In the Delhi summer heat and a toned-down evening, a team of Young Thinkers Forum Delhi visited an exhibition, “Shared Epic Worlds: The Shahnameh, the Mahabharata, and the Indo-Persian Imagination”. Curated by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture, the Noor International Microfilm Centre, and the Iran Culture House, New Delhi, the outdoor exhibit displays reproductions of exquisite manuscripts mounted on industrial scaffolding.
While the initiative is a visually striking and praiseworthy attempt to map the literary, artistic, and cultural connections between Iran and India, a critical examination of the presented panels reveals significant scholarly gaps. What could have been a profound exploration of philosophical dialogue often devolves into comparative simplifications, revealing a curatorial bias that occasionally misrepresents Bharatiya epistemology.
The trap of superficial equivalencies
A recurring curatorial choice throughout the exhibition is to draw direct parallels between concepts and figures that do not necessarily share the same philosophical bedrock. The panels frequently juxtapose elements like the celestial birds Garuda and the Simurgh, the heroic journeys of Arjuna and Rustam, and the life-giving remedies of Sanjivani and Nush-Daru.
While these comparisons create an accessible narrative framework, they risk creating false equivalencies. The most concerning example of this is the exhibition’s interpretation of Yama alongside the Iranian king Yima/Jamshid. The panel describes Jamshid as an “ideal king whose reign is remembered as an age of abundance, peace, and freedom from disease”. It then conceptually links him to the Vedic Yama, attributing their distinct meanings to an “ancient shared heritage”.
However, in Bharatiya philosophical and spiritual traditions, Yama is not a historical, benevolent human king providing for his people. He is primarily revered as the God of Death and the cosmic regulator of dharma related to mortality. Presenting Yama in a comparative framework with a political, human ruler, without sufficient contextual explanation of his profound metaphysical role in the Indian knowledge system, misrepresents and dilutes a complex philosophical concept.
The Maktab Khana and the devaluation of dharma
The exhibition notes that the formal fusion of these cultures peaked during the Mughal Empire, particularly when Emperor Akbar established the Maktab Khana (House of Translation) at Fatehpur Sikri around 1574. A centrepiece of this era is the Razmnama (The Book of War), the Persian translation of the Mahabharata. The exhibition praises this as an exercise in “imperial inclusion” and a “broader vision of intellectual dialogue”, prominently featuring a folio where Hindu and Muslim scholars are seated together, translating the Sanskrit epic.
While the collaborative effort between Hindu Brahmins and Muslim scholars is historically significant, the exhibition fails to critique the fundamental premise of this translation project. The Persian title Razmnama, literally ‘Book of War’, is deeply misleading. As the traditional Bharatiya saying goes: “What is found here may be found elsewhere; what is not found here is nowhere.”
The Mahabharata is not merely a manual of warfare; its central theme is the exploration of Dharma, encompassing duty, righteousness, cosmic order, and ethics. It houses the Bhagavad Gita, delivering profound spiritual teachings and philosophies on justice and spiritual liberation. Naming the epic solely from the perspective of ‘war’ strips it of its civilizational essence, suggesting the Mughal court may have been primarily interested in extracting martial strategy and statecraft rather than genuinely engaging with its spiritual depth. While the Shahnameh performed a vital cultural function in codifying statecraft for the Persianate world, the Mahabharata and Ramayana rely fundamentally on spirituality, a distinction the exhibition overlooks.
A Persian-centric narrative imbalance
Across the exhibition panels, a substantial portion of the narrative focuses predominantly on the Iranian and Persian legacy. Panels detailing Safavid courtly art, Persian romances like Bijan and Manijeh, the trial of Siyavash, the birth of Rostam, and the Persian origins of Polo (Chogan) dominate the visual space.
Even when exploring Indian epics, the lens is filtered almost exclusively through Persian and Mughal patronage. The exhibit highlights the Jahangiri Shahnama, noting the collaborative visual interpretation by Hindu and Muslim painters like Banwari, Bola, Bhagwati, and Qasim. The magnificent “Court of Ravana” panel, commissioned by the Mughal courtier Bir Singh Deo around 1605, is celebrated precisely because it reimagines the Ramayana through a “sophisticated fusion” where the demons of Lanka are styled strikingly like Safavid divs. Furthermore, an entire panel is dedicated to the royal seals of Babur, Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan on a single Shahnama manuscript.
While these artworks are masterpieces of Indo-Islamic fusion, the exhibition heavily tilts toward showcasing Persian soft power. It functions less as a balanced civilizational dialogue and more as a chronicle of how Persian aesthetics and literature influenced Indian courts, offering minimal insight into the profound originality and continuity of Bharatiya civilisation itself.
Conclusion
The “Shared Epic Worlds” exhibition is an inspiring visual endeavour, and institutions like the Noor International Microfilm Centre must be commended for their monumental work in preserving and digitising nearly 33 million Indo-Persian archival documents.
However, if the objective is to genuinely strengthen Indo-Iranian cultural understanding, future exhibitions must transcend superficial comparative mythology and the elite confines of royal courts. Cultural integration must emerge from a genuine respect for differing philosophical traditions rather than the shaping of selective, heavily Persian-centric narratives. A true exploration of these shared worlds must balance the material statecraft of the Shahnameh with the spiritual Dharma of the Mahabharata, honouring the deep, parallel roots that connect both civilisations beyond the borders of empires.
(Anshika Agrawal is a core member, and Aditya Trivedi is the Coordinator of Young Thinkers Forum Delhi)
(Note: The insights regarding architecture, music, and linguistics draw on independent historical research discussed previously, extending beyond the exhibition’s provided texts.)
The attack on Hindus in Raidhanpar village of Kutch on the night of 29th May is now taking a new turn after a fresh FIR filed by the power department confirmed that electricity supply to the area was deliberately disrupted around the same time the violence took place.
While many media reports initially portrayed the incident as a clash between two groups, OpIndia had earlier reported that the attack appeared to be planned and that the power supply had been cut before the violence started. The latest FIR has now brought official confirmation that the power line was tampered with, causing a blackout in several villages.
The complaint has been filed by PGVCL (Paschim Gujarat Vij Company Limited) at Madhapar Police Station. According to the complaint, some unknown persons intentionally interfered with an electricity line, leading to a power outage in five villages, including Raidhanpar. The timing of the power disruption matches the period during which the attack was taking place, making it an important part of the ongoing investigation.
FIR says power line was tampered with
According to the complaint filed by PGVCL officials, the 11 KV power line located between Raidhanpar and Nana Varnora villages was tampered with on the night of 29th May, 2026. The disruption reportedly took place between 10:30 pm and 11:15 pm.
As a result, electricity supply was interrupted in five villages connected to the KVNT-1 feeder of the Raidhanpar sub-station. These villages included Raidhanpar, Nana Varnora, Gadpadar, Traya and Paya. Residents of all five villages experienced a power outage for nearly 15 minutes.
The complaint states that PGVCL staff received information about the outage and immediately began efforts to restore electricity. However, when routine checks did not reveal any fault in the system, the staff started inspecting the line physically. During the inspection, officials found signs that the power line between Raidhanpar and Varnora had been deliberately disturbed using some external object.
Officials stated in the complaint that the disruption was not caused by a technical fault but was the result of human intervention. After identifying the problem, the electricity supply was restored through an alternative arrangement and a formal complaint was later filed with the police.
Third FIR registered in the Raidhanpar Case
The latest complaint by the electricity department has become the third FIR linked to the Raidhanpar violence.
