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AAP worker-turned-CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke refuses to seek permission for Delhi protest: How the 2018 SC verdict led to Delhi Police’s 7-day notice requirement

Shriti Sagar
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AAP worker-turned-CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke refuses to seek permission for Delhi protest: How the 2018 SC verdict led to Delhi Police’s 7-day notice requirement

AAP worker turned Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke announced on 1st June that he would return to India from the United States on 6th June and lead a protest in New Delhi over alleged irregularities in examinations such as NEET, CBSE, CUET and SSC GD.

In a video posted on X, Dipke called upon supporters to gather at Delhi airport when he lands and then proceed towards Parliament Street Police Station before holding a demonstration at Jantar Mantar. While describing the proposed event as a “peaceful” and “constitutional” protest, the announcement immediately attracted attention because it sought to convert an online campaign into a physical mobilisation in the national capital.

However, as the date of the protest approaches, questions are being raised over whether the organisers have followed the mandatory procedures required for holding demonstrations at Jantar Mantar. As of the announcement, there was no indication that Delhi Police had been informed in writing about the proposed gathering or that any formal process had been completed to obtain permission for the event.

Dipke himself admits that he did not take permission 

The controversy deepened just days before his arrival in India when Dipke admitted during a public interview that he had not obtained police permission for the protest.

On Wednesday, 3rd June, during an interview with journalist Ajit Anjum, Dipke was directly asked whether he had taken the necessary police permission required for the proposed demonstration. His response was a simple “No.”

Anjum then pointed out that organisers are generally required to apply in advance and provide details such as the number of participants expected, the timing of the event and other logistical information. Dipke replied that he would go to the police station on the same day and seek permission.

When Anjum noted that same-day permissions are generally not granted and questioned why the process had not been initiated earlier, Dipke responded, “I will wait in the police station till they give permission.”

Asked again why permission had not been sought beforehand, Dipke reportedly replied, “We want to do things our way; we will stick to that.”

The remarks immediately triggered debate online, with a protest described as peaceful and constitutional would not follow the established legal process that has been in place for years.

CJP spokespersons questions the need for prior permission 

Adding to the controversy, the Cockroach Janta Party held a press conference on Wednesday, 3rd June, where party spokespersons openly questioned the very idea of obtaining prior permission for protests.

During the media interaction, CJP spokesperson Saurav Das argued against the existing system and said: “You are asking us to take permission. Tell me, how many months in advance should we apply? Then the permission gets rejected, and then we go to court. Why should we ask for permission in the first place? Does it make sense that you go to Jantar Mantar at 10 in the morning, leave at 5 in the evening, raise slogans and then everything ends there? Is that how protest works in a democracy? That is the culture we are fighting against. That has to change.”

The comments have further intensified questions over whether the group intends to comply with the existing legal framework governing demonstrations or whether challenging that framework is itself part of its political strategy.

Permission requirement is not a new rule

The debate surrounding permission for protests is not new. In fact, Delhi Police has been operating under specific guidelines for demonstrations at Jantar Mantar since 2018. These guidelines were framed following directions issued by the Supreme Court and require organisers to inform the police in writing before holding any demonstration.

Under the rules, anyone wishing to organise a protest at Jantar Mantar must submit a written application 7 days in advance to the New Delhi District Police.

An excerpt from the Delhi Police guidelines

The requirement exists because authorities need time to assess issues such as law and order, security arrangements, traffic management, availability of the venue and other public safety concerns.

Therefore, the requirement for prior permission is neither a recent development nor an extraordinary restriction. It has been part of the legal framework governing protests in Delhi for several years.

Dipke’s AAP background and the Atishi petition

Dipke is likely to beware of these rules because of his earlier association with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

Interestingly, the Aam Aadmi Party itself has previously dealt with the same issue in court proceedings.

In 2020, AAP leaders, including Atishi Marlena, approached the Delhi High Court regarding permissions for protests. In response, Delhi Police filed an affidavit referring to the same 2018 guidelines and explained that demonstrations at certain sensitive locations could not be allowed without following the prescribed process.

The affidavit also reiterated that written applications for demonstrations were required in advance, in accordance with the framework created after the Supreme Court judgment.

Because of AAP’s previous legal engagement on the matter, Dipke and others associated with the party’s ecosystem would already be familiar with the permission requirements applicable to demonstrations in Delhi.

Abhijeet Dipke’s links with AAP

Abhijeet Dipke has long been associated with AAP’s social media ecosystem.

Several reports during the 2020 Delhi Assembly elections identified him as a member of AAP’s social media and digital campaign machinery. Reports described him as a key figure involved in creating memes, short videos and digital content designed to promote Arvind Kejriwal and counter political opponents.

Dipke is also a part of AAP’s wider election war-room operations and social media coordination efforts.

He was quoted in media interviews discussing campaign strategies aimed at millennials and first-time voters and worked with AAP’s IT and media teams during election campaigns.

His political views have also been visible through social media activity over the years, including posts critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and supportive of various opposition narratives.

This clearly shows that Dipke is not a concerned youth who suddenly entered public life through the Cockroach Janta Party, but someone with an established political background linked to AAP’s communication and campaign operations.

What does the 2018 Delhi Police order say?

The Delhi Police guidelines issued in 2018 clearly state that demonstrations at Jantar Mantar cannot be organised without prior written permission. Under these guidelines, an application must be submitted to the Deputy Commissioner of Police of New Delhi District at least 7 days before the proposed event.

After receiving the application, Delhi Police consults various agencies including the Special Branch, Traffic Police and district authorities before deciding whether permission can be granted. The guidelines further state that factors such as traffic disruption, security concerns, risk to human life, availability of the venue and law-and-order considerations must be examined before a final decision is made.

Permission is generally granted on a first-come, first-served basis when multiple applications are received.

The police also reserve the right to revoke permission if intelligence inputs, VIP movements or unforeseen security concerns emerge after approval has already been granted.

What did the Supreme Court say?

The Delhi Police framework originated from a Supreme Court judgment delivered in 2018 in a case involving the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan.

Supreme Court verdict in the case of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan v. Union of India, July 2018

The dispute arose after restrictions were imposed on demonstrations around Jantar Mantar following complaints about noise pollution, traffic congestion and inconvenience caused to local residents.

In 2017, the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan had filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court challenging the orders of the Delhi Police under CrPC 144, which had banned demonstrations and demonstrations near Parliament and some government offices. The petition also raised objections to an order of the NGT. This order of the NGT had completely banned demonstrations on Jantar Mantar Road based on complaints from locals about noise pollution, traffic, etc.

While hearing the matter, the Supreme Court held that the right to peaceful protest is a fundamental right in a democracy. However, the Court also clarified that this right is not absolute and must be balanced against the rights of local residents and broader public interests.

Instead of supporting a blanket ban on demonstrations, the Court ordered the Delhi Police to prepare guidelines for the use of Jantar Mantar for demonstrations, and in this order, the court also clearly stated that a provision should be added to the guidelines to inform the Delhi Police in writing before the demonstration.

Following this order of the Supreme Court, Delhi Police prepared guidelines, according to which written permission has to be obtained 7 days before the demonstration.

The motive is to play victim card and then blame the system

With only days remaining before the proposed demonstration, the debate has shifted from the issues raised by the Cockroach Janta Party to the manner in which the protest itself is being organised.

There’s also another question: why members or spokespersons associated with the Cockroach Janta Party could not have completed the permission process before he arrived in India. 

The motive is so clear that he doesn’t want a peaceful protest; instead, want to create drama and play the victim card that if permission is denied due to procedural issues, he could later claim that authorities blocked the protest. It most likely gives the impression that Dipke is preparing for a confrontation with authorities rather than ensuring all procedural requirements are completed beforehand.  

Nevertheless, by calling on students and supporters from across the country to gather in the national capital, Dipke appears to be testing whether the outrage cultivated online can translate into visible pressure on the streets.

Why were the CBSE chairman and secretary only transferred, not sacked? Read what Article 311 is and how it grants constitutional protection to bureaucrats

Shriti Sagar
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Why were the CBSE chairman and secretary only transferred, not sacked? Read what Article 311 is and how it grants constitutional protection to bureaucrats

On Tuesday, 2nd June, the central government ordered the transfer of CBSE Chairman Rahul Singh and CBSE Secretary Himanshu Gupta. It simultaneously announced an inquiry into the procurement of On-Screen Marking (OSM) services. The move came amid growing controversy over irregularities in CBSE’s digital evaluation system and in the handling of answer-sheet access and re-evaluation services.

Rahul Singh, an IAS officer, was responsible for overseeing CBSE’s examinations, academic policies, affiliations and major reforms. Himanshu Gupta, also an IAS officer, handled administration, finance, affiliations and several key operational functions of the Board.

The Centre has now constituted a one-member inquiry committee headed by S. Radha Chauhan, Chairperson of the Capacity Building Commission, to investigate the procurement process related to the OSM system. The panel has been asked to submit its report within a month.

The transfers have been viewed as one of the strongest administrative actions taken since the controversy erupted. However, the development has also reignited an old public debate: why are senior bureaucrats often transferred but rarely dismissed?

Background of the CBSE Controversy?

The controversy began after the declaration of Class 12 board results. The issue came to light after 19-year-old ethical hacker Nisarga Adhikary posted on X that answer sheets and question papers stored in an Amazon Web Services (AWS) bucket could be accessed online. He shared screenshots showing answer-copy files and claimed that the storage bucket was publicly visible without authentication.

According to Adhikary, the root directory of the storage bucket could be listed openly, allowing internet users to view files and folders stored inside it.

Questions were soon raised about the OSM platform, the digital evaluation process and the manner in which contracts for these services had been awarded. Concerns about vendor selection, cybersecurity vulnerabilities and delays in post-result services further intensified scrutiny.

As criticism mounted, CBSE issued clarifications, extended certain deadlines and assured students that genuine grievances would be addressed. Nevertheless, the controversy continued to grow, eventually leading to the transfer of the Chairman and Secretary and the announcement of a formal inquiry.

This year, the CBSE implemented electronic evaluation for the Class 12 examinations. The goal of the new On-Screen Marking system was to improve precision and minimise errors in manual calculations across the country. However, the move has drawn severe criticism after students who wanted access to scanned copies of their answer books reported missing pages, blurry and incomplete answer sheets, surprisingly fewer marks, receiving someone else’s answer book and other major problems.

