation Square. Amid this, Sarah L Gates, Director of Hindu Human Rights Australasia shared the video of a group of Khalistan supporters chasing an Indian youth who was carrying the Indian national flag.

Later, Australian Hindu Media informed that a sword-yielding Khalistani was arrested by the police at Federation Square during the Khalistan event. The Indian community residing in Australia and their properties have been facing extremist attacks since the last month, all of which were organized by locals who support the Khalistani propaganda.

On January 17, Khalistani supporters vandalised the historic Shri Shiva Vishnu Temple in Carrum Downs in Melbourne. During the vandalisation, the miscreants wrote anti-Hindu and anti-India slogans on the walls near the temple.

On January 12, BAPS Swaminarayan Mandir, a Hindu temple in Melbourne, Australia, was trashed by Khalistan supporters and damaged by painting anti-India graffiti on it. According to the reports, the walls of Melbourne’s iconic Swaminarayan temple in Mill Park’s northern suburbs were spray-painted with ‘Hindustan Murdabad’ slogans.

Considering the attacks, the Australian Hindu Association Inc had written to the Minister of Police in Victoria seeking an investigation into Hinduphobic crimes committed by Khalistani-elements in the Australian state. In the letter addressed to Anthony Carbines, Minister of Police of Victoria state, the organization had expressed concerns of Australian Hindus about the organized attacks on Hindu Temples. The letter also had mentioned voting was scheduled at Federation Square on January 29 by Sikhs For justice for Referendum 2020. It was added that the Government of India has already banned SFJ under UAPA in 2019.

‘Why are you still out’: Netizens question The Wire’s Arfa Khanum after she pulls out ‘Muslim journalist’ card following Siddique Kappan’s release

The ultra-leftist propaganda outlet The Wire’s editor, Arfa Khanum Sherwani, has been called out on social media by netizens for playing the ‘Muslim journalist’ card while tweeting about PFI ‘journalist’ Siddique Kappan’s bail orders.

Today (February 2), Kerala-based Siddique Kappan was released from the Lucknow prison after being behind bars for 2 years as the Lucknow Sessions Court approved his bail plea on Wednesday, February 1.

While welcoming the release of Siddique Kappan, Arfa used the opportunity to play her victim card as a ‘Muslim’, claiming that Kappan was falsely accused only because he is a ‘Muslim journalist’.

“Journalist Siddique Kappan finally leaves UP Jail after over two years. He was imprisoned for a crime he never committed. His only crime was that we was a journalist and a Muslim,” Arfa tweeted.

No sooner did Arfa Khanum Sherwani deploy the overused Muslim victimhood card, Netizens were quick to reprimand The Wire journalist. Twitter user @singpuri questioned why she was still not imprisoned and receiving preferential treatment if the current government of India cherry-picks and targets Muslim journalists.

“I then wonder why the government of India gives you such special treatment? Why haven’t you been arrested as yet? What makes you stand out?, the tweet read.

One Twitter user, @Spoof Junkey, also mocked Arfa for her remark. He wondered why, if Muslim journalists were being targeted, she had been spared.

“Wonder why yourself, Rana and Saba are roaming freely then given your criteria for arrests,” tweeted @AlpaKanya, taking a dig at other controversial Muslim ‘journalists’ like Rana Ayyub and Saba Naqvi.

Retired Supreme Court judge Markandey Katju, also chastised Arfa for overusing the ‘Muslim victim’ card. “Muslim, Muslim, Muslim. Ur constant refrain is Muslim. Don’t u realise such constant talk is further polarizing society, & benefiting the ruling party? But in ur obsession perhaps u cudnt care less,” tweeted the ex-SC judge.

PFI ‘journalist’ Siddique Kappan, facing charges under UAPA and PMLA, gets bail after 2 years in prison

Meanwhile, on Wednesday, the Lucknow Sessions Court approved bail orders releasing Kerala-based ‘journalist’ Siddique Kappan from the Lucknow prison. Kappan, who was detained in October 2020 under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) by the Enforcement Directorate (ED), was released from the Lucknow jail on Thursday morning.

Siddique Kappan was arrested by the UP Police on October 5, 2020, when he was proceeding to ‘cover’ the Hathras case where a 19-year-old Dalit woman had died. He was arrested along with three other persons, under stringent sections of UAPA and sedition charges for attempting to create a caste conflict in the state amidst the Hathras case controversy.

Apart from Kappan, Siddiqui of Nagla in Muzaffarnagar, Masood Ahmed of Jarwal in Bahraich district, and Alam of Kotwali area in Rampur district were arrested. All the four arrested four had connections with the radical organization Popular Front of India (PFI) and were planning to cause caste-based unrest in the state, the police had stated.

The government in the Supreme Court had stated that Siddique Kappan was an office-bearer of the now-banned Islamist organization Popular Front of India(PFI) and was on his way to Hathras pretending to be a newspaper journalist from a Kerala-based outlet called ‘Tejas’ that was closed in 2018.

7 posts of Supreme Court judges, 333 posts of HC judges vacant: Law Minister Rijiju informs in Parliament

Law and Justice Minister Kiren Rijiju on Thursday while responding to the queries made by Member of Parliament John Brittas in Parliament stated that as of January 30, against the sanctioned strength of 34 Judges, 27 Judges are working in the Supreme Court, leaving 7 vacancies.

Supreme Court Collegium (SCC) has recently made 7 recommendations to fill up all the vacancies of Judges in the Supreme Court. Rijiju also informed the Parliament that as on January 30, against the sanctioned strength of 1108 judges in various High Courts,775 judges are working and 333 posts of Judges are vacant in the High Courts.

“142 proposals recommended by the High Court Collegiums are at various stages of processing. Out of these 142, 4 proposals are pending with the Supreme Court Collegium and 138 are under various stages of processing in the Government,” he added.

As on January 30, recommendations in respect of 236 vacancies (191 existing and 45 anticipated vacancies during the next 06 months) are yet to be received from High Court Collegiums, which are in breach of six months advance timeline for making recommendations for anticipated vacancies, said the Law and Justice Minister.

The Supreme Court Collegium on Tuesday recommended Allahabad High Court Chief Justice, Justice Rajesh Bindal, and Gujarat High Court Chief Justice, Justice Aravind Kumar for elevation as Judges of the top court.