Earlier FIRs were registered regarding the attack on Hindu villagers, stone pelting, and attempts to ram people with a vehicle. Another FIR was also registered against four Muslim youths for allegedly pelting stones at police personnel who had reached the spot to control the situation.
Now, with the electricity department filing a separate complaint regarding the disruption of power supply, investigators have another important angle to examine in the case.
What happened in Raidhanpar on 29th May?
The violence took place in Raidhanpar village of Bhuj taluka in Kutch district on the night of 29th May, 2026.
According to a complaint filed by local resident Darshan Baradia, the trouble started after a dispute involving the village priest and some Muslim men from the nearby village of Varnora. Following the initial argument, the group left the area but later returned with more people.
The complaint says that one of the accused, identified as Razak Siddique Mer, tried to drive a Bolero vehicle at high speed toward villagers. After that, more people arrived in several vehicles. The Muslim mob was reportedly carrying sticks, pipes and stones.
Soon afterwards, darkness spread across the village as the electricity supply stopped. The attackers then began pelting stones and assaulting villagers.
Several people were injured during the incident, including Darshan Baradia and Rajesh Chavda. The FIR states that Rajesh Chavda suffered serious injuries near his eye.
Police personnel also rushed to the village after receiving information about the violence. However, police vehicles also came under attack during the unrest. Following the incident, Madhapar Police registered a case against 23 named accused and several unidentified persons under different serious sections of the law.
PGVCL officer explains how the outage was detected
The complaint filed by V. K. Suvera, Deputy Engineer of PGVCL’s Bhuj Rural Sub-Division, has provided important details about the power outage.
Speaking to OpIndia, Suvera said that around 10:30 pm, officials at the sub-station received complaints that electricity had gone out in five villages, including Raidhanpar. Initially, attempts were made to restore supply directly from the sub-station by switching the system off and on again. However, power did not return.
Following this, linemen and technical staff were sent to inspect the network. During their investigation, they found that an external object had been thrown onto the power line between Varnora and Raidhanpar, affecting the electricity supply.
Suvera said there was nothing suspicious visible at the location when staff reached there, but it was clear that someone had deliberately interfered with the line. He also confirmed that the blackout occurred during the same period when the attack in Raidhanpar was taking place.
The police are now investigating the matter further.
OpIndia had earlier reported about the blackout
Soon after the incident, OpIndia had reported from the ground that electricity in the area had been cut before the attack began. According to the report, local residents and Hindu organisations had claimed that the attackers first ensured that the village was plunged into darkness before carrying out stone pelting and assaults.
At that time, these claims were based on eyewitness accounts and statements from local residents. Now, the FIR filed by the PGVCL deputy engineer has provided documentary support to those claims.
The complaint officially records that the 11 KV power line was tampered with and that power supply to five villages was disrupted during the same period in which violence was taking place in Raidhanpar.
Investigation Continues
The timing mentioned in the power department’s FIR closely matches the period during which Hindu villagers and police personnel were attacked in Raidhanpar. This has made the power outage an important part of the investigation.
With three separate FIRs now registered in connection with the incident, one related to the attack on villagers, another concerning attacks on police personnel, and the latest regarding the disruption of electricity supply, the investigation has expanded significantly.
Police are continuing to examine all aspects of the case, including the circumstances surrounding the power outage and its connection to the violence that unfolded in Raidhanpar on the night of 29th May.
India is moving towards integrating the advanced Talisman Airborne Defence Suite (ADS) onto its Su-30 MKI fighter fleet, a development that could significantly enhance the survivability of the Indian Air Force’s frontline combat aircraft against modern missiles and threats. The move comes amid the broader Super Sukhoi modernisation programme and follows the reported operational deployment of the system on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fleet. With over 260 Su-30MKIs in service, the integration could be one of the IAF’s largest electronic warfare upgrades. If it is successfully integrated, the Talisman Airborne system can provide an extra layer of protection for air defence networks and missile systems, underscoring the growing importance of electronic warfare in modern aerial combat. Let’s examine the Talisman Airborne system and how it will help India.
What is the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite?
At its core, the Talisman Airborne Defence suite (ADS) is an electronic warfare (EW) system designed to protect fighter aircraft from enemy radars and threat missiles. It is developed by the Belarusian defence company Defence Initiative (DI). The system is intended to enhance aircraft survivability in contested airspace by detecting, analysing, and countering hostile electronic emissions before they can be used to track or engage the aircraft. In simple terms, Talisman acts like an electronic shield for a fighter jet. Instead of physically destroying an incoming threat, it uses electronic signals to confuse enemy radars and missile guidance systems, making it harder for them to track, detect or hit the aircraft. One key feature of the system is that it operates automatically. Unlike traditional defensive systems, which often require pilot intervention. Talisman is designed to function automatically; it allows the pilot to remain focused on flying and combat operations while the system manages electronic countermeasures in the background.
According to reports, Talisman can detect hostile radar signals, generate electronic countermeasures against multiple threats, and even help protect nearby friendly aircraft flying in formation. The system is designed to counter both radar-guided and infrared-guided missile threats. The reported integration of Talisman onto the Indian Air Force’s Su-30MKI fleet highlights the growing importance of electronic warfare in modern combat, where defeating enemy sensors and missiles is as important as carrying advanced weapons.
Why is india integrating talisman on the Su-30MKI?
The importance of the reported Talisman integration lies in the aircraft chosen to receive it. The Su-30MKI is the backbone of the Indian Air Force, with more than 260 aircraft currently in service. It was developed jointly by Russia’s Sukhoi and India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL); the fighter performs a wide range of missions, including air superiority operations, long-range strike missions, and maritime roles.
It also serves as the primary platform for carrying the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile. It is one of the IAF’s most important combat assets. As a result, improving the survivability of the Su-30MKI has direct implications for India’s overall air combat capability. The integration of the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite could provide the aircraft with an additional layer of protection against increasingly sophisticated radar networks and missile systems. By helping pilots operate more effectively in contested environments, the system could improve the aircraft’s ability to survive and complete missions during high-intensity conflicts.
The move is also significant because it forms part of the Indian Air Force’s broader effort to modernise the Su-30MKI fleet under the Super Sukhoi programme. As modern warfare becomes increasingly dependent on electronic warfare capabilities, systems such as Talisman are expected to play a crucial role in enhancing the effectiveness and survivability of frontline combat aircraft.
Talisman is already operational on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fleet
The reported Su-30MKI integration is not the first time India has used the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite. According to defence reports, the system is already operational on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fighter fleet. The MiG-29K serves as the Navy’s carrier-based fighter aircraft and operates from INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant. These aircraft are expected to operate in complex threat environments where enemy radars and missile systems pose a significant challenge. The deployment of Talisman on the MiG-29K fleet suggests that Indian military planners already have some experience with the system. This could help ease the integration of the suite into the much larger Su-30MKI fleet.
Tejas and jaguar could be next
According to reports, the Indian Air Force is also examining the possibility of extending similar electronic warfare capabilities to other aircraft platforms. For that, the feasibility studies are reportedly underway for the Tejas Mk1A and the Jaguar fleet. While no formal decision has been announced, such a move would allow the IAF to strengthen electronic warfare capabilities across multiple aircraft types rather than limiting them to the Su-30MKI. If implemented, it would represent a broader effort to improve the survivability and combat effectiveness of India’s fighter fleet in increasingly contested airspaces.