People questioning why transferred, not sacked

Soon after the transfers were announced, several political leaders questioned whether a transfer alone was sufficient.

AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal publicly asked whether transferring officials amounted to adequate punishment. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh went a step further and demanded the dismissal of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.

Similar questions also emerged on social media. Many users argued that if serious lapses had occurred, those responsible should face stronger action than a routine transfer.

However, the reality is that senior bureaucrats such as IAS, IPS and other civil service officers cannot simply be fired overnight. Unlike employees in many private organisations, they enjoy constitutional protections under Article 311 of the Constitution of India.

Article 311: The Constitutional shield for civil servants

Article 311 was created to protect civil servants from arbitrary dismissal, removal or demotion.

Its origins lie in the British-era “Doctrine of Pleasure”, under which government servants held office at the pleasure of the Crown. India adopted a modified version of this doctrine through Article 310 but added safeguards through Article 311.

Under Article 311(1), a civil servant cannot be dismissed or removed by an authority lower in rank than the one that appointed him or her.

Article 311(2) goes even further. Before dismissal, removal or reduction in rank, the officer must generally be informed about the charges, be given a fair opportunity to defend himself or herself and face a proper departmental inquiry.

In simple terms, even if allegations appear serious, the government cannot simply announce the termination of an IAS or IPS officer without following a legally prescribed process.

This protection applies to members of the All India Services, Union civil services, state civil services and those holding civil posts under the government.

How does a departmental inquiry work?

When allegations are made against a civil servant, a formal process usually begins.

An inquiry officer is appointed, charges are framed, and a charge sheet is served. The officer gets an opportunity to respond, cross-examine witnesses and present evidence in defence.

After examining all the material, the inquiry officer submits a report. Only then can disciplinary authorities decide whether punishment is warranted.

If the process is not followed correctly, the officer can challenge the action before courts, State Administrative Tribunals or the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT).

This is one reason why transfers are often used as an immediate administrative response while investigations continue.

Are there exceptions to Article 311?

When it comes to Article 311(2), which mandates a detailed inquiry and a fair hearing, the Constitution provides three major exceptions where the government can completely skip the inquiry process and terminate an employee directly:

  • Criminal Conviction: If a person is being dismissed, removed, or demoted because they have been tried and convicted of criminal charges by a court of law, the department does not need to hold an internal inquiry under Article 311(2).
  • Impracticability: If the superior authority that has the power to dismiss or demote a civil servant feels that it is genuinely not practical to conduct an inquiry, they can choose to skip it. However, the officer must record the exact reasons for skipping the inquiry in written form before taking action.
  • National Security: If the President of India or the Governor of a state is fully satisfied that it is necessary to dismiss or remove a civil servant to protect the security and sovereignty of the country, they can order an immediate removal without holding any inquiry whatsoever.

Even serious cases have taken years

Many previous cases show that the removal of government employees often takes a long time because constitutional procedures must be followed.

The challenges involved in removing compromised government employees are clearly reflected in the cases of three Jammu and Kashmir officials who were eventually dismissed under the state security provisions of Article 311(2)(c). Their cases demonstrate how individuals with links to terrorist networks were able to remain within the government system for years before sufficient evidence was gathered to justify their termination.

One such case involved Faheem Aslam, the Public Relations Officer (PRO) of Kashmir University. According to official records, Aslam was inducted as a contractual employee in 2008 during the influence of separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani, allegedly without a public recruitment process or police verification. Investigators later claimed that while drawing a government salary, he simultaneously worked for a local newspaper and used his position on campus to influence students and encourage separatist activities. Security agencies also recovered deleted social media posts in which he advocated the separation of Jammu and Kashmir from India. 

Another case was that of Revenue Department official Murawath Hussain Mir. Appointed in 1985, Mir was later accused of functioning as an Over-Ground Worker (OGW) for banned organisations such as Hizbul Mujahideen and the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF). Investigators said that he provided logistical support to terrorists, allowed access to government premises and even collected money from colleagues in the name of militant groups. In 1995, he was arrested with explosives during an alleged plot to target a public installation. However, after spending only a few months in custody, he returned to government service and continued working for decades. Intelligence officials later cited his case as an example of how systemic failures allowed individuals facing serious allegations to remain within the administrative structure for years before action was finally taken.

The third case involved Police Constable Arshid Ahmad Thoker, who joined the force in 2006 and later served as a driver and Personal Security Officer (PSO) for senior officials in Srinagar. According to investigators, he was eventually recruited into the network of the Pakistan-based terror outfit Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM). Authorities said that he misused his police identity, official vehicle and security credentials to help terrorists move across sensitive areas without attracting suspicion. He was eventually intercepted at a joint security checkpoint, following which his links with terrorists came under scrutiny.

All three employees were terminated in 2023, years after their activities had come to light, despite the fact that the cases involved national security concerns. The cases underline the high legal threshold involved in dismissing government employees under Article 311. Even in matters concerning national security and terrorism, authorities are often required to gather extensive intelligence and documentary evidence before invoking the constitutional provisions that allow termination without a formal departmental inquiry. If removing officials accused of terror links can take years or even decades, it highlights why immediate dismissal remains legally difficult in cases involving administrative failures or professional misconduct.

Balancing accountability and protection

Article 311 argues that these safeguards protect honest officers from political pressure, personal vendettas and arbitrary decisions by changing governments.

Without such protection, bureaucrats could be dismissed merely for refusing illegal orders or taking decisions that upset powerful interests.

However, the same safeguards can sometimes make it difficult to hold officials accountable for negligence, administrative failures or questionable decisions.

The recent CBSE controversy has once again brought this debate into the spotlight. While the government has transferred senior officials and ordered an inquiry, any decision regarding further disciplinary action will have to pass through the constitutional framework that governs India’s civil services.

For now, the CBSE case serves as a reminder that while transfers can happen quickly, the dismissal of an IAS, IPS or other senior bureaucrat is a far more complex process.

Delays in salaries, protests by employees, PSPCL’s critical situation and more: As financial crisis deepens in Punjab, CM Bhagwant Mann announces monthly grant for women

Rukma Rathore
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Delays in salaries, protests by employees, PSPCL’s critical situation and more: As financial crisis deepens in Punjab, CM Bhagwant Mann announces monthly grant for women

Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann has declared that 52 lakh women in the state are set to receive ₹1,000 each month starting from 1st July. Beneficiaries belonging to the scheduled caste community will be granted an increased amount of ₹1,500. “No one should mislead the women of the state that this will run for just a few months. It will be a long-term scheme for the economic upliftment of women,” he stated while talking to the media.

The announcement has transpired following a prolonged series of economic hardships, while government staff were denied payments in a timely manner because of empty state coffers. The salaries for March were postponed by several days, as employees in Chandigarh received the amount on 7th April, while those in field postings were paid only by 15th April.

The government blamed procedural complications associated with the financial year-end. However, the incident reignited reservations regarding the state’s economic health. The concerns have intensified as people have repeatedly faced such challenges under the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) rule. The issue of non-payment of dues is not only recurring but also deteriorating with time.

On 2nd June (Tuesday), Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) employees at Phagwara’s Block Development and Panchayat Office commenced an indefinite pen-down strike in support of their long-standing demands, which include the release of outstanding salaries and the regularisation of their services.

The protesters were recruited on contractual terms for the previous 10 to 12 years and complained that the government had ignored their problems. They unveiled that they are unable to manage family expenses because they have not received any money for the last 6-7 months. Hence, many have been compelled to take out loans to support their basic needs.

They mentioned that AAP had promised to regularise them during its assembly election campaign. Nevertheless, the government has not honoured its commitment, even as it approaches the conclusion of its five-year term. On the contrary, the workers have been deprived of their salaries for several months. They urged the government to uphold its word and requested the immediate delivery of their outstanding wages. The demonstrators vowed to continue the strike until their demands were met.

Constant delays in salaries for state government employees

Similar agitations were seen in 2025 and the years before that. In an official letter to the vice-chancellor, the Punjabi University Teachers Association (PUTA) demanded that their salaries should be released by 20th August, last year. The step was taken after faculty members were not paid for the month of July.

“If the government ignores this serious issue, PUTA will be forced to adopt a more stringent approach. In case the situation does not improve, we will be compelled to launch a large-scale protest,” the communication emphasised. PUTA threatened to boycott courses starting on 21st August if their submission was not addressed.

Governor Gulab Chand Kataria was also given a letter from the Punjab State Aided School Teachers and Other Employees Union encouraging his intervention to distribute unpaid salaries in September of last year. According to the group, they had not been reimbursed for at least 6 months, which has put them in dire financial straits. “The government often speaks about bringing an educational revolution in Punjab, but how can that be possible when teachers themselves are struggling to meet their basic needs,” it conveyed.

A few months later, the Punjab and Chandigarh College Teachers Union (PCCTU) confirmed that a protest would take place in Dirba on 12th December. Harpal Singh Cheema, Punjab’s Finance Minister, represents this constituency. The purpose of the protest was to draw attention to the protracted hold-up in the transfer of salaries to state-aided colleges.

The agitators pointed out that staff are struggling financially because some government-aided institutions have not received the money since July while others have been waiting since February. They asserted that it was especially troubling because, the current government constantly stressed that health and education were its top priorities, but higher education was actually being neglected.

The salaries for the month of August were likewise pushed back shortly after AAP was elected to power in 2022. Employee organisations in Punjab questioned the development, but the government insisted that there were no shortage of resources and the treasury granted nearly Rs 3,400 crore for salaries and other expenditures.

On the ground, however, situation was different and the Democratic Teachers Front accused the government of “mismanagement.” Sukhchain Singh Khaira, chairman of the Punjab Civil Secretariat Staff Association, also voiced that staff members were still waiting for their earnings.

For a considerable amount of time, the computer teachers in the state’s government schools have been similarly protesting their exclusion from vital service perks and the excessive delay in their salaries. They are paid in the third or even final week of the month. They charged that the government alleges to have brought about a revolution in education, but it is unable to handle basic procedural problems such as salary backlogs.