The SC Collegium comprising Chief Justice of India (CJI) Dhananjaya Y Chandrachud along with justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul, KM Joseph, MR Shah, Ajay Rastogi and Sanjiv Khanna made the recommendation.

The Collegium said that they have found both of the judges to be more deserving and suitable in all respects for being appointed as Judges of the Supreme Court of India after carefully evaluating the merit, integrity and competence of eligible Chief Justices and senior puisne Judges of the High Courts and also accommodating a plurality of considerations.

While recommending the above names the Collegium has taken into consideration the various aspects including the seniority of Chief Justices and senior puisne Judges in their respective parent High Courts as well as the overall seniority of the High Court Judges among others.

Other aspects that were considered were the merit, performance and integrity of the judges, the need to ensure diversity and inclusion in the Supreme Court by the representation of High Courts which are not represented or are inadequately represented, in the Supreme Court, appointing persons from marginalized and backward segments of society, gender diversity and representation of minorities.

The Supreme Court of India has a sanctioned strength of thirty-four Judges and is presently functioning with twenty-seven Judges. Thus, there are seven clear vacancies, the collegium observed.

On 13 December 2022, the Collegium recommended five names for appointment as Judges of the Supreme Court, namely Justice Pankaj Mithal, Justice Sanjay Karol, Justice PV Sanjay Kumar, Justice Ahsanuddin Amanullah, and Justice Manoj Misra. Their appointment is yet to be notified by the Government.

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

Agra Police arrest Haider Ali, Amir, and Furkan Ali for duping Swiss national at the Taj Mahal

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On January 31, Agra Police arrested three persons identified as Haider Ali, Amir, and Furkan Ali for duping a Swiss national at the Taj Mahal. As per reports, Haider Ali owns an emporium at the east gate of the Taj Mahal, Amir is the salesman at his shop and Furkan Ali is a tourist guide. They allegedly sold artifacts to the Swiss national at an inflated cost.

The police said in a statement that they sold a box and a marble chess set for Rs 37,500 to Isabel, a citizen of Switzerland, of Switzerland who visited the Taj Mahal on January 29. Assistant Commissioner of Police at Taj Security, Syed Areeb Ahmed said, “During her visit to the Taj Mahal on Sunday, Isabel came in touch with Furkan Ali who persuaded her to shop at a marble and textile emporium located at the eastern gate of the monument. The salesperson, Amir, calculated the price of the selected items as Rs 80,000. After bargaining with the owner, Haider, the items were sold for Rs 37,500.”

She made the payment using her credit card. The items were supposed to be delivered to her address free of charge. While returning to her hotel, she visited another emporium where Isabel found the same artifacts being sold for Rs 4,900. ACP added that Isabel filed a complaint against them at the police station following which an FIR was registered under Section 420 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). “They have been arrested and video recording of the CCTV camera installed at the shop has been recovered,” he added.

Remembering the famous Natwarlal who sold the Taj Mahal

Conmen around the Taj Mahal have been duping tourists for decades. However, one name stands out as he literally “sold” the monument several times. Mithilesh Kumar Srivastava alias Natwarlal is the most notorious conman in India. He was born in the village Bangra of district Siwan, Bihar, in 1912. Master of disguise, Natwarlal was famous for changing his appearance and duping people of crores of rupees. He was a master in forging the signatures of famous personalities as well.

From Dhirubhai Ambani to Tatas and Birlas, Narwarlal had a high-profile list of victims. His most famous cons included the sale of the Taj Mahal, the Red Fort, the Rashtrapati Bhawan, and the Parliament building along with the 545 sitting members. He conned people into donating money while posing as a social worker. Several shopkeepers were duped of lakhs of rupees as he paid them with fake cheques and demand drafts.

Natwarlal had over 100 cases filed against them in eight states. He was sentenced to 113 years in prison. Interestingly, he managed to escape jail eight times in his life. When he was 84 years old and wheelchair-bound, Natwarlal was arrested for the last time. At that age, he managed to fool the police into transporting him to AIIMS hospital from Kanpur Jial.

While his brother claimed he was cremated in 1996, Natwarlal’s lawyers claimed he died on July 25, 2009.

Islamnagar to be known as Jagdishpur once again after 308 years, read how Mughal general Dost Mohammad Khan had changed the name

The serene village of Islamnagar in Madhya Pradesh, which has historical significance, is located 14 kilometres from Bhopal. The local fort, built in the 17th century, attracts visitors from all over the world. The name of this historic village has been changed to Jagdishpur, its original name, following approval from the central government. The process to change the name back to the original name took 30 years due to administrative delays.

On Wednesday, a notification was published in the Madhya Pradesh Gazette by the state’s revenue department notifying the change of name of the village from Islamnagar to Jagdishpur. According to it, the state administration changed the name of the village of Islamnagar in the Bhopal district to Jagdishpur after receiving a written letter from the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Central Government stating that it had no objections. On September 15, 2022, the Central Government released the aforementioned letter. In accordance with the directive of the Madhya Pradesh State Government, this notification has been issued by Additional Secretary Chandrasekhar Walimbe.

The state government has issued a notification to change the name of Islamnagar to Jagdishpur on February 1.

The tale of the transformation of Jagdishpur to Islamnagar is very bloody. Islamnagar was given that name 308 years ago by Dost Muhammad Khan, a deserter from Aurangzeb’s army.

Story of Islamnagar

Dost Mohammad’s life was full of cruelty towards others and killing even those who supported him and gave him shelter. He hailed from Tirah in the Afghan province of Khyber. From there, he came to Jalalabad in Uttar Pradesh around 1696. In Jalalabad, Dost Mohammad killed his benefactor Amir Jalal Khan’s son-in-law over a minor dispute and escaped from there. He first fled to Karnal and later to Delhi, where, he enlisted in the Mughal army.

During the Mughal-Maratha wars, Dost Mohammad arrived in Malwa in 1703. There, he killed Mohammad Farooq, the king of Vidisha, over a minor dispute. Following this, he was able to find shelter at Mangalgarh and began residing in the palace there with the King and Queen. After the King passed away, Dost Mohammad pillaged Mangalgarh as well and travelled to Berasia with all the loot. Keeping with his character, he took Berasia in possession, after deceiving local ruler Taj Mohammad.