The bigger picture
The integration of Talisman reflects a larger trend in modern warfare. Today’s fighter faces threats not only from enemy aircraft but also from advanced radar systems, long-range surface-to-air missiles and sophisticated air defence networks. As countries continue to invest in more capable air defence systems, electronic warfare has become an increasingly important part of air combat. Modern militaries are focusing not only on acquiring better aircraft and weapons but also on improving their ability to evade detection and defeat enemy sensors. Against this backdrop, the reported induction of Talisman on the Su-30MKI fleet is another step in India’s efforts to increase the survivability of its frontline aircraft and prepare for future combat scenarios.
India looking to increase indigenous participation
While Talisman was originally developed by the Belarusian company Defence Initiative (DI), India has also been working to increase domestic participation in electronic warfare technologies. In 2022, Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) signed an agreement with Defence Initiative to cooperate on the Airborne Defence Suite. According to reports, India is also developing indigenous airborne electronic warfare systems for future fighter aircraft. Such efforts aim to reduce dependence on imports while strengthening domestic defence manufacturing capabilities. BEL will be the prime contractor and will be supported by DI with ToT (Manufacturing and Maintenance) for the supply of an advanced EW suite for helicopters under the ‘Make in India’ category.
Conclusion
The reported integration of the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite on the Su-30MKI fleet marks another step in India’s efforts to strengthen the survivability of its frontline combat aircraft. With electronic warfare becoming increasingly important in modern conflicts, systems capable of disrupting enemy radars and missile guidance networks are emerging as critical force multipliers. While official details regarding the integration timeline remain limited, the move signals the Indian Air Force’s continued focus on enhancing the capabilities of its largest fighter fleet under the broader Super Sukhoi modernisation programme.
Kerala’s new government has adopted a multifaceted approach to combat drug trafficking, which has grown to be a serious threat to the state. On 2nd June (Tuesday), home minister Ramesh Chennithala announced “Operation Toofan: The Narco Hunt,” which is a statewide effort to fight the rising drug crisis and dismantle drug trafficking rings. It is one of South India’s biggest anti-drug drive.
He described the program as “a systemic, borderless policy offensive designed to serve as a national benchmark in the eradication of synthetic drug networks.” He explained the rationale behind the name and explained that it was picked because a traditional cleanup was insufficient and a “legislative and operational storm” is required to completely eliminate the firmly ingrained syndicate.
Chennithala asserted that the authorities are going to implement a model of total neutrality in accordance with this objective and state borders, social standing or political clout would not protect traffickers. “Coordinated via interstate protocols with neighboring DGPs (Director-General of Police) and powered by an advanced Cyber Wing targeting dark web networks, this operation introduces a rigorous law enforcement model,” he added.
Proudly announcing "TOOFAN: The Narco Hunt"—a systemic, borderless policy offensive designed to serve as a national benchmark in the eradication of synthetic drug networks.
Why "Toofan"? Because a conventional cleanup wasn't going to cut it, we needed a legislative and… pic.twitter.com/985KYHbcOv
Chennithala declared, “The structural blueprint is finalised. As schools reopen and the new academic year commences on 1st June, Operation Toofan goes into full effect to guarantee secure campuses and a protected future. Kerala Police set to action.” The project would be formally launched at the Government Higher Secondary School for Girls at Cotton Hill in Thiruvananthapuram.
The Kerala Police, which will spearhead the operation, also posted about it on 28th May remarking, “Through a people’s resistance where the public, schools, and families join hands with us, we can ensure peace in our homes and a fearless atmosphere on our streets,” to obliterate the mounting epidemic.
തൂഫാൻ🔥 ദി നാർക്കോ ഹണ്ട്🥷🏻
ജൂൺ1മുതൽ📈
ആരോഗ്യകരമായ നാളേക്ക് ഒന്നിച്ചു മുന്നേറാം🫂 ലഹരിയുടെ വേരറുക്കാം⛓️💥
പൊതുസമൂഹവും വിദ്യാലയങ്ങളും കുടുംബങ്ങളും ഞങ്ങളോടൊപ്പം കൈകോർക്കുന്ന ഒരു ജനകീയ പ്രതിരോധത്തിലൂടെ നമ്മുടെ വീടുകളിൽ സമാധാനവും, തെരുവുകളിൽ ഭയരഹിതമായ അന്തരീക്ഷവും ഉറപ്പാക്കാം. pic.twitter.com/ljkDdzngqY
Police earlier executed large-scale raids throughout the Thiruvananthapuram city. The action, which was organised jointly with the Thiruvananthapuram Corporation, resulted in the confiscation of prohibited tobacco supplies from stores. Five sacks of tobacco goods were recovered alongside several illegal bunk shops and roadside booths used for such unlawful activities were taken down under the Medical College police limits.
The latest effort occurred after Kerala Police undertook multiple targeted law enforcement campaigns. In an attempt to improve public safety as well as law and order across the state, it held 1,663 people earlier this year under “Operation Round Up,” including habitual criminals and absconding perpetrators.
The proposed crackdown on drugs
The drive would involve coordination with agencies of central government, police and enforcement from other South Indian states to address the issue of interstate drug rings. A watchful eye would be kept on drug users, traffickers, suppliers and promoters. The mission combines innovative investigative methods and technology-driven surveillance to confront the rapid expansion of synthetic drugs. There would be a special focus on shielding kids from drug networks.
The police intend to shut down the supply chain through monitoring social media groups that mainly engage in the sale of synthetic medicines and by tracking suspicious financial activities. Drone-assisted smart patrols will be implemented in high-risk regions, and wastewater analysis could be introduced in residential areas and educational institutions to detect drug-consumption hotspots.
According to the home department, the campaign would also involve tougher measures against drug mafias, including as the seizure of assets connected to such networks and anti-drug awareness programs through a unique curriculum in schools. Additionally, the aim is to strengthen community-led resistance to substance abuse. Community participation activities would be used to identify hot spots at the grassroots level.
It is anticipated that networks encouraging youngsters to consume drugs would be targeted with special measures. Officials conveyed that surveillance would be improved to prevent the distribution of chemical and synthetic opioids along with hybrid cannabis. Strict measures on the sale of tobacco products close to schools as well as the usage and distribution of drugs in places like upscale hotels and DJ events are part of the move.
A digitally enabled system would be set-up to enable the prompt reporting of drug-related incidents. The introduction of WhatsApp chatbots and mobile applications would allow people to anonymously exchange information on drug use and trafficking.
Moreover, authorities stressed that violations under the NDPS (Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances) carry harsh punishments. The death sentence could be applied when synthetic drugs are found in commercial quantities. Large-scale cannabis smuggling might end up in a 20-year prison sentence, while cannabis cultivation could entail a 10-year behind bars.
Drug use attracts a one-year jail term. The PIT-NDPS (Prevention of Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances) Act’s preventative detention provisions permit the custody of repeat offenders without charge or trial for a maximum of two years. The average penalty is doubled for a convict over another drug infraction after serving a previous term.
Meanwhile, Kerala police aim to employ a little-used legal clause in the NDPS Act to keep first-time drug users to not turn criminals. They want to grant legal immunity to individuals caught in possession of small amounts of narcotic substances if they voluntarily seek treatment at approved de-addiction units.
According to police chief Ravada A. Chandrasekhar, they are looking into the application of Section 64A of the NDPS Act, which provides exemption from prosecution to addicts who choose medical treatment, reported The New Indian Express. District police heads have been instructed to consider the possibility of legitimately rehabilitating first-time offenders under this provision.