According to the Punjab and Haryana High Court, these teachers hired by the Punjab Information and Communication Technology Education Society (PICTES) are government employees and therefore subject to Punjab Civil Services regulations and related benefits. However, many teachers shared that real implementation has halted despite their best efforts and there isn’t a structural framework to guarantee equity.

Regular protests over non-payment of DA, pensions, low wages and more rock the state

On 2nd June (Tuesday), thousands of teachers moved towards Mann’s Mohali house in protest of several unfulfilled demands, including reinstatement of the Old Pension Scheme (OPS), the opposition to dearness allowance’s (DA) de-linking from central rates, release of 18% pending DA, clear salary arrears and promotions, regularise contract employees and fill vacant teaching positions, among others.

On 1st June (Monday), hundreds of government workers similarly rallied in Mohali to begin a march towards the chief minister’s residence, but the police used lathi charge on them. These people reminded that AAP had pledged to resolve their complaints before elections but had not met any major demand in the last four and a half years. The demonstrators charged exploitation because they were refused the 18% pending DA and the elimination of 37 other reimbursements, including rural and border area benefits.

They highlighted the inconsistency in the AAP government’s stance, which rejected the centre’s recent pay pattern for Chandigarh employees and was enforcing even lower salaries (₹31,000) on fresh recruits in Punjab, leading to a reduction of about 40%. The also urged for the release of long-awaited Sixth Punjab Pay Commission report and the enactment of the 1972 regulations for the (General Provident Fund) GPF-based old pension.

On Tuesday, 2,300 workers at Sewa Kendras around Punjab also continued their strike against the government, asking for improved wages, job regularisation and a stop to exploitation of private companies appointed to oversee the centres. The agitation started on 26th May. As a result, public services remained badly disrupted. Visitors were left stranded as the release of certificates and the revision of identity cards, among other crucial functions, could not proceed.

The association accused that the workers are overworked under the “equal pay for equal work” premise, yet their compensation has remained extremely poor over the years. Neither the full DC rate nor the ESI (Employees’ State Insurance) benefit is provided to these workers. They also decided to boycott the job fairs that would be held around Punjab on Wednesday.

A similar agitation transpired in January when several unions of employees declared a statewide strike against the government over long-standing financial demands. They wanted Punjab pay scales to be put into effect, salaries to be fixed in accordance with the Sixth Punjab Pay Commission with a 15% increase, the Old Pension Scheme to be reinstated under the 1972 regulations, the revocation of the Unified Pension Scheme, release of outstanding 16% DA, the restoration of 37 abolished allowances and revival of the Assured Career Progression (ACP) initiative.

These events pertaining to the inability to meet such financial obligations by the government have repeatedly unfolded in Punjab. In protest of the “non-payment of four instalments of DA totalling 15% of their basic income,” almost one lakh workers from more than 50 government departments throughout the state went on a two-day mass leave in 2024 under the umbrella of the Punjab State Ministerial Services Union (PSMSU).

10,000 workers from various government agencies at the Punjab Civil Secretariat and directorates in Chandigarh left their desks at 2:00 pm in observance of “Black Diwali.” The Democratic Teachers Front of Punjab also asked that the Punjab government promptly release 15% of the pending DA in accordance with the centre.

PSMSU announced similar strikes in 2023 regarding the implementation of the old pension scheme (OPS), the release of outstanding instalments of DA and the regularisation of contractual workers. This also jeopardised the timely disbursal of salaries for over 2 lakh employees as the funds were managed by the agitating ministerial staff. The protestors also received support from various other groups, including Punjab State Power Corporation Limited (PSPCL) and the Punjab Civil Medical Services Association (PCMSA).

Punjab and Haryana High Court intervenes

The Punjab and Haryana Court ordered the state to disburse the arrears, DA, and Dearness Relief (DR) in accordance with the central government pattern in April. It termed the Punjab government’s staggered payment scheme to employees arbitrary and in violation of Article 14 of the Constitution. The state had been directed to satisfy the pension amount and the updated DA/DR per the 6th Punjab Pay Commission by 30th June.

The state’s claim of financial limitations was dismissed by the court, which concluded that DA/DR are inflation-linked payments that are required to preserve the real worth of income and are not optional. The latter stated that retirees cannot be discriminated against for pension payments because the budgetary restriction is a state-created issue.

The court then overturned the state’s 18th February 2025, liquidation plan and told it to release the arrears and other obligations to all employees and pensioners within two months. Furthermore, it instructed the Chief Secretary to submit a compliance report by 2nd July, and it might impose interest on late payments if the dues are not released. The verdict created a liability of about Rs 15,000 crore for unresolved DA arrears.

Hence, the cash-strapped he Punjab government was preparing to seek relief by recommending a staggered payment structure rather than instant settlement of dues, reported The Indian Express. The government believed that “forcing payment of nearly 10% of the state budget within two months borders on the realm of impossibility and could cripple the government’s ability to pay regular salaries, pensions, and social sector commitments.”

The substantial fiscal burden on PSPCL

Not only government employees but also the Punjab State Power Corporation Limited (PSPCL) has been grappling with a severe economic downturn. Last month, the state’s power tariffs for 2026-2027 were lowered by 50 paise to Rs 1.50 per unit for all customer groups. However, the order of the Punjab State Electricity Regulatory Commission (PSERC) was contested by the Punjab State Electricity Board Engineers Association in the Appellate Tribunal for Electricity (APTEL). The petition has been accepted by the tribunal and would probably be heard in July.

It has contended in its appeal that the utility’s operational and financial stability is seriously threatened by the updated Annual Revenue Requirement (ARR) and information that Punjab State Power Corporation Limited (PSPCL) provided to the PSERC. The plea mentioned that the Net Revenue Requirement had been reduced by Rs 1,259 crore to Rs 48,996 crore for FY 2026–2027.

This resulted in an “illusory” revenue surplus of Rs 7,851.91 crore, much less than PSPCL’s initial figure of Rs 52,365 crore and even below its updated calculation of Rs 51,106 crore. Furthermore, it minimised the target government subsidy from Rs 22,250 crore to Rs 15,200 crore. The petitioners argued that such a drastic decline in income availability could have a negative impact on supply quality, infrastructure investment and statutory requirements, putting PSPCL under tremendous budgetary constraints and possibly endangering its operational and financial viability.

Sunil Jakhar, the president of the Bharatiya Janata Party Punjab unit, earlier highlighted how PSPCL seemed to undergo a major transformation during the tariff hearings before the PSERC in March. However, the improvement was only on paper as the utility continued to struggle in reality.

“The Punjab State Power Corporation’s claim that it had a deficit of Rs 1,713 crore on 28th November 2025, which through some magic trick turned into a surplus of Rs 7,851 crore on 6th March. One thing is certain: one of these figures must be incorrect. Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann must be held accountable for this,” he wrote on social media.

The BJP leader added, “If the earlier figure was wrong, then action should be taken against those responsible. And if the new figure is correct, then the person capable of such black magic should be made the Finance Minister of Punjab, at least on paper, he would be able to fill the Punjab government’s treasury.”

The utility’s economic challenges mounted earlier as well when the government failed to pay the bills in February 2025. The government settled Rs 13,841 crore of the roughly Rs 20,400 crore power subsidy as of January of that year, leaving an outstanding balance of Rs 1,800 crore. Furthermore, there were Rs 3,600 crore in remaining electrical bills from different government divisions.

“Around Rs 7,000 crores subsidy is yet to be cleared till the end of the current financial year (2024-25),” stated Ajay Pal Singh Atwal. He serves as the general secretary of Punjab State Electricity Board Engineers Association. According to him, the power firm experienced a serious cash flow congestion as a consequence, which had a grave effect on its capacity to operate efficiently.

He conveyed, “This delay in payments not only exacerbates operational challenges but also compounds financial losses, which will ultimately result in higher power costs for consumers across the state.”

The critical condition of PSPCL can be assessed by the intervention of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, which took place when it planned to sell vital public assets to cover the economic shortfall.

A petition was submitted in the court arguing, “Public properties are long-term national assets held in trust for future generations and cannot be sold for short-term fiscal management, particularly when recoverable dues of nearly equal magnitude remain unpaid by the state itself.”

It had accused, “The Government of Punjab has failed to discharge its moral, ethical and statutory obligation to pay electricity dues, thereby pushing PSPCL into a severe financial crisis.” The plea further asked the court to order PSPCL to swiftly collect the Rs 2,582.24 crore default sum from government departments that are in default, together with interest and penalties.

The petitioner opposed the state’s “Optimum Use of Vacant Government Land Scheme” (OUVGL) policy of selling coveted public properties, including prime PSPCL land to survive a “self-created and avoidable” financial catastrophe.

When Mann wanted special package to mend the derailed economy

In his first meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi after taking office, Mann demanded a special aid from the centre for the state’s economic revival in addition to holistic development in the state. He informed the prime minister of the state’s gloomy financial condition and pointed out that the previous administrations had left a staggering debt of Rs 3 lakh crore

“We, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), are working towards nailing the mafia and fill the coffers of the state. We want that we get a special package of Rs 50,000 crore each for two years so that Punjab can be self-reliant after two years. I am hopeful that he will discuss it with the finance minister and help Punjab, a state that was at the forefront in the battle of independence,” he stated.

Mann compared Punjab to a stone set in India’s ring, but he criticised how the state’s “ill-conceived decisions” to elect particular governments had caused it to gradually lose its lustre over time. The official statement added, “If Punjab make rapid strides of development, then India would also eventually prosper.”

He wanted a similar financial package of Rs 20,000 crore from the centre to compensate for the damages incurred by the floods last year. He had even demanded “stuck” funds of 60,000 crores, claiming that Punjab lost Rs 50,000 crore owing to GST (Goods and Services Tax). Mann’s remarks illustrate the extent to which the state has been reeling from crippling financial setback and, as he pointed out, is laden with enormous debt.

The surging debt and the election dole-out

Punjab’s debt is expected to increase to approximately Rs 4.47 lakh crore in the upcoming fiscal year, having already surpassed Rs 4 lakh crore. Furthermore, debt servicing, or the return of prior borrowings, now accounts for a sizable amount of the state’s revenue. In the upcoming year, the government is projected to pay Rs 13,725 crore toward repayment and Rs 28,755 crore in interest, which will restrict its spending on infrastructure, health and education. Additionally, the debt per person has increased to almost Rs 1.04 lakh.