The bloody capture of Jagdishpur

Stones and sculptures from a temple built during the Parmar era, in the 11th century, have been discovered in Jagdishpur. It’s probable that this location had a temple during the Parmar era. This region was one among the fifty-two strongholds of the Gond monarch Sangram Shah of Gadha-Mandla Jabalpur, after the Paramars, which accounts for the presence of a Gond palace. The fort remained under the control of the Deora Rajputs after the Gond reign.

Dost Mohammad Khan had made an unsuccessful attempt to conquer Jagdishpur in 1715. He turned to a conspiracy, in line with his nature, after failing to strike the Rajputs. To a dinner on the Bes River’s banks, he sent an invitation to Rajput ruler Deora Chauhan. The ropes of the tent were cut, and all of the Rajput guests, including Chauhan, were beheaded (halal), during the meal. According to legend, so much blood was spilled that the river’s water turned crimson, and as a result, the river came to be known as Halali. Dost Muhammad thus tricked his way into capturing Jagdishpur, which was then renamed Islamnagar.

This area has hosted numerous film shoots

Bollywood has ties to this village as well. Numerous short and large-scale films have been filmed here owing to the fort. ‘Durgamati,’ starring Bhumi Pednekar, is one among them. The actress is pictured seated in front of the main gate of the Gond Mahal, on the movie’s poster.

The story of a state Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer who is falsely accused by a federal investigation team in order to humiliate and slander him before attempting to implicate him in a wider plot is the premise for the Bollywood film Durgamati. The IAS officer is released from custody and brought for questioning to a desolated mansion by the investigating agency. The fort was used to film this scene. The movie’s poster was created at Jagdishpur’s entrance.

The queen resided in the fort, encircled by a defence wall

A defence wall encloses the Islam Nagar fort on all sides. Tourists must purchase a ticket from the counter created by the MP government, for 10 rupees per person, in order to view it. The Rani Mahal comes first. Here, was once the home of a queen in antiquity. The Chaman Mahal is close by. Beautiful gardens have been constructed between the two palaces. A river, whose water has turned black owing to pollution, is located behind the fort. The tombs of Dost Mohammad Khan’s sons, Yar Mohammad Khan and Hayat Mohammad Khan, are located behind Chaman Mahal.

Even today, the welcome board still features Jagdishpur

This village is close to Bhopal and is situated on the left side of the road that connects Berasia and Vidisha via Sukhi Sewania. On one of the two large signs that are on the street, which features an image of the MLA, it states, ‘Welcome to Jagdishpur.’ The distance to the place is indicated on the second board, which belongs to the Tourism Development Corporation. Two kilometres away from the village, a fort from the 17th century, that serves as the location of this settlement can be observed. It is currently managed by the Department of Archaeology.

Village people want the name change, no tensions over it

The name change is also being discussed in the village. Manohar Jain, a retired employee of the Forest Department, who owns a grocery store, said, that Jagdishpur is its real name. Everyone in the village longs to assume its original identity. Another member of the village, Amir stated, that the correct old name should be restored.

The village’s name change application has been pending with the government for 30 years. A proposal to change the name was approved by the Gram Panchayat, according to a government letter that Tehsildar mentioned in his report on August 19, 1993. The phrase ‘Changing the name of the village is accepted by the people’ was specifically written in the letter. People want a name change as soon as possible. There won’t be any conflict in the village if this is implemented.

Vishnu Khatri, a Berasia MLA, stated that, we sent a proposal in 2008 as well. State officials concurred, but the UPA administration at the time declined to provide the NOC (No Objection Certificate). 2014 saw another request for NOC from the federal government. In July 2021, Survey of India eventually released its NOC, and in September of the previous year, the Ministry of Home Affairs did the same. The state government has now been asked to publish a gazette notification of Islamnagar’s new name, Jagdishpur, so that it can be entered in the records of all other departments, including the revenue, postal, and telegraph offices.

Adani Group canceled its 20,000 crore FPO, but what is an FPO: Here are the details

On February 1, Adani Group announced the withdrawal of its fully subscribed FPO. Calling it a morally correct step, Gautam Adani said in a statement that the board took the decision considering the volatility of the market. The money that got locked in the subscribers’ accounts will be released soon via escrow. In the statement, there were several technical terms that a layman may not be familiar with. Let’s understand these terms to make it easier to learn about what has been happening in the market.

What is FPO and how it works?

In an FPO (Follow-on public offering), a publicly traded business can issue additional shares of stock to gain further funding. An underwriting firm is usually involved with setting the price and guaranteeing that there is adequate demand for the new shares. Such offerings are typically done to enlarge operations, make acquisitions, or repay debt. Through these offerings, investors become part owners of the company and may reap advantages from possible future growth possibilities.

A Follow-on Public Offering (FPO) can either be dilutive or non-dilutive. Dilutive FPOs generally result in a decrease in the ownership percentage of existing shareholders. Since the new shares issued in the offering add to the total number of outstanding shares, this spreads out the value among more individual shares. On the other hand, non-dilutive FPOs commonly take the form of convertible bonds or preferred stock issuance that allows investors to convert their investments into common stock at a later date. While dilutive FPOs are simpler for companies to use when raising capital, non-dilutive offerings can be beneficial for avoiding dilution and providing greater returns over time.

The process of a Follow-on Public Offering starts with the initial preparation that involves the company hiring an investment bank to act as an underwriter and develop the offering price and number of shares to be sold. Following that, a registration statement including pertinent information is submitted to the Securities and Exchange Board. Afterward, a roadshow is conducted by the company and underwriter to present financials, business plans, and growth prospects to potential investors. Following this, it is up to the underwriter to set the final offering price based on demand from investors and allocate shares accordingly. Finally, the closing and settlement consist of issuing shares and receiving proceeds from the offering. With this money, companies may finance operations, pay off debt or invest in growth opportunities. The success of each FPO depends on market conditions, financial performance/growth prospects, and terms of the offering.

What is an FPO subscription?

The Follow-on Public Offering (FPO) offers investors the chance to purchase shares in a company that has already gone public. Typically, such shares will be sold at a discount to the prevailing market price. To subscribe, an application form must be completed and payment provided. After this, the allotment process begins, deciding how many shares each investor can receive based on the total number available and applications made. When done, those shares are credited to the subscriber’s account and they become shareholders in the enterprise.

Why funds are locked in the FPO subscription account?