The immunity applies solely to cases concerning minor amounts of drugs that are covered by bail. Treatment at a de-addiction facility approved by the government is essential for those desiring the concession. The protection would expire and prosecution might start if the patient discontinues treatment midway or commits fresh offences.
Drug-related incidents reported across the state
On 30th May (Saturday), major amounts of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, such as methaqualone, methamphetamine, and hashish oil, meant for illicit distribution and trafficking were intercepted in Kochi, Malappuram and Thiruvananthapuram. by the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI)’s Cochin Unit under “Operation Chakravyuh.”
More than 24 kilograms of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances were uncovered. 5 people have been arrested under the NDPS, including key members of the trafficking network. The contraband was identified in various modes of smuggling, comprising outbound export goods, concealment in courier consignments and passenger baggage at airports.
On 17th April, a person from Malappuram district, was nabbed after arriving at Calicut International Airport from Muscat. Officers from the DRI Cochin Zonal Unit’s Calicut Regional Division and Kannur Regional Team apprehended the passenger based on specific intelligence.
They acquired two packets totalling 1974 grams that contained crystal methamphetamine. The drugs were hidden in food packages in his checked-in luggage. Their estimated worth was 1.58 crores in the black market. On 2nd March, the agency confiscated 1.931 kilogram of crystal methamphetamine from a local of Palakkad at Calicut International Airport.
DRI’s Cochin Zonal Unit likewsie arrested 21 people in connection with various NDPS crimes and retrieved narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances worth about ₹70.76 crore in Kerala during the previous fiscal year.
On 2nd April, 36-year-old Mohammed Haneefa P, a resident of Poolappoyil in Mukkam and 45-year-old Reihanath of Beypore were taken into custody by the authorities. The former was in possession of 517 grams of MDMA (3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine). 2.286 kilograms of MDMA were located during a subsequent raid at a home he had rented in Poolappoyil where he had been conducting business for the previous six months.
According to insiders, Haneefa is considered to be one of the state’s main drug dealers, frequently obtaining MDMA from Bengaluru and Delhi. A currency counting machine, several digital scales and packing supplies necessary for narcotics distribution were found during the action.
Drug epidemic grips Kerala
The operation takes place at a critical juncture as the state experiences a drastic spike in drug-related instances and synthetic drugs become more prevalent in educational institutions. The drug cartels function through highly encrypted social media platforms and online networks. They entice students with free samples, trigger addiction and then take advantage of them as local distributors and couriers.
The number of cases registered under the NDPS Act surged sharply from 27,530 in 2024 to 36,314 in 2025. The pattern is indicative of a broader issue the state has been encountering lately. With 30,697 cases reported in 2023, Kerala had the highest tally of NDPS cases in the nation, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB).
Similarly, the grand scale of illegal products that crosses borders has turned out to be a challenge for both the Excise Department and the Kerala Police. Over the past ten years, drugs valued at ₹554.57 crores have been captured but it is believed to be just a tiny fraction of the figure successfully trafficked into the state.
More than 48,371 cases have been reported, comprising over 50,000 youths and students. The primary supply chains, manufacturing laboratories, bulk suppliers and interstate transit networks have remained largely unaffected by enforcement actions which have predominantly accomplished only peripheral arrests.
“The drug menace in Kerala is now becoming extremely serious. It’s an issue I have raised in Parliament, and I have not had a satisfactory response from the authorities. We need to have a war on drugs in Kerala. We need a very serious consciousness-raising effort which unites all religions and political parties. We need the state government to collaborate with the Central government to identify the sources of supply,” expressed senior Congress leader and Thiruvananthapuram Lok Sabha MP Shashi Tharoor, last year.
Kerala Governor Arif Mohammed Khan echoed similar sentiments in 2022. and charged, “Kerala is replacing Punjab as the capital of drugs.” The state recorded 27,700 drug-related cases in 2024, three times more than Punjab’s slightly over 9,000 incidents. Kerala is reporting 78 cases per lakh inhabitants considering its population.
All of its 14 districts are reportedly impacted. Half of the thirty homicides that were reported in the state during the first two months of 2025 had a connection to drug abuse. Kerala has regularly dominated the list of NDPS Act cases during the last three years, according to data presented in the Rajya Sabha on 12th March 2025. The number documented by the state climbed from 26,918 in 2022 to 30,715 in 2023 and 27,701 in 2024.
Cannabis, commonly referred to as ganja, is frequently dubbed as a mild drug in local communities there. Ground reports, however, indicated that it has evolved into a doorway to more serious addiction. Many adolescent addicts disclosed that their addiction began with casual ganja smoking in school, which quickly progressed to harmful substances such as MDMA, cocaine and marijuana.
Kerala’s drug problem did not emerge suddenly. The state is extremely susceptible due to an array of interrelated variables. Kerala’s 590-kilometre coastline meets the Arabian Sea. It makes international trade easier, but it also serves as a tempting entry point for drugs. Traffickers have also grown bolder in their exploitation of the international maritime channels near Kerala’s coast.
Its close proximity to other transportation hubs, like Chennai and Bengaluru, has led to the creation of overland supply lines for illegal goods as drug syndicates try to drive the state’s youth into severe drug addiction. Hence, “Operation Toofan” hopes to destroy the roots of such networks and aims to liberate the state from the suffocating hold of the drugs.
The Gujarat government has said that the situation surrounding the recent deaths of lion cubs in and around the Gir forest is now under control. The deaths had raised concerns among wildlife experts and conservationists, as the cubs were suspected to have been affected by a possible Babesia infection.
After reviewing the situation, Gujarat Forest Minister Arjun Modhwadia said that the Forest Department acted quickly and has been closely monitoring the health of lions in the region. According to him, no new lion deaths linked to infection have been reported in the last three days, and the situation is currently stable. He also appealed to residents and livestock owners in the Gir region to cooperate in efforts to protect the lions.
Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel had also taken note of the matter earlier and held a review meeting to assess the situation.
How the incident started
During the past week, several lion cub deaths were reported from different parts of the Gir, including the Gir Gadhada area in Gir-Somnath district and the Babra Kot area of Amreli district.
The Forest Department initially suspected that the deaths could be linked to Babesia infection. Following the reports, special surveillance was launched in sensitive areas, including Gir East and Gir West, to monitor lion populations closely.
Officials said a total of 8 lion cub deaths were recorded. As a precaution, authorities focused on lions living within a radius of about 10 kilometres from the affected areas. Around 22 lions were quarantined, and senior forest officials were sent to the locations to oversee the response.
Samples collected from the dead cubs were sent to the Gujarat Biotechnology Research Centre (GBRC) for testing. However, the final laboratory report is still awaited, and the exact cause of death has not yet been officially confirmed.
What is Babesia?
Babesia is a protozoan parasite that spreads through ticks. It attacks the red blood cells of animals and is often compared to malaria because of the way it affects the body.
Animals infected with Babesia may suffer from fever, anaemia, weakness, tiredness and other health problems.
While Babesia remains the main focus of the investigation, some early reports had also mentioned the possibility of other infections, including Canine Distemper Virus (CDV). However, forest officials are currently examining Babesia as the primary suspected cause.
Measures taken by the forest department
To stop any possible spread of infection, the Forest Department launched a large-scale de-ticking drive across the affected areas of Gir.
Teams of veterinarians and frontline forest staff have been continuously monitoring the health of lions. The Lion Hospital at Sasan was also placed on high alert.
Rescue vehicles, cages, traps, tranquillizer guns and other emergency equipment were kept ready to ensure quick treatment if any lion showed signs of illness. Emergency protocols were also activated at the hospital.