Importantly, possible threats to economic sustainability in the future were identified by the 2023-34 audit. Punjab’s subsidy burden surpasses its Rs 21,955 crore revenue deficit. Thus, economists raised alarm about the fact that borrowing accounts for a major portion of government budget. They outlined that large subsidies and growing debt suggested systemic fiscal stress which could impact the region’s long-term stability.

Now, Mann has claimed, “We started this scheme when we had a proper budget for it,” after the roll-out of the latest scheme. Therefore, the question arises: is it feasible for a state already encumbered by substantial debt to impose further strain on its treasury when it evidently lacks the financial means to support such initiatives independently?

The AAP government is aware that it cannot, but prioritising such dole-outs takes precedence over the long-term financial welfare of the state and its citizens. The ominous timing of the announcement further indicates the underlying motive behind the action. Punjab is expected to hold assembly elections next year, likely in February, leaving less than a year for the democratic process.

The APP is poised to confront a formidable challenge from the opposition in Punjab, and this action is aimed to attract voters. While it is true that all parties engage in these tactics, it is undeniable that the fragile financial state of Punjab further complicates matters for the region.

Conclusion

The state is unable to pay salaries or other dues punctually and has to be reprimanded by the high court to meet its obligations. However, the availability of resources for these programs provokes several questions. How can short-term political objectives take precedence over the state’s future? How long will Punjab’s debt economy be able to sustain itself?

If the AAP government can gather funds for these schemes, why does it not demonstrate the same commitment to addressing the rising issues of law and order, drug crisis and other similar that have plagued the state for decades? It could redirect resources to at least try to resolve these matters.

However, the government might have come to the conclusion that these giveaways could place them in a better position for the upcoming elections than any authentic efforts for the citizens. Ironically, AAP entered the political arena with a declaration of moral integrity and alternative politics. However, it seems that those who sought to reform the political system have themselves morphed into what they once criticised, if not worse.

Hindu ex-employee of Wipro Technologies reveals shocking details, says she faced workplace harassment, religious discrimination and was forced to resign: Read exclusive report by OpIndia

Aditi
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Hindu ex-employee of Wipro Technologies reveals shocking details, says she faced workplace harassment, religious discrimination and was forced to resign: Read exclusive report by OpIndia

After the TCS sexual exploitation and religious conversion scandal sent shockwaves across the country, a similar incident has come to light from the IT firm, Wipro Technologies, in Pune. A former employee of Wipro Technologies has revealed that she faced workplace harassment and religious discrimination at the Pune office of the company, and was forced to resign. A complaint has been filed by the former employee at the Hinjawadi Police Station, and a legal notice has been sent to the company.

The revelation was made during a press conference organised by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti at Shramik Patrakar Bhavan in Pune. During the press conference, the former employee of the IT company said that while working at the company, she was constantly pressured by a Muslim colleague, to convert to Islam and have a relationship with a Muslim man.

A colleague advised having physical relations with a Muslim man and settling in Dubai

In her complaint accessed by OpIndia, the former employee stated that a Muslim woman interfered in her personal life and encouraged her to abandon her Hindu faith. She said that apart from work-related calls, the Muslim colleague started calling her on her personal mobile phone number. Gradually, she developed closeness with the former employee and obtained information about her personal life. The former employee has separated from her husband and lives alone.

According to the complaint, the accused knew that the victim was living alone and would ask uncomfortable questions to her relating to her personal life. She asked her questions like “How do you manage sex while living alone?” and offered to introduce the victim to her male friends so that she could have physical relations with them. She also asked the victim to send her pictures on WhatsApp as she wanted to know how beautiful she looked.

The Muslim colleague tried to convince her that abandoning the Hindu religion would provide her with a better lifestyle and work opportunities abroad. She suggested to her that she should establish physical relations with a Muslim man and move to Dubai, where she would be introduced to wealthy ‘Sheikhs’ and get all the comforts of life. The former employee said that due to constant pestering, she restricted all communication with her colleague to professional matters only.

“While working at the company, immense and systematic mental pressure was exerted on me to embrace Islam and establish physical relations with a Muslim man. When I firmly rejected this anti-religious and unethical proposition and lodged an official complaint with the company administration, instead of taking action against the accused, the management unjustly terminated my employment,” the former employee said.

She further said that she reported the matter to a senior in the company, but no action was taken on her complaint. She submitted evidence through official channels, but no attention was paid to her. The victim further said that certain company officials, including a senior official named Wasim, failed to take action against the Muslim woman and that members of the HR and management team, including Zeeshan Ahmed, imposed disciplinary measures against her while disregarding her complaints and supporting evidence. Instead, a complaint was filed against her before the company’s internal Ombuds Committee.

The victim was forced to resign without a hearing

The former employee said that she was called into a Microsoft Teams meeting by company representatives in August 2025. In the meeting, she was forced to submit her resignation without being given a fair opportunity to be heard. Her advocate, Vivek Bhosale, said that the resignation was obtained under coercion and in violation of the principles of natural justice. She has served a legal notice to Wipro Technologies seeking her reinstatement with continuity of service, cancellation of the resignation and compensation of ₹50 lakh for alleged mental trauma and reputational damage. Besides, she has sought an official apology and action against those allegedly responsible for the incidents. Further, she has given 15 days to the company to take action on the legal notice, after which she will initiate civil, criminal and labour court proceedings.

Representatives of Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, who were present at the press conference with the former employee, demanded a thorough investigation into the case and urged the Maharashtra government to intervene. OpIndia spoke to Sunil Ghanwat, State Coordinator, Maharashtra & Chhattisgarh Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, who called for a high-level inquiry into the case and stringent legal action against the culprits.

The present incident comes after the infamous TCS ‘corporate Jihad’ case, which came to light earlier this year. Reports of sexual harassment, attempted religious conversion, and workplace misconduct in a Tata Consultancy Services BPO in Nashik emerged during an undercover operation of the local police.

Note: The name of the accused Muslim woman has been redacted owing to an ex-parte court order. The court was approached by the Muslim accused.

From Brazil’s World Cup ‘Baptism’ to IPL’s Shiva Tribute: Why Hindu symbols alone trigger secular outrage

Dhruv Mishra
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From Brazil’s World Cup ‘Baptism’ to IPL’s Shiva Tribute: Why Hindu symbols alone trigger secular outrage

As Brazil’s national football team departed for the FIFA World Cup 2026 in the United States of America, a video is circulating online. The aircraft carrying the players received a ceremonial water salute. In simple words, the aircraft was baptised, invoking a Christian tradition to symbolically bless the quest for a sixth world title. Far from criticism, the ceremony was celebrated as an expression of Brazil’s culture, history and national identity. The images stood in stark contrast to the discussion that erupted in India just days prior.

During the IPL closing ceremony, Singer Kailash Kher performed a tribute to Lord Shiva, accompanied by pretty visuals and drone formations. While millions of Indians saw it as a celebration of India’s civilisational heritage, some leftist voices objected to what they viewed as the mixing of sports and religion.

The contrasting reactions raise a simple question. When Christian, Islamic, or other religious traditions appear alongside sporting events, they are often viewed as expressions of culture and identity, but why do similar debates emerge when the tradition being showcased is Hindu? Are all the religious symbols being judged by the same standard, or are Hindu expressions subjected to a different scrutiny?

From football stadiums to World Cups, faith is hardly absent from sport

The idea that sports exist completely separate from religion does not match reality. Athletes, teams and sports organisations often express their faith and cultural traditions during major events worldwide.

Footballers regularly make the sign of the cross before a match. Athletes are often seen praying after victories. During Ramadan, some matches have been briefly paused to allow Muslim players to break their fast. National teams also hold prayer services before important tournaments, and many athletes openly thank God after winning competitions. Let’s take the example of the Brazilian football team. The country’s football culture has long been linked to Christian traditions.

Players praying before matches and religious ceremonies connected to the major events. The recent “Baptism” of the Brazilian aircraft, before and after its arrival in the USA, is seen as a cultural tradition, not a mixing of sports with religion. According to the news website, it was mentioned as “ For millions of Brazilians, however, it meant something far deeper: a blessing for the dream of becoming world champions once again. This also shows that a tradition is taken in Brazil.

This does not mean sporting events should be used to promote religion. However, it shows that across the world, sports and cultural or religious identity often coexist. The real question is not whether religion appears in sport. The question is why some religious or cultural expressions are accepted as tradition, while others become controversial.

Why did a tribute to Lord Shiva at the IPL closing ceremony trigger controversy?

It became even sadder that we have to discuss these as a Hindu in a Hindu-majority country. The debate in India began after popular singer Kailash Kher performed a tribute to Lord Shiva during the IPL 2026 closing ceremony. It was accompanied by elaborate drone formations and visuals inspired by Hindu symbolism; the performance was widely appreciated by the spectators and viewers who saw it as a celebration of India’s cultural heritage.

However, not everyone viewed the performance in the same manner. The leftist gang argued that religion should be kept separate from sporting events and questioned the inclusion of overtly religious themes during a cricket tournament. Among them was journalist Lavanya Narayanan, who remarked, “Keep religion out of sport,” reigniting a familiar debate about the place of faith and culture in public events.

The controversy soon moved beyond the performance itself. The hypocrisy of Narayanan pointed out how the religious symbolism associated with Islamic faiths in sporting contexts often does not attract the same level of scrutiny. The discussion therefore shifted from Kailash Kher’s performance to a broader question: Is the principle of keeping religion out of sport applied uniformly, or only to Hinduism?

The reaction to the IPL ceremony once again exposed a divide among Indians over the relationship between culture, religion and public life. While one side regarded the Shiva tribute as a natural expression of India’s civilisational identity, the other saw it as an example of religion entering a space that should remain secular.

The Hindu exception: Why do Hindu symbols attract a different reaction?

The controversy is not limited to the IPL ceremony, but it tells a lot about the treatment of Hindu symbols and culture. Over the years, similar incidents have occurred whenever Hindu symbols, festivals, or religious expressions have gained visibility in public spaces. Whether it’s chanting “Jai Shree Ram”, the celebration of Hindu festivals in educational institutions, temple imagery at public events, or cultural performances rooted in Hindu traditions, objections are often raised in the name of secularism.