A Follow-on Public Offering (FPO) requires investors to pay for the shares in advance. As a result, the money is locked in the FPO subscription account. The reason for this is to ensure that the company has enough funds to operate. These funds usually remain in an escrow account till the FPO is completed. In this way, while the company may access funds when required, the investors have a sense of security that their money is safe. The escrow account ensures that funds are only released after the FPO is completed or canceled.

What is escrow and how it works?

Escrow is a third-party service used in transactions to hold funds or assets until certain conditions are met. Until all parties involved in the transaction have fulfilled their obligations, escrow provides a secure and neutral holding place for valuable items.

Using an escrow service during a transaction involves the buyer and seller agreeing to use this third party to hold funds or assets until all terms are met. They will provide information to the escrow company and agree on the conditions of the deal. The buyer then deposits their money into the account, which is verified by the assurer, and then the seller delivers their goods or services.

Upon confirmation from the buyer that they have received what they expected, both parties are deemed to have completed their obligations, at which time the funds are then released to the vendor. Once this occurs, the process is finalized and considered finished. Escrow can serve as a secure means of protection for buyers and sellers in many exchanges including real estate purchases, online auctions, and other high-value transactions.

How are escrow services used for a refund in case of a canceled FPO?

When an FPO is canceled, the company can use escrow to refund the subscription amount to the investors who have already paid for the shares. In such cases, the escrow company will hold the funds until the time FPO is completed or canceled.

Using escrow for a refund of the subscription ensures that the investors are protected in the transaction. The escrow companies act as intermediaries and hold the funds until the time funds are returned to the investors.

‘Scan the QR code to watch’: Posters of BBC documentary pasted on walls of Aligarh Muslim University, administration scrambles to remove them

After JNU, the controversy over the documentary made by the BBC on PM Modi has now reached the Aligarh Muslim University. Posters of the documentary have been put up at many places in the university. A QR code of the documentary has also been displayed on these posters, saying that the banned documentary can be watched by scanning it. The university administration has also removed these posters from many places.

Many academic campuses across the country have witnessed controversy regarding this documentary. This documentary made on the Gujarat riots has been banned by the government. But despite this, efforts are being made by the students in the universities to show it. ‘Student’ politicians in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and Delhi University (DU) have already created controversy over the screening of the documentary. Now, this dispute has reached Aligarh Muslim University.

An attempt was made to deliver the BBC documentary through QR codes to the mobile phones of most of the students on campus. Posters having the QR code of the documentary were pasted at many places on campus. The documentary would open directly after scanning this QR code. It is pertinent to note that due to the ban on the documentary for the last several days, the university administration was fully alert. The security staffers were given relevant guidelines. But in the meantime, no one on the campus has any information about when and how these posters were pasted. As soon as the information was received, posters were removed from many places, as per reports.

On Thursday, 26th January 2023, the controversial BBC Documentary “India: The Modi Question” was screened at Jadavpur University in Kolkata and the University of Hyderabad by the Students Federation of India’s (SFI) members. The screening came after failing to do so at Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University and Jamia Millia Islamia University. Now, an attempt of spreading the QR code of the documentary to students through posters has come to light at Aligarh Muslim University.

Congress fanboys and leftists attack NDTV, decide to boycott it after they shared Gautam Adani’s video message on calling off the FPO

Late on Wednesday, February 1, in a video message, Indian billionaire Gautam Adani announced that his flagship firm Adani Enterprises has withdrawn the follow-on public offering (FPO) of shares worth 20,000 crores and decided to refund the investors their invested money. NDTV, like several other media outlets, published Adani’s video message on its official Twitter handle on February 2.

Nonetheless, NDTV’s decision to post Adani’s video message infuriated innumerable Congress fanboys and leftists on social media, who sneered at the industrialist and channel, which was recently taken over by his company.

Associate Professor (IT) Rakhi Tripathi commented, “I feel bad for you NDTV,” for some reason.

Hitendra Pithadiya, a Congress leader, mocked Gautam Adani, chairman and founder of the multinational conglomerate Adani Group, insinuating that the billionaire businessman will soon join the BJP because he has switched his usual clothing, a suit, with the ‘Nehru jacket’ frequently sported by PM Modi.

Several more liberals chimed in to mock the leftist media outlet NDTV for posting Gautam Adani’s video message to his investors. “I stopped seeing their channel on TV, stopped visiting their website and uninstalled ndtv app. Now unfollowing from twitter. Bye ndtv,” wrote a Twitter user (@raguynt), seeming quite miffed with the idea that NDTV chose to share a piece of news that practically all news channels have aired.

Another Twitter user @SarcasticRofl, took a sarcastic jibe at the media outlet saying, “Owners are Paramount, everything is secondary – NDTV.”

@Dr Syeda posted a meme mocking the media outlet by hinting at what NDTV’s ex-employee Ravish Kumar must be like at this moment. Notably, Ravish Kumar resigned from NDTV after Adani Group gained control crying ‘attack on media’. 

Adani Enterprises not to go ahead with its FPO of shares worth 20,000 crore, to return money to investors

Meanwhile, the Board of Adani Enterprises Ltd (AEL) on February 1, 2023, decided not to go ahead with the fully subscribed Follow-on Public Offer (FPO).

The company said in a release that given the unprecedented situation and the current market volatility, it “aims to protect the interest of its investing community by returning the FPO proceeds and withdraws the completed transaction”.

Gautam Adani, Chairman, of Adani Enterprises Ltd referred to the volatility in the stock over the last week and said the interest of the investors is paramount and to insulate them from any potential financial losses, the Board has decided not to go ahead with the FPO.

Notably, on Tuesday, the last day for subscription, the follow-on public offer (FPO) issued by Adani Enterprises was fully subscribed. Data showed the demand for the FPO was led by non-institutional investors, and they subscribed to the shares 3.26 times. 

There were concerns that the FPO may not receive a strong response from investors amid a report by the US-based Hindenburg Research that surfaced on January 24, which accused the Adani Group of wrongdoings.

The US-based firm, in its report, raised concerns about shares of Adani group companies having a possibility of declining from their current levels, owing to high valuations. In response, Adani Group on Sunday said the recent report by Hindenburg Research was not an attack on any specific company but a “calculated attack” on India, its growth story, and ambitions. It added the report was “nothing but a lie”.

Delhi Riots: Courts convict a Hindu, bail 6 Muslims and acquit 9 based on different interpretations of the same law. Miscarriage of justice?