Experts says no emergency at present, but concern is necessary for the future
Wildlife scientist Yadavendradev V. Jhala said that Babesia is not a new disease in Gir and has existed for years among cattle, wild animals and lions at low levels. According to him, nature generally maintains a balance between such diseases and animal populations.
He said that a few deaths among a lion population of nearly 1,000 should not be viewed as an immediate crisis. However, he cautioned that diseases such as rabies or Canine Distemper Virus (CDV) could pose a much bigger threat in the future, especially because they are often spread by stray dogs.
Jhala also stressed the need to establish separate and unrelated populations of Asiatic lions outside Gir. He said keeping the entire population concentrated in one region increases the risk to the species if a major disease outbreak or natural disaster occurs.
Gujarat remains the only home of the Asiatic lions
According to the 2025 lion census, Gujarat is home to 891 Asiatic lions. The Gir forest and surrounding areas remain the world’s only natural habitat for the species.
Because of the importance of this population, forest officials and wildlife experts continue to closely monitor the health of lions and remain alert to any signs of disease in the region.
For years, a section of India’s political and media establishment attempted to portray Hamas as a distant Middle Eastern actor whose activities had little relevance to India’s internal security landscape. Whenever concerns were raised about growing ideological, financial and operational linkages between global Islamist organisations and radical networks in India, such warnings were routinely dismissed as alarmism.
The latest development in the investigation into the Pahalgam terror attack, however, indicates that Indian security agencies are no longer willing to view Hamas merely through the prism of the Israel-Palestine conflict.
In a significant revelation, the National Investigation Agency (NIA), while filing its chargesheet in the Pahalgam terror attack case, stated that further investigation is underway to establish links between Pakistan-backed terror outfits and Hamas. The agency specifically noted that it is probing connections between Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), its proxy The Resistance Front (TRF), Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), Al Qaeda affiliates, Hamas and other global terrorist organisations.
This is arguably the first time India’s premier anti-terror agency has formally brought Hamas within the ambit of a major terror investigation and signalled its intention to examine possible operational, ideological and financial linkages between the Gaza-based terrorist organisation and Pakistan-backed jihadist networks targeting India.
The development assumes even greater significance because evidence of Hamas-linked radicalisation and funding networks in India is not entirely new. In fact, available literature, intelligence assessments and testimonies of former Islamist operatives suggest that Hamas had already established links with radical organisations operating in India decades ago.
The NIA’s probe may therefore be uncovering not an entirely new phenomenon, but a network whose roots stretch back several decades.
The SIMI-Hamas connection that many forgot
One of the most significant examples of Hamas-linked influence in India emerges from the history of the banned Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI).
SIMI was established in 1977 as the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami-Hind (JIH), itself the Indian counterpart of Jamaat-e-Islami, founded by Islamist ideologue Abul Ala Maududi. Initially created to energise student activism within the broader Islamist movement, SIMI gradually evolved into a far more radical organisation.
Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)
According to academic research cited in the Journal of Defence Studies, SIMI increasingly embraced positions that even Jamaat-e-Islami-Hind found difficult to defend. The relationship between the two organisations deteriorated sharply after disagreements over Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s visit to India in 1981. While JIH viewed Arafat positively, SIMI activists denounced him as a Western puppet and greeted him with black flags.
This hostility toward Arafat becomes particularly important when viewed through the Hamas lens.
Hamas and Arafat’s Fatah movement were bitter rivals. Hamas rejected the relatively pragmatic Palestinian nationalism represented by Fatah and instead promoted a transnational Islamist project rooted in the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood. SIMI’s hostility toward Arafat mirrored Hamas’s own ideological orientation and reflected the broader Islamist currents that were influencing radical groups across the world.
The split between SIMI and JIH was not merely organisational. It reflected a deeper ideological shift toward a more militant and transnational vision of political Islam.
Why SIMI’s ideology resembled Hamas
Perhaps the most striking aspect of the SIMI-Hamas relationship was not financial assistance or organisational contact but ideological convergence.
Research on SIMI documented that the organisation openly rejected secularism, democracy and nationalism, describing them as anti-Islamic concepts. It advocated the restoration of the Khalifat or Islamic Caliphate, emphasised the supremacy of the global Muslim Ummah and endorsed armed jihad as a legitimate means of establishing Islamic dominance.
Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)
The similarities with Hamas are difficult to ignore.
Like Hamas, SIMI viewed religious identity as superior to national identity. Like Hamas, it rejected secular political frameworks. Like Hamas, it regarded the establishment of an Islamic order as a religious obligation. And like Hamas, it viewed armed struggle as an acceptable instrument for achieving ideological objectives.
While Hamas sought to replace Israel with an Islamist state, SIMI increasingly articulated visions of an Islamic political order within India.
This ideological overlap created natural avenues for cooperation, networking and mutual support.
The Hamas founder who addressed a SIMI conference
Evidence of direct interaction between Hamas and SIMI emerged publicly in October 1999.
During the Ikhwan Conference organised by SIMI in Kanpur, which reportedly attracted more than 20,000 participants, speeches were delivered by several Islamist leaders. Among them was Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, the founder of Hamas, who addressed the gathering through a telephonic message.
Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)
The event also featured figures linked to Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and other Islamist networks.
The symbolism of the conference was revealing.
This was not an isolated local gathering. It was an event that connected radical Islamist actors across multiple countries through a shared ideological framework. It demonstrated that SIMI was not operating as a purely domestic organisation concerned with local grievances. Instead, it increasingly saw itself as part of a broader global Islamist movement.
The conference became notorious for extremist slogans glorifying Al Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden. It illustrated how global jihadist narratives were being integrated into Indian radical networks years before the emergence of the Islamic State or the global war on terror framework that followed 9/11.
The presence of Hamas founder Sheikh Yassin in such a forum underscores that contacts between Hamas and Indian Islamist networks were neither accidental nor insignificant.
Former SIMI leader revealed Hamas funding
The most explosive aspect of the SIMI-Hamas relationship concerns funding.
According to disclosures made by Salim Sajid, a former financial secretary of SIMI who later turned against the organisation, Hamas was among the key sources of financial support for SIMI.
Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)
His testimony indicated that SIMI was receiving funds from multiple international Islamist entities, including Hamas, Bangladesh-based Islami Chhatra Shibir, Saudi Arabia’s Jamayyatul Ansar and several organisations operating in the Gulf region.
These revelations are especially significant because funding networks often reveal deeper organisational relationships than public ideological statements.
Money is rarely transferred without expectations, influence or strategic objectives.
If Hamas was indeed helping finance SIMI, it would indicate that the Palestinian terror outfit viewed India as a theatre worthy of ideological investment and organisational expansion.
More importantly, such funding would demonstrate that Hamas’s activities extended far beyond the Israel-Palestine conflict and included participation in a wider ecosystem of transnational Islamist mobilisation.
Security agencies had already documented Hamas links
The testimony of former SIMI members was not the only source pointing toward Hamas connections.
Security agency investigations repeatedly identified links between SIMI and various extremist organisations across South Asia and the Middle East, including Hamas.
These findings reinforced concerns that SIMI was embedded within a broader international network of Islamist organisations sharing ideological goals, training methodologies and funding channels.
The common thread connecting these organisations was not nationality or ethnicity.
It was ideology.
Whether operating in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia, Palestine or India, these groups subscribed to versions of political Islam that viewed secular democracy as illegitimate, prioritised religious identity above national identity and sought the eventual establishment of Islamic political authority.