At the same time, when similar expressions are associated with other religious faiths, such as Islam and Christianity, they are viewed through a different lens. Islamic practices during Ramadan are often described as displays of faith and identity. Christian traditions in many Western countries are treated as part of the cultural heritage. Religious observances by athletes are generally celebrated as personal expressions of belief. This difference raises many questions about India’s secularism. If the objective is to keep all religious symbolism away from sporting events and public platforms, then the principle must apply equally to every faith.

However, if cultural and religious traditions are accepted as legitimate expressions of identity, then Hindu traditions cannot be treated as an exception. India’s civilisation, history and cultural landscape have been shaped predominantly by Hindu traditions. This does not mean that public institutions should favour one religion over another. However, it raises an important question: Should every public expression of Hindu culture be automatically viewed with suspicion, while similar expressions associated with other faiths be seen as harmless traditions?

The debate triggered by the IPL ceremony ultimately goes beyond a single song or performance. It reflects a larger disagreement over how secularism is understood in India. Is secularism meant to ensure equal treatment of all faiths, or has it increasingly come to mean greater scrutiny whenever Hindu symbols enter the public sphere?

Conclusion

The debate is not really about a Brazilian aircraft receiving a ceremonial “baptism” or a singer performing a tribute to Lord Shiva during the IPL closing ceremony. Both incidents point towards a larger question about how modern societies view the relationship between culture, faith and public life.

In Brazil, a tradition rooted in Christian symbolism was celebrated as an expression of national identity and footballing culture. Few questioned whether it amounted to mixing religion with sport. In India, however, a performance inspired by Hindu traditions quickly became the subject of a wider secularism debate.

Nobody is arguing that sporting events should become platforms for religious preaching. However, it is equally difficult to ignore the perception that Hindu cultural expressions often face greater scrutiny than similar expressions associated with other faiths.

As India continues to debate the meaning of secularism, perhaps the more important question is not whether religion and culture appear in public life- they do, across the world. The real question is whether the same standards are applied consistently to everyone.

If Christian symbolism can be viewed as culture in Brazil and Islamic observances can be viewed as identity in sporting events across the world, then it is worth asking why Hindu symbols so often become subjects of controversy in their own civilisational homeland.

USTR proposes 12.5% tariffs on India, others over ‘forced labour’: Is Trump inventing new ways to reimpose tariffs struck down by the Supreme Court?

Shraddha Pandey
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USTR proposes 12.5% tariffs on India, others over ‘forced labour’: Is Trump inventing new ways to reimpose tariffs struck down by the Supreme Court?

The US Trade Representative (USTR) has proposed to impose fresh tariffs on around 60 trading partners for reasons as vague as ‘forced labour’. The USTR released a 98-page report on 3rd June, in which it proposed tariffs ranging from 10 to 12.5% on India, China, Japan, Pakistan, South Korea, Brazil and Switzerland, among others.

The USTR has proposed 10% tariffs on Canada, Mexico, Taiwan and the United Kingdom over alleged failure to enforce a forced labour import ban.

In the report titled “Acts, Policies, and Practices of Various Economies Related to the Failure to Impose and Effectively Enforce a Prohibition on the Importation of Goods Produced with Forced Labor”, the USTR detailed the findings of the investigation launched into trading partners under Section 301 (b)(1) of the Trade Act of 1974.

Notably, Section 302(b)(1)(A) of the Trade Act of 1974 authorises the US Trade Representative to initiate an investigation to determine whether an act, policy, or practice of a foreign country is actionable under Section 301 of the Trade Act. Actionable matters under Section 301 include acts, policies, and practices of a foreign country that are ‘unreasonable’ or ‘discriminatory’ and burden or restrict US commerce.

Under the section “India: Findings of Investigation”, the USTR claimed that India failed to effectively enforce the forced labour import ban.

“In sections III.A.7 and III.B.7, USTR found that India has failed to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition. In section IV, we found that the failure to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition is unreasonable. In section V, we found that the failure to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition burdens or restricts U.S. commerce,” the USTR report reads.

“For the foregoing reasons, the results of this investigation indicate that the acts, policies and practices of India related to the failure to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition are unreasonable and burden or restrict U.S. commerce,” it adds.

Regarding the scope of the proposed tariffs, the 10 to 12.5% tariffs, if approved, would apply to almost all US imports, with exemptions covering 70 products, including aircraft, beef, coffee, etc. The USTR has also proposed a textile or apparel quota mechanism for relief on limited volumes.

Source: Relevant Registry Notice

While the USTR report has sparked debate and even political mudslinging in India, it must not be forgotten that this is just a proposal that may or may not be approved. Despite this, several opposition leaders and their media allies have already started portraying the USTR proposal for imposing new tariffs on India as Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘failure’.

Public comments on the tariff proposal are due by 6th July.

Trump’s tariff tirade against India, strained ties, and the US court’s ultimate hammering down of his ‘weapon’

In August 2025, the Trump administration imposed ‘reciprocal’ tariffs on Indian goods, and later doubled them to 50%. The additional tariff was a ‘punishment’ for buying Russian oil. OpIndia reported earlier how India’s refusal to give a fake credit to Trump for ending the India-Pakistan conflict in May last year irked the US President, and he unleashed tariffs and rhetorical attacks against India.

India and the US have never been the best of friends. To be perfectly honest, America has no friends. During his farewell address in 1796, President George Washington advised the young America, “Steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world”.

The US has never permanently allied with any country, although geopolitical circumstances have compelled the ‘superpower’ to explore ties with various countries. During the 1971 war, the US supported Pakistan against India. The US imposed sanctions on India when the country conducted successful nuclear tests, becoming a nuclear power. America consistently attempted to undermine India. However, in the last two decades, Washington made efforts to woo India on its side, not out of any love or remorse for past actions, but as a democratic counterweight against an autocratic China.

Then enters Donald Trump, who destroyed the years of American efforts to bring India to its side by launching a tariff tirade that India did not deserve. For nearly three years, India bought discounted Russian oil, refined it and supplied it to various countries across the world and sustained global energy supplies as Russia faced sanctions for its war against Ukraine.

Even America supported India in buying Russian oil. Even Trump was fine with India’s Russian oil purchases until the May India-Pakistan conflict. However, as India killed Trump’s hopes for a Nobel Peace Prize, the megalomaniac American President began coddling Pakistan and antagonising India.

Trump’s approach, however, was quite hypocritical. On one hand, Trump would say that he is a “fan” and “good friend” of Prime Minister Modi, on the other, he would call India a “dead economy” and his officials, Howard Lutnick, Peter Navarro and others, would constantly villainise India and accuse it of fuelling the “Russian war machine”.

All this while, talks between India and the US also continued for a bilateral trade deal. As the Modi government refused to open up India’s dairy sector for American exports, Trump’s officials intensified their anti-India rhetoric.

As America launched a war against Iran in February this year, and an energy crisis followed the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, the Trump administration ‘allowed’ India to buy Russian oil to ensure global supplies and control price spikes. When India was buying Russian oil earlier for the same reasons, the Trump administration cried hoarse; however, when it became imperative to ensure energy supplies to the world amidst the crisis America caused, to save themselves from becoming global villains, they turned to India for help.

Although India made it clear that New Delhi will continue buying Russian oil regardless of whether America allows India to do so or not, the US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, recently said that America wants to end the license allowing countries like India to buy Russian oil “as soon as possible”, as Iran and the US negotiate a peace deal amidst a fragile ceasefire.

Not to forget, Trump, who speaks nicely of PM Modi and India and has increased investments in India for his private businesses, recently amplified the racist “hellhole” remark by an American podcaster against India in a Truth Social post.

Marco Rubio, who was in India last month for a two-day visit, received a relatively cold welcome and was questioned by the Indian media about increasing racism against India, the Russian oil issue, and America’s newfound love for the same Pakistan that Trump used to criticise for squeezing dollars out of America in the name of counter-terrorism measures.

While Trump and his officials vilified India for months since August 2025, for New Delhi’s Russian oil purchases, although America itself continued buying various non-essentials from Russia directly, Marco Rubio downplayed the matter. He said that the Russian oil issue was “never specifically about India”.

Rubio, however, did not explain that if the Russian oil issue was not specifically about India, then why India and not China, which has been the largest buyer of Russian oil, was called out for supposedly fuelling the Russian war machine. Why US impose maximum ‘penalty’ tariffs on India and not China? Is it because Trump knows that Washington cannot really harm China, as Beijing has leverage in the form of rare earth elements or RREs essential for the semiconductor industry?

The world saw that Trump’s recent visit to China was nothing more than a nice outing for the American president, yielding no breakthroughs. China even threatened Trump with a direct conflict for backing Taiwan.

America’s hypocrisy and cowardice have been blatant all throughout.

As the India-US trade deal talks advanced, the US lowered its effective tariff rates on most Indian goods to 18% and removed the 25% Russian-oil penalty. While the US claimed in some statements that India has committed to buy more of American energy, diversifying away from Russia, India has maintained that it will continue buying Russian oil and has, in practice, done so.

In fact, during a joint press briefing with Rubio in New Delhi, Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar clearly stated that India will continue to diversify its energy sources to fulfil its energy needs. He went on to say that if the Trump administration follows an “America First” policy, India has an “India First” foreign policy.

It is apparent that America is not very pleased with India for not acting like a second-tier client state and staying firm on its strategic autonomy. In fact, this USTR tariff proposal with a 70-product exemption comes across as a pressure tactic ahead of the American delegation’s four-day India visit for trade deal talks.

In February this year, the US Supreme Court struck down Trump’s tariffs, stripping him of his brand-new weapon to arm-twist countries into aligning with the US subserviently. The court ruled that Trump’s tariff terrorism was illegal. Since the Trump administration has been searching for ways to reimpose tariffs, and has found a twisted way in the imposing tariffs for the supposed ‘failure’ to impose prohibitions against forced labour. Approved or not, the USTR tariffs proposal against India is only contributing to the deepening trust deficit.

The USTR’s proposal to impose tariffs on India and over two dozen countries over ‘forced labour’ shows that America is yet to come out of the delusion that it is some teacher who needs to discipline children.