On the 30th of January 2022, Karkardooma Court in Delhi extended the ‘benefit of the doubt’ to 9 Muslim accused in the Delhi anti-Hindu Riots and acquitted them from charges of rioting, arson and illegal assembly. They were accused of setting a shop and house on fire during the riots and police charge-sheeted them for committing offences punishable under Sections 147-149, 188, 427 and 436 IPC.

The acquitted persons are Mohd. Shahnawaz alias Shanu, Shahrukh, Mohd. Shoaib alias Chhutwa, Azad, Md. Faisal, Rashid alias Raja, Ashraf Ali, Parvej and Rashid alias Monu.

At the hear of it, the Judge held that the testimony of a sole witness cannot suffice in this case to convict the 9 accused and therefore, acquitted them giving them the benefit of the doubt.

While the wisdom of the court must be respected, the judgement raises a question about the law being applied unequally in different cases. Only a few months ago, a Hindu accused, Dinesh Yadav, was convicted on the basis of the shaky testimony of two police officers who were on riot control duty in the area. In fact, from their statements themselves, it was evident that there was no evidence against Yadav whatsoever.

As Dinesh Yadav was convicted and sent to jail for 5 years, based on a different interpretation of Section 149 IPC, Muslim accused of the murder of Dilbar Negi were given bail. This, coupled with the judgement acquitting the 9 accused recently, makes it imperative for us to analyse whether the law is being applied equally in different cases pertaining to Delhi anti-Hindu riots 2020.

In order to do that, we first need to analyse the basis on which the Karkardooma court acquitted the 9 accused recently.

Brief facts of the case: What had happened

On the 28th of February 2020, an FIR was filed on the basis of a written complaint received by the Gokulpuri police station. The complaint, drafted on the 27th of February 2020, was by one Yatender Kumar Sharma. In his complaint, he said that his shop in the name of “Priyanka Copy House” was burnt down on the night of the 25th of February 2020. On the 28th of February, the complaint was endorsed and a case was registered under Section 147/148/149/427 IPC.

On the 7th of March 2020, Priyanka Copy House was inspected by the police. A site plan was readied and the crime team was called, which collected several pieces of evidence and took several photographs of the site as well. After discussion, section 436 IPC was added to the case. Section 436 pertains to “Mischief by fire or explosive substance with intent to destroy the house, etc”.

Further, the investigating officer (IO) questioned the two witnesses in the case – Ct. Vipin and HC Hari Babu. It was the two witnesses who named the accused persons in their statements.

The order says, “IO came to know about the arrest of accused persons by crime branch and he formally arrested accused Mohd. Shahnawaz @ Shanu, Mohd. Shoaib, Shahrukh and Rashid, from Mandoli Jail, Delhi, on 15.04.2020. On 16.04.2020, accused Azad, Ashraf Ali and Parvez, were formally arrested in Mandoli Jail. Accused Faisal and Rashid @ Monu were arrested in Tihar Jail on 20.04.2020. During the further course of the investigation, more witnesses including PCR callers were examined”. This means that the accused were already in jail in another case and they were subsequently also charged in the present case.

After the investigation was completed, it was on the 13th of July 2020 that a chargesheet was filed in the present case. On the 22nd of December 2020, the Karkardooma Court took cognisance of the case. The case was committed to the sessions court on 14th January 2021. On 18th October 2021, the first supplementary chargesheet was filed before Link MM (North East), Karkardooma Courts, Delhi, along with a complaint under Section 195 Cr.P.C and other documents. This supplementary chargesheet was also sent to this court. Subsequently, one more supplementary chargesheet with an additional charge for an offence under Section 380/454 IPC, was filed before this court directly.

On the 6th December 2021, charges were framed against the accused in the following terms:

“’That from 24.02.2020 to 26.02.2020 at Main Road, Chaman Park, Shiv Vihar Tiraha, Delhi within the jurisdiction of PS Gokalpuri, all of you from a particular community formed an unlawful assembly, the object whereof was to commit robbery and arson in the properties of the persons from other community by use of force or violence in the prosecution of the common object of such assembly and committed rioting and you all knew being members of the aforesaid unlawful assembly that an offence was likely to be committed in prosecution of that common object and thereby committed offences punishable under Section(s) 147/148 read with Section 149 IPC and within my cognizance. Secondly, on 25.02.2020 at around 9 a.m.onwards, you all being members of unlawful assembly in furtherance of your common object entered into property *address retracted*, belonging to complainant Yatinder Kumar Sharma and dishonestly removed the various articles lying therein and thereafter also committed mischief by fire or explosive substance with the intent to destroy the aforesaid shop and thereby committed an offence punishable under Section 424/436 IPC to read with Section 149 IPC and within my cognizance.”

The charges further said”

“That, from 24.02.2020 to 26.02.2020 and particularly on 25.02.2020 at and around 9 a.m. at and around the area of the main road, Chaman Park, Shiv Vihar, Delhi, within the jurisdiction of PS Gokalpuri, you all accused persons being a member of an unlawful assembly along with your other associates (unidentified) were present at the aforesaid place, in the prosecution of the common object of an unlawful assembly and in violation of the proclamation issued u/s 144 CrPc by the competent authority/DCP, North East vide order dated 24.02.2020 bearing no.10094-170 X-1, North East, Delhi dt.24.02.2020, which was duly announced in all the localities of District North East including the area of PS Gokalpuri, thereby you all committed an offence punishable under Section 188 IPC and within my cognizance.”

What did the accused, acquitted by the court in this case of the Delhi anti-Hindu Riots, say in their defence

As is the case with all accused, the 9 of them denied the charges summarily. The order says, “All accused persons denied all the allegations and pleaded innocence, taking the plea that they were not present at the spot and they have been falsely implicated in this case. They also took plea that their name was implicated in this case just to work out the case. Accused persons did not opt to lead any evidence in their defence”.

It is pertinent to note here that even the order acquitting them says that the accused did not proffer any evidence to defend themselves.