This ideological commonality helped create a transnational ecosystem where resources, propaganda, finances and personnel could move across borders.
From SIMI to Indian Mujahideen and beyond
The story becomes even more troubling when one examines what happened after SIMI was banned in 2001.
The organisation did not simply disappear.
Several investigations and intelligence reports suggested that many former SIMI operatives migrated into other radical organisations, including Indian Mujahideen and later networks associated with the Popular Front of India (PFI).
Security agencies repeatedly warned that SIMI cadres were attempting to reorganise under new names and front organisations.
This pattern is hardly unique.
Terrorist organisations and extremist movements routinely create successor organisations, front groups and proxy entities to evade legal restrictions while preserving ideological continuity.
Lashkar-e-Taiba created charitable fronts. Jaish-e-Mohammed operated through multiple aliases. Islamist networks across the world have repeatedly adopted similar tactics.
The concern for Indian investigators is whether international relationships built during the SIMI era survived these organisational transformations.
If Hamas had relationships with SIMI networks in the past, did those connections vanish after the ban, or did they simply migrate into successor organisations and informal radical ecosystems?
This is precisely the type of question the NIA’s current investigation may now be attempting to answer.
Why the Pahalgam investigation matters
The NIA’s reference to Hamas comes amid growing concerns about cooperation between Pakistan-backed terror groups and global jihadist organisations.
Security officials have reportedly observed increasing interactions between Hamas and Pakistan-based groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed. The possibility that tactical methods, propaganda strategies and operational knowledge are being shared between these organisations cannot be dismissed lightly.
The October 7 Hamas attack on Israel demonstrated a level of planning, coordination and psychological warfare that attracted attention from terrorist organisations worldwide.
If elements of those tactics are being studied, adapted or shared among Pakistan-backed groups operating against India, the implications for Indian national security are profound.
The Pahalgam investigation is therefore not merely about identifying individual attackers.
It is about understanding whether a broader architecture of global jihadist cooperation is emerging, one that links Gaza, Pakistan and Kashmir through ideological affinity, operational collaboration and financial networks.
The uncomfortable reality
For years, many commentators attempted to compartmentalise terrorism.
Hamas was treated as a Palestinian issue. Lashkar-e-Taiba was viewed as a Pakistan problem. SIMI was described as a domestic radical organisation. PFI was often portrayed as merely a controversial socio-political movement.
The evidence accumulated over decades suggests a more complicated reality.
Extremist organisations frequently differ in language, geography and immediate political objectives. Yet many remain connected through shared ideological frameworks, common funding channels and overlapping organisational networks.
The history of Hamas’s association with SIMI serves as a reminder that terrorism rarely respects national boundaries. Organisations separated by thousands of kilometres can still collaborate when united by a common ideological vision.
As the NIA expands its probe into possible Hamas linkages in the Pahalgam terror attack, investigators may well uncover relationships that did not emerge overnight but were built over decades through networks that connected radical actors across South Asia and the Middle East.
The significance of the investigation lies precisely here. It is not merely about whether Hamas had a role in one particular attack. It is about determining whether India is confronting an increasingly interconnected ecosystem of Islamist extremism where local terror groups, Pakistan-backed proxies and global jihadist organisations function as different nodes of the same ideological network.
The story of Hamas funding SIMI, the participation of Hamas founder Sheikh Ahmed Yassin in SIMI’s events, the documented financial links exposed by former insiders, and the continuing migration of radical cadres into successor organisations suggest that the questions now being asked by the NIA are long overdue.
What the agency ultimately uncovers could reshape India’s understanding of how global jihadist movements have operated within the country for decades.
In a major embarrassment for Pakistan, the Pakistan Embassy in Japan issued a statement on the 31st of May 2026, urging Pakistani Muslims in Japan to “abide by” the Japanese laws in all matters, particularly the construction of mosques. The statement came in the backdrop of the Kawagoe illegal mosque construction controversy.
“The Embassy of Pakistan in Japan strongly urges all Pakistanis residing in Japan to comply with Japanese laws in all matters, including the construction of mosques. Any construction must be undertaken only after obtaining the necessary permits from local authorities. The Embassy of Pakistan in Japan has no involvement whatsoever with any projects that do not comply with the laws and regulations of each local government. This includes the event held in Kawagoe on April 3, 2026,” the Pakistani Embassy in Japan said.
Source: X
Addressing the issue of the Pakistani ambassador attending the inauguration event of the Japan Jame Masjid Ramzan in Kawagoe, the Embassy said that the ambassador Abdul Hameed accepted the invitation “after being informed that the building had obtained all necessary permits as stipulated by Japanese law.”
Source: X
“Information regarding legal compliance for such projects should be shared transparently with all Pakistanis residing in Japan and neighbouring residents. Furthermore, Japanese laws and regulations must be complied with in all circumstances, both during the planning stage and afterward,” the Pakistan Embassy in Japan added.
Source: X
On social media, several Japanese people have expressed anger over the Pakistani official attending the opening ceremony of a mosque with alleged links to the Islamist organisation Tablighi Jamaat.
“A statement in Urdu posted 12 hours after the Japanese-language statement. Even if the ambassador was unaware that it was illegal, the fact that he attended the opening ceremony of this mosque—where the fundamentalist organisation “Tablighi Jamaat,” banned by Saudi Arabia and others, also comes and goes—as a distinguished guest, is a grave matter. Why did the ambassador, who should have been cautious due to his busy schedule, attend? Was he simply delighted that mosques are increasing in Japan? Or could he not refuse a request from prominent figures in Japan’s Muslim community?” one X use wrote.
Source: X
Some have even raised concerns that Pakistan may be backing mosque construction at specific locations in Japan at China’s behest for information gathering, since Japan and China are historical adversaries, although no media reports have indicated this angle so far.
“Saitama Prefecture, Kawagoe City, Oaza Shimoshimoakasaka, where an illegally constructed mosque stands in Kawagoe City, has been designated as a [Special Observation Zone] by the Cabinet Office due to the proximity of the Ministry of Defence’s Information Headquarters Ooi Radio Station. The [Special Observation Zone] is designated under the “Important Land Survey Act” to prevent acts that hinder the functions of important security facilities,” a Japanese X user wrote.
Source: X
The Kawagoe Japan Jame Masjid Ramzan: An illegal mosque and Pakistani Islamist intransigence
Pakistan Embassy in Japan had to issue an embarrassing statement schooling its Muslim nationals to abide by Japanese laws, especially in matters of mosque construction, due to the controversy of the illegal building and opening of the Japan Jame Masjid Ramzan, in Kawagoe City, Saitama Prefecture.
The Saitama Prefecture is a rural Shimo-Akasaka area, an urbanisation-controlled area, having strict building restrictions under the City Planning Act. However, as is the case with Islamists all across the world, local laws mean little to them in matters of Islamic expansion and takeover. The Masjid was illegally constructed on the land owned by a Pakistani-owned company.
Japanese media reports that the real estate registry classified the land in question as “forest land”.
In October 2024, the local residents protested against the nearly completed mosque structure. Since then, the city officials issued multiple stop-work orders; however, the Muslims did not comply and continued the construction work. Initially, the workers reportedly claimed that they could not understand Japanese, apparently to justify their non-compliance.
The land on which the Kawagoe, Japan Jame Masjid Ramzan stands was acquired in March 2025 by a Pakistan-affiliated company. The illegal mosque held its opening ceremony on 3rd April 2026. The event was attended by Pakistani ambassador Abdul Hameed, drawing criticism from the Japanese people for his presence at the opening of an illegal Islamic structure.