India’s reaction: Proposal not final, consultations underway

India has reacted to the development, statting that despite the political attention generated by the report, the proposed tariffs are not yet final.

“As per the report, the proposed tariffs are not yet final and stakeholders can submit requests to participate in public hearings by 22 June 2026. Written comments can be submitted until 6 July 2026. Public hearings will be held on 7 July 2026. The USTR will consider the comments and testimony received before taking a final decision on the proposed measures,” the Ministry of Commerce & Industry said in a press statement.

India has formally engaged with the United States as part of the ongoing Section 301 proceedings and is expected to present its position during the consultation process. Simultaneously, New Delhi and Washington continue negotiations on a broader trade framework agreement announced on 2 February 2026 and reaffirmed in the joint statement issued on 7 February 2026.

Delhi court convicts Ishtiaque Ali for the abduction and killing of Delhi University student Ayush Nautiyal: Read about the 2018 case

Aditi
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Delhi court convicts Ishtiaque Ali for the abduction and killing of Delhi University student Ayush Nautiyal: Read about the 2018 case

A Delhi Court recently convicted a man named Ishtiaque Ali for the abduction and killing of a Delhi University student in 2018 for a ransom of ₹50 lakh. Additional Sessions Judge (FTC), South-West District Dwarka Courts, New Delhi, Swati Gupta found Ishtiaque Ali guilty of offences committed under Sections 364A, 302 and 201 of the Indian Penal Code, relating to abduction for ransom, murder and causing disappearance of evidence. The court is yet to decide on the sentencing of the convict.

The case relates to the abduction and murder of a 21-year-old B.Com student, Ayush Nautiyal, in March 2018, whose semi-decomposed body was found dumped in a drain in Dwarka Sector-13, Delhi. The postmortem of the body revealed that the victim was killed using a blunt object, which, in this case, was a hammer. Notably, the culprit and the victim were known to each other and were seen hanging out together at a McDonald’s outlet near the crime scene, a day before the victim disappeared.

After examining the evidence adduced and the facts and arguments presented by the prosecution, the court said that the prosecution proved all three charges against Ishtiaque Ali beyond a reasonable doubt. The court noted that Ali abducted Ayush and demanded ₹50 lakh from his father. Even after killing Ayush, Ali made his father believe that his son was alive and would be freed on receiving the ransom amount.

“Blood samples taken from the scene of the crime contain the DNA of the deceased. Burnt laptop remnants of the laptop of deceased were recovered, at the instance of the accused. Clothes of the accused recovered at the instance of the accused are also found to contain DNA matching with the DNA of the deceased…The chain of circumstances is sufficient to prove the charge of S. 302 IPC against the accused,” the court stated.

“Blood sample collected from the Alto car of the deceased bearing no. DL-2CAL-2553 contain the DNA of the deceased. The said Alto car, which was used to dump the body, was also recovered at the instance of the accused,” the court said.

“…it is held that from the circumstances established above, prosecution has proved beyond a reasonable doubt that the accused committed the offences for which he is charged, i.e. Sections 364A/302/201 IPC,” the judge noted in the judgment passed on May 30, 2026, accessed by OpIndia.

The defence countered the prosecution’s case, alleging that there were lapses in the police investigation. However, the court rejected the defence’s allegation, observing that the prosecution only needed to prove the case “beyond a reasonable doubt” and not “beyond all doubts”. The court said that the evidence adduced by the prosecution was enough to prove the guilt of the accused.

“In this regard, it is noteworthy that despite the best efforts of investigating officers, there may sometimes be slight lapses in investigation. However, an accused should not be allowed to go scot free merely on account of some lapses in the investigation. It is settled law that every faulty investigation or padding in evidence cannot, by itself, lead to total demolition of the prosecution’s case if it can otherwise stand ignoring these fallacies. Mere lapses in investigation, if any, cannot be the basis of acquitting the accused when sufficient evidence is available to nail him,” the court stated.

Background of the case

According to the facts of the case, the Nautiyal, who studied at Ram Lal Anand College of the University of Delhi, left his house on March 22, 2018 and never returned. He told his family that he was going to attend a college fest and would return late. He left the house carrying a bag containing his laptop.

Around 7:45 pm, Ayush Nautiyal’s father, Dinesh Chandra, received an SMS sent from his son’s phone telling him to check WhatsApp. When he checked WhatsApp, he saw a photograph showing his son blindfolded with his hands and legs tied. The photo was sent with a message demanding a ₹50 lakh ransom and a warning not to disclose anything to his relatives or the police.

After receiving the messages, the victim’s father informed the police and filed a complaint. Based on his complaint, an FIR was filed at Palam Village police station. The police sprang into action and put the victim’s phone on surveillance and obtained the Call Detail Record (CDR) of his phone number.

While the police were trying to track the victim’s location, his father received another message on his phone on March 24, 2018, asking if he had arranged the ransom amount. When the father replied that he could arrange only ₹10 lakh, the concerned person asked him to arrange ₹50 lakh and gave him a deadline of March 26, 2018. On March 24, 2018, the father negotiated the ransom amount down to ₹12 lakh.

The father of the victim reached the location set by the culprit to drop the ransom amount. Initially, he asked the victim’s father to drop the ransom amount at Uttam Nagar, Najafgarh Nala. Later, he asked him to drop the money in a garbage can near Anupam Restaurant in Munirka, Vasant Vihar, Delhi. Police raiding parties were deployed at both locations; however, no one came to collect the money at either of the locations.

On March 28, 2018, a highly decomposed dead body of a male wrapped in a green polythene bag was recovered from a drainage canal (nala) behind the Metro View Apartments in Sector-13, Dwarka. The father identified the dead body as that of his son, Ayush Nautiyal. The father also identified the spectacles lying near the body as those belonging to his son.

An examination of the CCTV footage of the nearby areas revealed that the victim was spotted at a McDonald’s outlet in Dwarka Sector-14 with a bearded man. The police accessed the Gmail and Facebook accounts of the victim and analysed the photographs. After the examination, the police found that the bearded man accompanying the victim at the McDonald’s outlet was Ishtiaque Ali, Mohan Garden, Uttam Nagar, Delhi.

Upon interrogation by the police, Ali confessed to having killed Ayush Nautiyal and burning his laptop. He said that he met the victim through the Tinder App. The police recovered incriminating material, including the hammer used to kill Ayush, at the direction of Ali. The police also found Ali’s Alto car, parked outside his house, which was used by him to dump Ayush’s body. Ali was tried for the abduction and killing of Ayush and was found guilty by the court.

‘Sanatan safeguarded tribal identity, missionaries are wiping it out’: Ex-Jharkhand CM links conversions to demographic shift, asks, ‘If tribals worship nature, why are there 5,000 churches?’

रुपम
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‘Sanatan safeguarded tribal identity, missionaries are wiping it out’: Ex-Jharkhand CM links conversions to demographic shift, asks, ‘If tribals worship nature, why are there 5,000 churches?’

The discussion around religious conversion, tribal identity, and demographic changes in Jharkhand has once again come into focus after concerns were raised about the rapid changes taking place in several tribal-dominated regions of the state. The issue has gained attention, particularly in border districts, where questions are being raised about the growing influence of Christian missionaries, the increasing number of conversions, and the settlement of illegal infiltrators.

Former Jharkhand Chief Minister Champai Soren has spoken openly on the matter, saying that the issue is not merely political but directly linked to the future of tribal culture, traditions, and identity.

According to him, tribal communities have been given constitutional safeguards, including reservation benefits, to protect their social and cultural identity. He questioned how people who voluntarily convert to Christianity or Islam can continue to enjoy benefits meant for tribal communities when they also receive the protections and facilities available to religious minorities under the Constitution. He argued that this issue needs a serious discussion because it affects the future of Jharkhand’s indigenous communities.

Centuries-old bond between tribals and Sanatan traditions

Champai Soren pointed to the long historical relationship between Jharkhand’s tribal communities and followers of Sanatan Dharma. He said that for thousands of years, nature-worshipping tribal communities and Sanatan followers have lived side by side in the same villages, sharing the same environment and social space. According to him, differences in worship practices never became a reason for conflict between the two communities.

He said tribal customs, traditions, and religious practices survived because they were never forced to abandon their identity. Tribal people continued to worship at places such as Jaherthan, Sarna sites, Deshawli, and Manchi Than, while preserving their own unique rituals and beliefs. He argued that if there had been attempts to erase tribal identity in the past, these traditions would have disappeared long ago.

He further stated that this close relationship can still be seen today. Members of the Sanatani community often visit tribal religious sites with faith and respect, while tribal people participate in festivals celebrated by Sanatan communities. Festivals such as Sarhul and Karma are celebrated together in many villages. Similarly, tribal communities participate in celebrations held by Sanatan families.

Many famous religious sites in Jharkhand are also cited as examples of this shared heritage. Temples such as the Diuri Temple and the Rankini Temple near Ranchi continue to have strong tribal connections. In many cases, the chief priests belong to tribal communities themselves, including Pahans and Mundas, showing how deeply tribal traditions remain connected to these places.

Jharkhand tribal population has fallen to around 26 %

One of the biggest concerns raised by Champai Soren is the gradual decline in the share of the tribal population in Jharkhand. He says the issue is not based on assumptions but on government data.

According to the 2011 Census, Jharkhand has around 86.45 lakh tribal people, accounting for approximately 26.2 % of the state’s total population. Across India, the tribal population stands at about 104.5 million, making up roughly 8.6 % of the country’s population.

Jharkhand is home to 32 recognised tribes. Among the most prominent are the Santhal, Oraon, Munda, Ho, Kol, and Mahli communities. The Santhal community has the largest population, particularly in the Santhal Pargana region.

Champai Soren argues that a comparison of demographic data from the period around Independence and later decades shows a steady decline in the tribal share of Jharkhand’s population. At the same time, he claims that the growth of Christian and Muslim populations in several areas has been much faster. He warns that if the present trend of conversion and infiltration continues, tribal communities may eventually become minorities in regions that have historically been their homeland.

Religious conversion and changes in tribal lifestyle

Tribal communities in Jharkhand have their own distinct way of life. Their customs cover every stage of life, including birth ceremonies, naming rituals, marriage traditions, and funeral practices. Traditional institutions such as the Manjhi Pargana, Naike, Pahan, Manki, Munda, and Padaha Raja play important roles in these social and religious processes.