  1. Defence for Mohd. Shahnawaz @ Shanu, Parvez and Azad: They said that there were only two witnesses who identified the accused. He said that the information, that they saw the accused at the spot, was not communicated to the IO earlier. Further, he argued that these witnesses were planted by the police. It was further argued that one of the witnesses did not identify the accused in another FIR filed but identified the accused in this case, and therefore, the testimony was not reliable.
  2. Defence for Rashid @ Raja, Shahrukh and Shoaib @ Chhutwa: The argument made in this case was bizarre, to say the least. The defence argued that the police officer inspecting the site and the photographer did not confirm the address of the place visited and that the witnesses were planted by the police. That the two witnesses who saw the crime take place did not file a complaint or inform the IO of this information. It was further argued that before examination in the court, the time of the incident was not disclosed in any document and that it is not possible to identify 4-5 persons from the mob of 400-500 persons.
  3. Defence for Mohd. Faisal, Ashraf Ali and Rashid @ Monu: Same arguments were made.

It is pertinent to note here that none of the Defence teams actually presented any evidence to prove the innocence of the accused. There are several ways that the defence counsel could have done that. One of the ways would be to submit CDR to prove that the accused were not at the spot where the mob was to prove their innocence. Other would be to get witnesses to prove their location. However, none of this was done by the Defence. The only line of argument taken was conjecture.

What the lead prosecution argued

The prosecution argued that two witnesses had identified all the accused and that one witness not identifying the culprits in another FIR should have no bearing on the current case. He further argued that the time of the incident was mentioned in the statement under Section 161 Cr.P.C. of PW9 and PW10 (Public Witness 9 and 10). He further argued that there cannot be fixed parameters for all persons to identify persons in a mob. About one of the witnesses who gave a different statement in a separate FIR, the prosecution said that he had mentioned he was unwell and was suffering from memory loss and therefore, he should not have been examined when he was unwell in that case.

What the court said about the incident of arson during Delhi anti-Hindu Riots

  1. The testimony of the complainant about his house and shop being burnt to ashes has remained unchallenged by the defence. The judge, after examining all the evidence, conceded that the incident of arson and rioting actually did take place.
  2. The court said that the photographs of the burnt property were accurate. The defence had alleged that the photographs cannot be considered evidence because the photographer did not confirm the location with the complainant – the court did not agree with this submission. The court said, “I do not find any need for these witnesses to verify the address of the scene of the crime from other sources. They were called there by the IO and a particular of the place was to be furnished by the IO. Secondly, the photographs show that there was already a board showing address of this place. Neither is there any suggestion that such board was falsely put there nor do I find any material on the record to show that photograph of a different place was taken by PW4”.

It is therefore clear to the court that the incident of rioting, unlawful assembly and arson actually did take place – as the court mentioned in its order. The court said, “On the appreciation of all this evidence I come to the conclusion that there was an unlawful assembly, which vandalized and set on fire the property bearing *address redacted* on 25.02.2020 somewhere around 05:00-06:00 PM”.

The main question – what the court said about identification of the accused and the standards it applied to acquit the accused

For the purpose of identification of the accused, there were two main witnesses who were of consequence and both were police officers – PW 9 and PW 10 (Public Witness).

The case of PW 10

PW10 vouches that he was on duty in the area along with PW9. He identified the accused Shahnawaz and Azad, saying that he knew them from before. He identified other accused persons also in the court, stating that he knew them by their faces, but he did not know their names, except that of Ashraf Ali.

This witness identified several of the accused in the current case (FIR 83). But, when he was examined in connection with FIR 40 earlier, where the accused persons were the same, he said that he could not identify some of them because he was suffering from memory loss and was taking medicines for the same. The court said that there was a difference in these two versions and therefore, his testimony cannot be relied upon.

The case of PW 9

The court said that after not relying on the testimony of PW 10, the only witness that remained was PW 9. The court first and foremost dismissed the notion of the defence that this witness was planted and said it found no evidence to support this claim.

The court then cited two cases Masalti v. State of U.P., AIR 1965 SC 202 (which it said applies to this case) and State of Maharashtra v. Ramlal Devappa Rathod, (2015) 15 SCC 77 (which it said ratifies the observations in the previous case mentioned).

In the Masalti case, the court cited a portion that pertained to how many witnesses were needed to identify the accused from a mob. The lawyer, in this case, argued to the High Court that the credible testimony of one witness should also be enough as opposed to the questionable testimony of a dozen witnesses, saying that applying the test that 2 or 3 or more witnesses were needed is a mechanical test that does not make much sense. The court said that the test might be mechanical “but it is difficult to see how it can be considered irrational”. “

If at all the prosecution may be entitled to say that the seven accused persons were acquitted because their cases did not satisfy the mechanical test of four witnesses, and if the said test had not been applied, they might as well have been convicted. It is, no doubt, the quality of the evidence that matters and not the number of witnesses who give such evidence. But sometimes it is useful to adopt a test like the one which the High Court has adopted in dealing with the present case“, the High Court had held in the Masalti case.

This, the judge in the present case said applies – essentially saying that the testimony of one witness would not suffice in this particular case and the test, that the identification should be consistent and done by multiple witnesses should be applied.

Talking about the State of Maharashtra v. Ramlal Devappa Rathod, (2015) 15 SCC 77 case, the court in this case spoke about two aspects:

Deciding the culpability of those who were a part of the illegal crowd but did not necessarily commit a direct offence: The Supreme Court in the Ramlal Devappa Rathod case had said the vicarious culpability of the accused can be ascertained depending on the facts of the circumstances. For example, if 5 people storm into a house and only a few of them are armed, the others, who are not armed, are also guilty. However, when the crime is committed by a large crowd, it may be difficult to ascertain the common objective held by those who were a part of the mob but did not necessarily commit a direct crime. And it is in such cases, that the test applied in the Masalti case must be applied.

“We do not find anything in Masalti [Masalti State of U.P., AIR 1965 SC 202 : (1965) 1 Cri LJ 226 : (1964) 8 SCR 133] which in any way qualifies the well-settled principle that the conviction can be founded upon the testimony of even a single witness if it establishes in clear and precise terms, the overt acts constituting the offence as committed by certain named assailants and if such testimony is otherwise reliable. The test adopted in Masalti [Masalti v. State of U.P., AIR 1965 SC 202 : (1965) 1 Cri LJ 226 : (1964) 8 SCR 133] is required to be applied while dealing with cases of those accused who are sought to be made vicariously responsible for the acts committed by others, only by virtue of their alleged presence as members of the unlawful assembly without any specific allegations of overt acts committed by them, or where, given the nature of assault by the mob, the Court comes to the conclusion that it would have been impossible for any particular witness to have witnessed the relevant facets constituting the offence. The test adopted in Masalti [Masalti of U.P., AIR 1965 SC 202 : (1965) 1 Cri LJ 226 : (1964) 8 SCR 133] as a rule of prudence cannot mean that in every case of mob violence, there must be more than one eye witness”, the SC had observed.