Amusingly, in almost all mosque-related disputes anywhere in the world, Muslims claim that the mosque was already there and will stay there till ‘Qayamat’ or Islamic judgment day. This is an Islamist playbook of bolstering and legitimising their claim over land they illegally occupy and erect mosques over.
In the Kawagoe Jame Masjid case, the owners are reported to have submitted a ‘corrective plan’, claiming that the illegal mosque “was always there”. The local Japanese authorities rejected these claims, as prior architecture, let alone a mosque, existed in records.
Many Japanese people have even brought up the old images of the same spot where the illegal mosque stands now, confirming that the Pakistani Muslim owners of the mosque were blatantly lying to justify the illegal encroachment. The delay tactics fell flat as the old images and official records confirm that no prior structure existed at that location.
The authorities have ordered the demolition of the illegal mosque, forcing the Pakistani embassy to distance itself from the incident.
From the Sambhal Jama Masjid in India’s Uttar Pradesh, which originally was a Hindu temple, to the Kawagoe Mosque in Japan, which is built on forest land, this ‘mosque was always there’ exemplifies Islamist intransigence.
The mosque controversy has reignited the debate around the influx of Muslims, demographic shifts, and fears of an Islamist takeover of Japan
A significant section of Muslims believes that it is their religious duty to spread Islam and convert more and more Kafirs or non-Muslims. Earlier, wars and conquests were a means of imposing Islam; in modern times, many travel to distant lands for this purpose, while others further the agenda wherever they live.
Japan is grappling with a serious population decline crisis. In fact, the crisis is accelerating faster than multiple official projections. Japan has one of the world’s lowest fertility rates and oldest populations. This has led to record-low births.
Japan’s Total Fertility Rate (TFR) dwindled to 1:15 in 2024, marking a ninth consecutive year of decline. In 2023, Tokyo’s TFR dipped below 1.0.
According to Japanese media reports citing official data, Japan recorded 705,809 births in 2025, down from around 721,000 in 2024. The number of natural declines and deaths also presents an alarming picture.
Overall, Japan has been below the replacement rate of 2.1 for decades, with its TFR hovering between 1.1 and 1.2.
The crisis has resulted in labour shortages in care, manufacturing, and services, exacerbated by slower economic growth, deflationary pressures, and challenges to funding infrastructure.
There have been reports of rural depopulation, school closures, and even the emergence of “ghost towns” or “dying villages”. These areas mainly include villages vacated by an ageing population and abandoned industrial hubs decimated by sudden economic shifts.
Although very limited success has been achieved, the Japanese government has been running various financial incentive schemes, implementing childcare expansion, enacted work-life reforms to increase Japan’s birth rates. However, cultural factors like later marriages, high child-rearing costs, gender roles, etc, coupled with economic uncertainties, continue to exacerbate the crisis.
Clearly, the demographic crisis of Japan is conducive to Islamist migrants to expand their tentacles. In recent years, due to a worker shortage, Japan has been importing workers from Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Indonesia, who are mainly Muslims. A significant number of Muslims are taking advantage of Japan’s immigration policies and making their way to the country. These Muslims mainly work as technical interns, caregivers, and other such jobs, filling demographic gaps; low birth rates and an ageing population.
There have been reports of Muslim migrant workers indulging in the propagation of Islam, converting Japanese locals, doing interfaith marriages, etc, to spread Islam, deepen their roots, and increase their population.
By the end of 2024, the Japanese media and researchers estimated that the number of foreign Muslims in the country stood at 360,000, while the total number of Muslims was around 420,000, including around 55,000 Japanese converts, marking an increase from 110,000 to 230,000 around 2010-2020. In short, the Muslim population in Japan has surged by four times in just 15 to 20 years. The number of mosques has also increased from 24 in 2001 to more than 164 in 2025.
With an increased presence of Muslims, there have been visible changes in the outlook of localities, culture and society. More mosques, more Muslims, more Islam and more trouble. There have been incidents wherein Muslims would offer namaz on roads, and in other non-permitted areas, in accordance with their usual global practice of exerting religious dominance, telling the local kafirs, ‘we have arrived’.
Though a secular country, Japan has Shinto-Buddhist traditions as its dominant religion, and has cremation as a near-universal practice. There have been incidents of commotion over this since Muslims believe in the burial of their dead, as Islam prohibits cremation. Since the Islamic tradition is not compatible with that of the local Japanese people, and Muslims remain adamant about these issues, concerns have been raised over the failure of Muslims to assimilate and respect local culture.
In May this year, a massive protest erupted over the construction of a mosque in the city of Fujisawa. The city inhabiting 440,000 people, has witnessed a rapid increase in the Muslim population. The mosque in question was being constructed by a Sri Lankan businessman, Mohamed Khaleel, who said that he wants to build a mosque because the Ebina Masjid 20 kilometres away is not sufficient to cater for the surging Muslim population in Fujisawa.
Interestingly, Khaleel and other local Muslims settled on a 980-square-meter site of an abandoned factory on the northern outskirts of Fujisawa in 2021. Operating in mission mode, they established the Fujisawa Masjid NPO, collected funds, bought the land and began obtaining permits for mosque construction.
The modus operandi is concerning. A group of Muslims settled near an abandoned factory in 2021, and quickly raised funds, and by 2025, built a mosque. A significant section of Japanese people is alarmed by how Muslim immigrants are expanding their religious footprint across Japan, in a fashion hinting at a deliberate conspiracy to eventually outnumber non-Muslim locals by both increasing their own population and brainwashing locals into converting to Islam.
This is a pattern of even small Muslim communities quickly prioritising erecting mosques, minarets, giving Islamic calls for Namaz loudly, and using public spaces for Namaz. Muslims have no qualms about violating local laws and bypassing permits to assert religious dominance. This Islamist playbook has been witnessed in Europe as well, wherein this has scaled to large complexes as Muslims exploit the ‘secular’ laws of tolerant nations to further their communal and Islamist agenda.
Not to sound cliché, but demography is destiny. Lebanon was Christian-dominated once, but now, Muslims have become a majority, comprising around 65 to 70% of the population and enjoy dominance, while Christians have become a minority in their own historical homeland. India is also sitting on a similar demographic timebomb, as the Hindu majority faces the danger of being outnumbered by the Muslim ‘minority’.
A 2020 research carried out by Pierre Rostan and Alexandra Rostan estimated a timeline of many European countries turning into Muslim-majority in the coming centuries. Based on the migration scenario, the research estimated that among the High-Growth Muslim population countries, six of them will reach a majority of the Muslim population in the next 200 years. Belgium (in 2175), Bulgaria (in 2160), Cyprus (in 2175), France (in 2165), Sweden (in 2170) and the United Kingdom (in 2195) will all have a Muslim-majority population.
From one mosque emerges a Muslim area, a Muslim area soon becomes a strict no-go zone, streets are blocked, demands for Sharia law implementation come up, in fact, parallel Sharia courts also emerge. France, the UK, Sweden, the US and many Western countries, along with India in Asia, are grappling with the Islamist expansionist demographic war against Kafirs. Japan is also heading the same way with its suicidal policy of importing Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslims.
Islamo-leftists portray themselves as progressive, liberal, feminist, rational, and intellectually superior to ‘Hindu nationalist’ right-wingers. They talk about Hindu-Muslim unity, Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb, ‘Diwali mein Ali, Ramzan mein Ram’, and whatnot to dramatise the Muslim victimhood bogey. However, there are moments when they expose their real Islamist mindset. A video clip from a podcast by Islamo-leftist rag The Wire’s Arfa Khanum Sherwani and JNU professor Nivedita Menon mocking the Hindu victims of Love Jihad has sparked outrage on social media.