For generations, tribal families have visited sacred places such as Jahersthan, Sarna Sthal, Deshauli, and Manjhi Than to worship deities like Marang Buru and Singboga. These practices have continued for centuries and form an important part of tribal identity.

Champai Soren says Sanatan traditions never interfered with these practices. However, he believes the arrival of Christian missionaries changed the situation significantly. According to him, conversions led many tribal families away from traditional places of worship. As churches became more common in villages, participation in traditional tribal religious practices declined in several areas.

He expressed concern that if conversions continue at the current pace, many traditional customs and cultural practices could disappear altogether. He said that tribal culture is closely tied to its religious practices, and losing one could eventually weaken the other.

Concern over missionary activities

According to historical records, Christian missionaries began their work in the Chhotanagpur region during the nineteenth century. Champai Soren says missionary activities have had a major impact on tribal society over the last 180 years.

He argues that Christianity and traditional tribal culture follow very different systems of belief. According to him, missionary efforts have gradually weakened traditional tribal faith and reduced participation in age-old customs. He says many Sarna sites and Jahersthans in some villages have become inactive because fewer people visit them for worship.

He further claims that changes have not been limited to religion alone. Language, cultural practices, traditional social structures, and tribal identity have also undergone significant changes in areas where conversions have been widespread.

To support his concerns, he points to examples from several countries in Africa and Latin America. Tribes such as the Samburu in Kenya, the Wai-Wai in Brazil, and the Ayoró community have experienced major cultural transformations after adopting Christianity. He believes similar changes are taking place in parts of India and warns that tribal communities could gradually lose their traditional identity if this trend continues.

Reservation benefits and minority status debate

Another issue raised by Champai Soren concerns reservation benefits.

He notes that Christians enjoy minority status under Article 30 of the Constitution and are entitled to run minority educational institutions and access various protections available to minorities. However, he questions whether tribal individuals who have converted to Christianity should continue receiving reservation benefits that were created to safeguard tribal communities and their traditional way of life.

According to him, people who voluntarily convert should rely on the benefits available to minorities rather than claiming tribal reservation benefits as well. He argues that this debate is important because reservations were designed to protect tribal identity and representation, including reserved seats in elections.

Questions over land used for churches and mosques

The discussion has also expanded to the issue of land ownership.

Jharkhand’s tribal areas are protected under laws such as the CNT Act and SPT Act, which restrict the transfer of tribal land to non-tribals. Champai Soren has questioned how thousands of churches and mosques have been constructed in tribal regions despite these restrictions.

He argues that if tribal land cannot legally be transferred, there should be transparency regarding how land was obtained for these structures. According to him, this issue deserves a detailed investigation to determine whether any illegal land transfers took place and whether administrative officials played any role in allowing such transfers.

He has demanded a high-level and impartial inquiry into the matter, saying that the public deserves clear answers about how protected tribal land came to be used for minority religious institutions.

How missionary activities expanded in Jharkhand

Historical records show that Christian missionary work in Jharkhand began in 1845 when four German missionaries associated with Reverend Father Gossner arrived in Ranchi. Their activities focused on education, healthcare, and social welfare, and they worked primarily among tribal communities such as the Munda and Oraon.

Later, Anglican SPG missionaries entered the Chhotanagpur region in 1869, while Jesuit Catholic missionaries arrived in 1868. Missionary activities expanded further after the arrival of Father Constant Lievens in 1885.

One significant event often mentioned in discussions on conversion took place in 1873, when 28 members of six Munda families were baptised in Khuntapani, now part of the West Singhbhum district. A stone plaque commemorating the event still exists, and an annual gathering is held there every November.

Similar concerns in Chhattisgarh

The debate is not limited to Jharkhand. Similar concerns are being raised in neighbouring Chhattisgarh.

Madku Island in Mungeli district hosts a large Christian fair every year, a tradition that has continued since 1909. Likewise, Kharkona village in Jashpur district has a memorial marking the baptism of 56 individuals in 1906. Annual events continue to be held there as well.

Over the years, the Christian population in some districts of Chhattisgarh has grown substantially. Critics of conversion activities argue that these demographic changes demonstrate the long-term impact of missionary work in tribal regions.

Missionary activities during the COVID-19 period

The debate over religious conversion gained further attention after statements made in 2021 by David Reeves, CEO of the missionary organisation Unfolding Word. According to statements attributed to him, large-scale outreach efforts were conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic through mobile phones and WhatsApp groups.

He reportedly said that churches were assigned responsibility for prayer meetings in multiple villages and that many new churches were established during this period. These claims became part of a wider debate over the methods used by missionary organisations to expand their reach in tribal regions.

Another organisation frequently discussed in this context is the Joshua Project, founded in 1995. The organisation maintains data on thousands of caste and tribal groups in India. Critics claim that its activities have contributed to conversion efforts in states such as Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Madhya Pradesh.

According to reports cited by those raising concerns, the number of churches in these states has increased significantly over the last decade. They argue that such expansion has taken place even in regions where land ownership and transfers are tightly regulated.

From Christian conversion to Muslim infiltration concerns

Santhal Pargana, one of Jharkhand’s most important tribal regions, is often mentioned in discussions about demographic change. The area has long been associated with missionary activity, but in recent years, concerns have also been raised about the settlement of Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslims.

Critics claim that the region has witnessed changes in demographics, increasing numbers of mosques and madrasas, and the gradual decline of traditional tribal religious sites. They argue that infiltrators settle in villages, establish social connections, and gradually expand their presence.

Supporters of stronger action say these developments are affecting tribal land ownership, employment opportunities, and social structures. They believe the issue requires close monitoring by government agencies.

Protecting tribal identity remains the core issue

The central government has already taken certain steps aimed at preserving tribal traditions. Tribal communities were kept outside the scope of the Uniform Civil Code in several policy discussions, and similar exemptions were also provided in Assam. These measures were intended to protect tribal customs, traditions, and personal laws.

However, Champai Soren argues that legal protections alone will not be enough if tribal communities continue to lose their cultural and religious identity. According to him, the larger challenge is ensuring that tribal traditions survive on the ground and are not preserved only in official documents.

He says the issue goes beyond party politics and vote-bank calculations. In his view, it is fundamentally about preserving the legacy of iconic tribal leaders such as Bhagwan Birsa Munda, Sidhu-Kanhu, Potho Ho, Veer Tana Bhagat, and Veer Telanga Kharia.

According to him, the future of Jharkhand’s tribal identity depends on whether the younger generation continues to follow the cultural and spiritual traditions passed down by their ancestors. He believes that if those traditions disappear, the unique identity that has defined Jharkhand’s tribal communities for centuries could gradually fade away as well.

By raising these concerns, Champai Soren has once again brought national attention to the questions of religious conversion, demographic change, land rights, and the preservation of tribal culture in Jharkhand, issues that are likely to remain at the centre of public debate in the years ahead.

Gujarat launches Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 following Deputy CM Harsh Sanghavi’s midnight cybercrime review: Read how the crackdown will work

પ્રાર્થના અમીન
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Gujarat launches Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 following Deputy CM Harsh Sanghavi’s midnight cybercrime review: Read how the crackdown will work

As cyber fraud and online scams continue to rise across Gujarat, the state government has launched a major crackdown aimed at dismantling the financial networks that help cyber criminals operate. The Gujarat government has now rolled out “Operation Mule Hunt 2.0”, a statewide campaign designed to identify suspicious bank accounts used in cyber fraud and track down the criminal networks behind them.

The decision was taken after a high-level review meeting chaired by Gujarat’s Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghavi. Following the meeting, police across the state were directed to launch an aggressive operation against cyber criminals and individuals involved in facilitating digital fraud.

All the top police officers, including the state’s Director General of Police (DGP) Dr K.L.N. Rao, were present in this meeting. Apart from this, all the state’s Police Commissioners (CPs), Range IGs (IGs), DIGs and District Police Chiefs (SPs) joined the video conference live late at night and presented the current security situation in their respective areas as well as cyber crime cases.

What is Operation Mule Hunt?

The main agenda of this entire operation is to strengthen digital security and eliminate the entire network of the cyber mafia. The main objective of this campaign is to trace suspicious banking accounts used for cyber fraud and dismantle the international criminal chain operating behind it.

In cybercrime investigations, a ‘Mule Account’ is a bank account used by cybercriminals to transfer their illicit funds. Cybercriminals usually rent bank accounts of poor, unknown or greedy people by offering them commissions. Crores of rupees earned through fraud, phishing, hacking, gambling or drugs are transferred to these accounts.

The person who holds this account is known as a ‘money mule’. With the help of these accounts, cyber criminals use multiple transactions of money to transfer from one account to numerous others in a very short period of time. The main purpose behind this scam is to hide the identity of the real mastermind, so that when the investigating agencies reach the account holder, no direct charges can be filed against the real criminals.

According to officials, breaking this network is one of the most effective ways to reduce large-scale cybercrime.

Success of Operation Mule Hunt 1.0

The state government has decided to intensify the campaign after the success of the first phase, known as Operation Mule Hunt 1.0.

The Gujarat Police had achieved unprecedented success in the first phase of the earlier operation to break this dangerous network, namely ‘Operation Mule Hunt 1.0’. In this first phase of the operation, conducted by the Cyber ​​Centre of Excellence (CCOE) of Gujarat Police, strict action was taken against mule accounts, and a total of ₹2289 crore worth of cyber fraud was unearthed in different cases.

If we look at the major achievements of Operation Mule Hunt 1.0, the police registered a total of 565 FIRs and arrested 638 cyber criminals in a short period of time. Apart from this, direct action was taken against 913 active mule accounts, and a total of 4052 crimes were identified across the country, out of which 491 crimes were solved in the state of Gujarat alone.

The first phase of the operation also saw changes in banking transactions. There was a direct reduction of 75% in cheque withdrawals from mule accounts by cybercriminals. Statistically, monthly cheque withdrawals fell from ₹126 crore to just ₹25 crore, which represents a huge reduction of 80% in this black business.