Depending on these observations by the Supreme Court, the Judge in the present case said that though the court has said that direct crime is not a necessary ingredient for conviction under Section 149, the SC has said prudence must be used in such cases (where no direct crime has been committed but the accused were part of the mob). It admits that this was mentioned as a “precaution” and not a “hard and fast rule”.

The court’s conclusion acquitting the 9 Muslim accused in a case of arson and rioting during Delhi anti-Hindu Riots

The court said that PW9 said that he knew some of the accused and identified them, however, he did not bring it to the notice of his seniors even though there were regular briefings at the police station.

The court said:

PW9 had though knowledge of the names and particulars of the accused persons, but he did not take any steps to formally get this information recorded, before 07.04.2020. In his cross examination, PW9 conceded that there had been briefing in the police station every day, which was attended by him as well as IOs. Still, the knowledge about involvement of the accused persons were not formally recorded anywhere, till 07.04.2020. PW9 stated that he had orally informed his senior officers about informations with him, after about a week or 15 days from riots. No explanation has been offered for such delay in passing on such a crucial information to senior officers by this witness. Moreover, if actually such information was given to the senior officers, then what prevented the senior officers to get such information recorded in formal manner.

Keeping this in mind, the court, in its wisdom decided to give the “benefit of the doubt” to the 9 accused and not reply on the testimony of PW9 alone (essentially saying that to convict these accused, it would need to testiomony of more than 1 witness).

“In such situation, accused persons are given benefit of doubt”, said the court.

Concerning inconsistency by the Court in three cases – Dinesh Yadav convicted, accused in Dilbar Negi murder given bail, 9 accused in this case acquitted

There are three cases in question here. The present case where 9 accused were acquitted, the case of Dinesh Yadav, where he was convicted and the case of Dilbar Negi murder, where the accused were given bail.

In all these three cases, section 149 is at the heart of it and in all three cases, the section has been interpreted differently.

Section 149 basically says that even if a person is not committing violence but is a part of an illegal assembly creating violence and if he has the intention to further the same illegal goal of the illegal crowd, he should be held liable

Let us understand how it was interpreted in the previous cases.

Conviction of Dinesh Yadav

In the case of Dinesh Yadav, the lady whose house was vandalised and burnt down, Manori, was not present in her house when the incident took place. Her sons, Ashiq and Asif could not recognise the mob at all, let alone Dinesh Yadav. The police personnel, Vipin and Sanoj, named Dinesh because they saw him in the vicinity of the mob. They have admitted that Dinesh was in no way involved in the violence. They said they him with a wooden danda, however, no such danda was recovered from Dinesh. In fact, there was no incriminating material found on his person.

The court in its wisdom said that even though there is no evidence to suggest that Dinesh was involved in the violence, he was a part of the mob and therefore, assumed his intention to further the common goal of the illegal mob – vandalise and commit violence against Muslims. 

The court predicated this conclusion on two factors – a) Section 149 applies, which basically says that even if a person is not committing violence but is a part of an illegal assembly creating violence and if he has the intention to further the same illegal goal of the illegal crowd, he should be held liable, b) the mob was Hindu and since he was Hindu too, it can be assumed that he wanted to further the same cause as that of the rest of the mob.

A comprehensive analysis of the judgement convicting Dinesh Yadav can be read here.

Bail to the Muslim accused in the case of Dilbar Negi, murdered by mob during Delhi anti-Hindu riots

On January 18th, the Delhi High Court granted bail to six persons named Mohd Tahir, Shahrukh, Mohd Faizal, Mohd Shoaib, Rashid and Parvez in the Gokulpuri murder case related to the Delhi Riots of February 2020. The bail was granted by Justice Subramonium Prasad. The six were accused of vandalism and setting Anil Sweet Corner on fire “resulting in the death of 22-year-old Dilbar Negi”.

The judgement by the court said that during the course of the investigation, two CCTV footage were discovered by the police. One from the corner wall of the school covering the sweet shop between Rajdhani Public School and Anil Pastry Shop, and another inside Rajdhani School near the main entry gate. The judgement said that though the murder of Dilbar Negi was committed on the 24th of February, the FIR was filed on the 28th of February and the charge sheet in the case clearly states that the murder was a part of a well-hatched conspiracy. For the uninitiated, Dilbar Negi’s hands and legs were chopped off by the murderers and he was then burnt alive.

The judgement states: 

The chargesheet additionally states that the CDR of the Petitioner places him at the location of the scene of the crime. Further, the statement of Amit Pal under Section 161 Cr.P.C. ascertains that the Petitioner was in front of Rajdhani Public School, raising slogans against Hindus and provoking a crowd of Muslim boys. It states that the Petitioner was involved in pelting stones and setting fire to the shops. A perusal of the video footage shows that the Petitioner was seen on the CCTV camera of CP IP Cam at 03:41:59 PM which shows him before Rajdhani Public School on the day of the incident. It indicates the Petitioner herein calling out to others present in the mob.

In this case, it is important to keep in mind that there was actual evidence in this case that placed the accused as a part of the mob – CCTV footage and witnesses. However, the court in this case took an exception to Section 149 IPC.

In the case where Md Tahir and others were given bail, the court also interpreted Section 149 but in a manner diametrically opposed to the interpretation used by the court in the Dinesh Yadav case.

In the case of giving bail to the Muslim accused in the Dilbar Negi case, the court said categorically that “…clear finding needs to be given by the Court regarding the nature of an unlawful common object. Furthermore, if any such finding is absent or if there is no overt act on behalf of the accused, the mere fact that the accused was present or armed would not be sufficient to prove common object”.

It went so far as to say that the court has to be circumspect of the personal liberty of individuals and therefore, granting bail is the norm that the court must follow. One has to also bear in mind that in the case of the Muslim accused, the court judgement says that there are over 70 witnesses to examine.

Even if we keep in mind that the case of Dinesh Yadav was that of rioting and the case of Tahir and others was that of murder, the fact remains that Section 149 was interpreted in diametrically opposite ways in both these cases.