In addition, the number of first-layer mule accounts, i.e. where cyber fraud money is deposited first, decreased by 30% from August to December. Also, due to strict police watch, there was a huge decrease of 66% in suspicious cash withdrawals from ATMs between September and December.

Statewide offensive begins from 2nd June

Following the results of the first phase, the Gujarat government has now launched Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 on a much larger scale from Tuesday, 2nd June. 

Under this campaign, clear orders have been given to the police department to carry out ‘Mule Account Surgical Strike’ in all the districts of the state.

Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghvi has recently started a series of marathon meetings with District Superintendents of Police (SPs) at his office at Swarnim Complex-1. In the last 13 hours, a face-to-face meeting was held with a total of 19 district police chiefs to review the district-wise police performance in areas such as law and order, crime control and cybercrime.

Focus on tracking masterminds

The government says its current strategy is not limited to identifying suspicious accounts. Authorities are now trying to trace the entire chain of people involved in cyber fraud, including those who knowingly or unknowingly provide their bank accounts for illegal transactions.

Officials aim to track every account receiving cybercrime proceeds and identify the masterminds controlling the networks. Investigators are also examining possible interstate and international links connected to these operations.

The administration believes that targeting the financial infrastructure of cyber criminals will significantly weaken their ability to carry out large-scale scams.

AI technology to strengthen monitoring

To make the operation more effective, authorities are increasingly relying on artificial intelligence and digital monitoring systems.

Under guidance from the Reserve Bank of India, the Indian Digital Payment Intelligence Corporation (IDPIC) is introducing an AI-based risk-scoring mechanism. Under this system, financial transactions will be classified into low-risk, medium-risk and high-risk categories.

A central registry called mulehunter.ai has also been created to help banks share information about suspicious accounts and improve coordination in detecting fraud.

Officials believe that technology-driven monitoring will help identify suspicious transactions much faster than traditional methods.

Cybersecurity now linked to national security

The growing threat of cybercrime has become a matter of concern at the highest levels of government. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has repeatedly urged citizens to remain alert against digital fraud, including scams involving so-called “digital arrests” and other online deception techniques.

India’s rapid digital expansion has made cybersecurity an increasingly important issue. Over the last decade, internet users in the country have reportedly increased from around 25 crore to more than 100 crore. More than two lakh gram panchayats have also been connected through the BharatNet programme.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has previously stated that cybersecurity is no longer only an economic issue but has become directly linked to national security.

Against this backdrop, Gujarat’s Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 is being seen as a major effort to strengthen both financial and digital security. Officials believe that the combination of aggressive policing, advanced technology and coordination with banks could make it increasingly difficult for cyber criminals to launder money through mule accounts.

However, the awareness of common citizens is equally essential in this digital revolution. People should be aware and stay away from temptations; do not rent out their bank accounts and immediately take refuge in 1930 or cybercrime.gov.in in case of any fraud; only then will the anti-cybercrime campaign gain momentum, and the government and administration will get a lot of help in curbing such crimes.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Gujarati.)

Burqa, hijab are very freeing identity markers, Sita is tired of patriarchy: The Hindu journalist Lavanya Narayanan attacks IPL ceremony, peddles anti-Hindu rhetoric

Rukma Rathore
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Burqa, hijab are very freeing identity markers, Sita is tired of patriarchy: The Hindu journalist Lavanya Narayanan attacks IPL ceremony, peddles anti-Hindu rhetoric

Lavanya Lakshmi Narayanan, the Deputy Team Lead of Sportstar under “The Hindu” Group, has sparked outrage after she expressed her disapproval of popular singer Kailash Kher’s “Babam Bam” performance during the IPL (Indian Premier League) finale on 31st May (Sunday). The beautiful tribute to Lord Shiva was enhanced by religious symbolism created using drones.

The magical performance captivated the hearts of the ecstatic audience, but it did not sit well with Narayanan, who asserted that it was an attempt to blend religion with sports. Hence, she took to social media to remark, “Keep religion out of sport.”

“Private event. Private money. Indeed,” she taunted after Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Goa also praised the celebration.

However, the journalist’s anti-Hindu mindset was soon exposed when her earlier tweets praising Islamic practices during similar international sports events gained widespread attention on social media. “Mashallah” was her reply to a post stating that players from the Turkish football team broke their fast (Roza) in the middle of their match in Ankara.

Lavanya quoted a Pakistani “Eid special” broadcast featuring cricketer Imam-ul-Haq, to convey her greetings on the Muslim festival.

Not only does she express her anger regarding any actions linked to Hinduism while simultaneously praising Muslim practices, but as a part of the Islamo-leftist ecosystem, she also denigrates the former under the pretext of “patriarchy” to mask her disdain for the faith. In a notably derogatory statement, she claimed that the face of Goddess Sita reflected that she was “so done with this patriarchy-pavitrta shit,” while reacting to a religious post on Diwali.

How is it possible for a left loony to refrain from showing their animosity toward Hinduism on an important occasion to hurt Hindus? They cannot, and thus, Lavanya also demonstrated her demented ideology.

Hindus are patriarchal, but burqa and niqab are “very freeing”

As a true liberal, Lavanya was unsettled by “Jai Shri Ram.” Hence, she denounced the young men who raised the Hindu slogan in protest and indirectly supported Muskan Zainab, associated with the banned Popular Front of India (PFI), which fuelled the hijab controversy in Karnataka. Muskan gained notoriety after a strategically captured video of her shouting “Allahu Akbar” went viral during the incident, which happened at PES College of Arts, Science and Commerce in Mandya.

“If religious markers go, shouldn’t they all? Don’t see any such sanctions for the others,” she asked after a netizen emphasised that educational institutions have a uniform to maintain discipline alongside an equal environment for students and should remain devoid of any religious symbols. She shrewdly neglected the fact that the Muslim pupils desired special privileges to tout their Islamic outfits, unlike their Hindu peers.

Lavanya likewise disregarded the rising number of instances where Hindu students have been asked to take off their sacred symbols, including janeu, kalava, tilak and mangalsutra, among other things, prior to being allowed access to schools or examination centres.

Lavanya then described hijab and burqa as “very freeing” and an “identity marker” for many Muslim women after insisting that her views do not hold weight since she is not part of the religion. When confronted about her unreasonable comment, she aggressively defended, “We speak of patriarchy in Islam like it doesn’t exist in other religious systems of belief, especially Hinduism. If we’re setting out to reform and empower, why not start with the majority?”

he shamelessly praised the Islamic veil, which has been responsible for the murder and oppression of numerous girls and women in different Muslim countries. She invoked patriarchy to attack Ramayana and Lord Ram, but failed to recognise it in the desperate cries of the real victims.

A simple recommendation from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to learn the effective utilisation of time through the skilful management exhibited by mothers was also characterised as “a lesson about the very essence of patriarchy” from him.

Lavanya used a similar argument to support Congress MLA Vinesh Phogat after she reached the 50-kilogram freestyle final at the 2024 Paris Olympics. “What a big middle finger to life and patriarchy’s shithousery,” she wrote while sharing her column. Phogat was later disqualified as she was over the permissible weight limit.

Lavanya accused, “At her lowest point, the powerful, like vultures, picked on her. Her nature, naturally confident and outspoken, was used against her. They prodded and nudged at her, confident that her career was all but done. They insulted her. They insulted her coach, Hungary’s Woller Akos, who had left his wife and young child to come and work with the Indian and accused him of being money-minded,” in her article.

She declared that the achievement came even after the entire system opposed the wrestler and her coach, which starkly contradicts the truth. However, Phogat has had a troubling history with the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) owing to her conduct.

Last month, she was prohibited from competing in the National Open Ranking Tournament in Gonda because she, “committed acts and omissions which are seriously prejudicial to the discipline, image, reputation and interests of WFI, the Indian wrestling fraternity and the nation, and which constitute violations of the WFI constitution, the UWW (United World Wrestling) International wrestling rules and the National Anti-Doping Rules 2021.”

She had even demanded direct entry into major global events like the Asian Games and the Olympics without taking part in the national selection trials in 2023. The Indian Olympic Association (IOA) even went as far as to offer an exemption to her and five others, which ignited criticism. As expected, Lavanaya conveniently ignored the crucial decision taken to facilitate the wrestlers and promoted her agenda.

Furthermore, the excessive glorification of Woller, who is simply carrying out a job for which he is receiving remuneration and not extending a favour to any “Indian” is equally troubling and indicates the inferiority complex commonly found in members of this cabal, where foreigners are placed on a pedestal to undermine India.

Lavanya pointed to the protests organised by wrestlers against the then WFI president Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh to illustrate a dramatic image, claiming that Phogat fought at Jantar Mantar instead of on a synthetic mat and slept under a Neem tree. She, of course, did not mention how the central government regularly held discussions with the agitators to address their concerns.

Interestingly, Phogat had stated, “We thought we were such big players that people would believe us, but they started to ask for proof,” in an interview at the time, inciting public backlash. Singh has been acquitted of sexual harassment accusations in one case by a Delhi court, while similar proceedings against him are underway in other cases. The guilty must be dealt with in the strictest manner, but the author has clearly exploited the sensitive matter to advance her narrative.

Conclusion

Just as other leftist liberals, Lavanya also tried to play victim after her earlier posts drew attention, highlighting her double standards. The whole point of the criticism is that India in its current geopolitical form is, or was, envisioned on secularism. How are people evading that very simple point like the plague? It’s one thing for players or teams to indulge and a whole other thing for it to come from a league’s organiser,” she insisted while trying to deflect attention from her original submission that religion should not be associated with sports after her duplicity was revealed.

She even retweeted Pakistani accounts and other leftists promoting the distorted claim. Meanwhile, her statements revealed the predatory nature of Indian secularism, which necessitates a total severance and subjugation of the Hindu faith, ensuring it remains invisible in any public domain. Otherwise, the “secular” reputation of the nation would be compromised.

It would indeed not be astonishing if this journalist were also found defending polygamy permitted under Muslim personal law, outlining that it enables women to share their household responsibilities along with their husbands. After all, there seems to be no limit to the malicious propaganda of this vile group, which exists solely to tarnish Hinduism while venerating even the most reprehensible customs of other religions. Their singular focus is on the agenda, not on objectivity. It is evident that their perverted objection to patriarchy serves merely as a means to the same end.

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