A comprehensive report analysing the conviction of Dinesh Yadav and bail to accused in Dilbar Negi case can be read here.

How do the two cases measure up in the current case in the Delhi anti-Hindu Riots trial, where 9 accused were acquitted

In the present case, the court, as explained above, extended the benefit of the doubt to the 9 accused while acquitting them, citing SC observations to say that in his wisdom, the judge thinks that to convict the 9 Muslim accused, more than 1 witnesses would be needed. To come to this conclusion, he says that if there is direct evidence that a crime could have been committed by the accused, then 1 witness is sufficient, however, if the case is one where a common object needs to be proved, then the burden of proof essentially increases and 3-4 witnesses with solid proof has to be relied upon.

If this is to be considered sacrosanct, one has to ask why the same benefit of the doubt was not extended to Dinesh Yadav and why this parameter was not considered while granting bail to Tahir and others in the Dilbar Negi case.

In the Dinesh Yadav case, the complainant and her family were declared hostile witnesses since they changed the version of their statement in court. There were two witnesses, both police officers, who on record said that they had no evidence to prove any wrongdoing on the part of Dinesh Yadav. The court held that simply because he was a Hindu, and the mob was comprised of Hindus as well, he “must be” guilty. A conclusion is essentially drawn on the basis of presumption, rather than evidence.

If Dinesh Yadav’s conviction is to be considered an accurate application of the law, the same standard should have been applied to the other two cases. In the present case, since the accused were Muslim and the court itself admitted that the incident of mob violence actually did take place in the area, their guilt should have been assumed on the basis of identification by PW 10 and PW 9. However, the Court chose to rely on different observations of the Supreme Court to declare them innocent.

Similarly, in the case of Tahir and others, accused in the Dilbar Negi murder, the fact that Anil Sweets was vandalised and Dilbar Negi was murdered by a Muslim mob is not disputed. To add to that, there is CCTV footage of the accused and over 70 witnesses that need to be examined. In this case, the court interpreted section 149 in a completely different manner to grant bail to the accused, going so far as to say that even if the accused are a part of the mob and are holding weapons and there is evidence and witnesses proving these facts, it cannot be assumed that they are guilty – and this observation was made at the time of giving bail, not even deciding the merits of the case.

The following questions therefore emerge as far as Section 149 is concerned:

  1. Is a shaky testimony of 2 witnesses, who go on record to say that there is no direct evidence against an individual sufficient to convict an individual as being a part of the mob and sharing the criminal objectives of the mob itself by virtue of the fact that the accused belonged to the same religion as the mob?
  2. If it is, why in the case of Tahir and others, did the court say that even if there is evidence of the individuals holding weapons, it is not enough to prove a common objective as per Section 149?
  3. If the second interpretation as used in the Dilbar Negi case is true, then on what basis was Dinesh Yadav convicted?
  4. If Dinesh Yadav’s conviction was accurate, and the Dilbar Negi case is different because it was a case where section 302 was also applied, then what explains the discrepancy in the interpretation in the present case where 9 Muslim accused were acquitted?

The glaring difference in interpretation of Section 149 and the standard of burden of evidence points towards a gross miscarriage of justice. Now, whether the miscarriage of justice was in the conviction of Dinesh Yadav, or the Muslim accused in the Dilbar Negi case getting bail or the current case where 9 Muslim accused were acquitted, only the court can tell us. Regardless, it does appear as if conviction and acquittal, based on more or less the same legal provision, are based far more on the value judgement made by the court instead of the law and the standards that should be uniformly applied to all accused.

‘Hindu Canadians are pained by rising Hinduphobia’: Canadian MP raises the issue of attack on Hindu temples in Parliament

On Wednesday, February 1, Chandra Arya, an Indian-origin Member of Parliament in Canada, condemned the attack on the Gauri Shankar temple in Brampton. The Canadian parliamentarian also raised the issue of rising Hinduphobia and hate crimes against Hindus in parliament. 

The rising Hinduphobia in Canada is profoundly upsetting to Hindu Canadians, Arya stated in the Canadian parliament. He urged Canada to put an end to the “alarming trend” of increasing hate crimes against Hindus.

“Hindu Canadians are deeply pained by the rising Hinduphobia in Canada,” Arya said. The MP cited a study while he asserted that physical assault results from Hinduphobia.

This comes after Gauri Shankar Mandir was desecrated by Khalistani extremists in Brampton city in Ontario province of Canada. The walls of the temple were defaced with anti-India graffiti by Khalistanis associated allegedly with the banned outfit Sikhs For Justice (SFJ). The vicious slogan of ‘Khalistan Zindabad, Hindustan Murdabad’ was found spray-painted on the outer wall of Gauri Shankar Mandir.

Chandra Arya said that the attack on the Gauri Shankar was just one of the many such recent attacks on Hindu temples by anti-India and anti-Hindu groups. He said that just like Muslims and Jews feel pain due to Islamophobia and anti-semitism, the Hindus in Canada are also feeling the same pain due to rising Hinduphobia.

“Like Islamophobia and antisemitism resulting in hate crimes against our mosques and synagogues causing pain to our Muslim and Jewish brothers and sisters, Hindu-Canadians are experiencing the same pain due to rising Hinduphobia,” he said.

Citing a study, he said that Hinduphobia in social media is now graduating to physical attacks. “I call upon Canada to take serious note of this alarming trend and respond appropriately,” Arya said in Canadian parliament.

The Mayor of Brampton, Patrick Brown, has also condemned the attack on Gauri Shankar Mandir. “This hateful act of vandalism has no place in our City or Country. I have raised my concerns over this hate crime with @ChiefNish and @PeelPolice. Everyone deserves to feel safe in their place of worship.”

This is not the first case in which Hindu temples have been targeted by extremists in Canada. In September last year, some Khalistani terrorists defaced BAPS Swaminarayan Temple in Toronto with anti-India slogans. Several videos circulating on social media showed slogans of ‘Khalistan Zindabad, Hindustan Murdabad’ painted on the walls of the temple.

In February 2022, six Hindu temples were attacked in Toronto.

The attackers stole money from donation boxes as well as ornaments from the stolen idols. The attacks on the temples began on January 15, with an unsuccessful break-in at the Shri Hanuman Mandir in Brampton, a GTA town. The miscreants tried again and have since gone on a tirade.