The viral clip is from a podcast Sherwani hosted in February 2026. In this, Nivedita Menon and The Wire’s propagandist not only laugh off the concept of Love Jihad, but also dismiss concerns about a predatory pattern involving Muslim men targeting Hindu women due to religious hatred for Kafirs, as mere Hindu male insecurity.
From emphasising a woman’s free will and agency, the duo pivoted to suggesting that Muslim men somehow possess superior attractiveness or charisma that Hindu women find irresistible. Arfa repeatedly emphasised her question, “Hindu ladkiyon ko Musalman mard hi kyun pasand aate hain?” (“Why do Hindu girls like Muslim men so much?”)
To Arfa’s crude generalisation on Hindu women, Nivedita responds, “Muslim mard honge itne attractive… [laughs] … aur unko apne hi dharm mein woh nahi milta hoga.” (“Muslim men must be so attractive… and they probably can’t find that in their own religion.”)
Arfa Khanum Sherwani often positions herself as a guardian of journalistic ethics and a champion of women’s rights. Which is why her conversation with Nivedita Menon on love jihad was revealing, but perhaps not in the way she intended.
Nivedita Menon framed the concept of Love Jihad as simply an “expression of helplessness” by Hindu men. Menon suggested that Hindu men feel insecure, implying that Muslim men are somehow more attractive or desirable. The tone, laughter, and mockery show how comfortably an Islamist and a liberal lackey of Islamists communally stereotype Hindu women, declare Hindu men as ‘frustrated’, ‘insecure’ and ‘impotent’ and reduce interfaith relationships into a communal competition wherein women from ‘rival’ religion are trophies, and whoever wins more ‘trophies’ proves his religion superior.
One thing is clear: for Islamists Arfa, who masquerade as liberal-progressive, Hindu women are autonomous agents only when it suits their narratives of Muslim victimhood or Hindu majoritarianism.
When the question is about real, documented pattern of Muslim men feigning love, often pretending to be Hindu, to lure Hindu women, establish sexual relations, use obscene videos to blackmail them, extort money, force Islamic practices like Namaz and Hijab or Burqa, force-feed cow meat, pressure them into converting to Islam and doing Nikah, Love Jihad become ‘conspiracy theory’ and the agency of Hindu women is replaced with victim-blaming and hailing the ‘allure’ of Muslim men.
What an irony that the self-declared ‘secular-progressives’ echo Islamist supremacist tropes like the “virile and dominant Muslims versus the weak Hindus”, and indulge in communal boasting.
What is common between a Dhimmi Kafir, a ‘moderate’ Muslim, and a full-fledged Jihadi? Besides the penchant for romanticising everything Islamic, a trait shared by this trio is their ability to maintain a ‘victim’ outlook despite their parasitic actions.
A group of Islamic terrorists shoot down Hindu men for being Hindu, and the Dhimmis and ‘moderate’ Muslims instinctively announce ‘terrorism has nothing to do with Islam’. A Muslim Jihadi fakes his religious identity to lure a Hindu woman with a clear agenda of sexual abuse and conversion to Islam, and the Dhimmi and moderate duo will somehow portray the Jihadi as the victim.
But here’s the interesting part. The Muslim victimhood is a carefully concocted propaganda, a means for protecting Jihadis, whitewashing their crimes, and vilifying the victim community for calling out Islamist crimes.
When the Kashmiri Pandit exodus happened in the 90s, local Muslims and armed Islamic terrorists used to announce that Hindu men must flee but leave their women behind, to be raped, tortured, and enslaved by them. What has been the Islamo-leftist narrative? It was not an exodus at all; Muslim neighbours in Kashmir regretted what happened; no such ‘leave your women’ calls were given. This is all BJP-RSS-peddled lies to villainise Muslim ‘minorities’.
The same pattern is seen in the context of Love and conversion Jihad. There have been thousands of cases of Love Jihad, both at individual levels and those involving full-fledged Muslim rape gangs like the ones exposed in Rajasthan’s Beawar, Ajmer, and in Uttar Pradesh. From Kerala to Uttar Pradesh, to United Kingdom, there have been cases of Muslims weaponizing rape as a means of conquest of Kafir women, and humiliating non-Muslims and their faith, and yet India is riddled with the many Arfas and Niveditas who draw joy, secular on surface and Islamist from inside, by mocking the Hindu victims of the perverted Islamist ideas like ‘Maal-e-Ghanimat’, which attach religious merits to sexually abusing, humiliating and enslaving non-Muslim women.
While the many Niveditas are useful idiots for Islamists like Arfa Khanum Sherwani, a showpiece Hindu to convey their derisive message that “See, women from your own community are saying that Muslim men are more attractive”.
How are these two ‘feminist-progressives’ any different from Muslim men who run Facebook and Telegram groups calling Hindu women ‘R@nd*’, making edits blending the faith of Hindu women with their religiously-motivated rape fantasies? By dismissing countless cases of exploitation of Hindu women by Muslim men who trapped them either by faking their religious identity or by pretending to be ‘secular’, how are Arfa and Nivedita not different from Muslim men who mockingly boast that Muslim men are more ‘virile’ or ‘sexually potent’ because they eat meat, especially cow meat?
Islamic texts prescribe that Muslim women fully cover their bodies, perform namaz at home, go out only when accompanied by a male Mehram, and men are allowed to take four wives and even lay down the procedure of wife-beating. Many Muslim women are yet to fully get out of the shadow of their male Mehrams, how would they have the freedom and agency to interact with Hindu men, let alone being ‘won over’ by Hindu men. It has been seen how the same Muslim men, who gleefully ‘welcome’ Hindu women to Islam, who marry Muslim men, bay for the blood of Hindu men who they find out to be dating Muslim women.
There may have been occasions when some right-wing leaders flagged concerns about the pattern of love jihad and the modus operandi of rape jihadis. However, portraying such warnings and concerns as ‘shameful admission’ by Hindu hardliner men of their own ‘failure’ to win over women from their own community or Muslim women, shows that even Muslim women like Arfa take delight in the communal scorekeeping of who won more women from the ‘rival’ faith, reducing women to being mere objects of pleasure and means of establishing supremacy of infidels.
Just a month back, the same Arfa Khanum Sherwani was casting aspersions on the integrity of Hindu women who accused their six Muslim colleagues at a BPO unit of Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) in Nashik, of workplace harassment, constant insulting commentary on Hinduism, sexual abuse, coercion to convert to Islam, offer namaz and eat beef. She claimed that Hindu women who filed a complaint against their Muslim colleagues were lying and created a ‘drama’ out of hate, to ensure that the Muslim men become “unemployable”.
While Nivedita Menon said that ‘love jihad’ is a term concocted by those Hindu men subscribing to the idea of Hindu Rashtra, the term originally came from the Christian church in Kerala because girls were being targeted and brainwashed to join ISIS.
The Islamo-leftists like Arfa Khanum Sherwani and the Muslim-appeasing political parties have long been trivialising the menace of love jihad/rape jihad/grooming jihad as a ‘hoax’, ‘fiction’, and ‘BJP-RSS conspiracy theory’ despite there being ample evidence and thousands of cases across the country. No wonder Arfa and Nivedita dismissed films like The Kerala Story as ‘Islamophobic propaganda’.
There, however, is a difference between the Islamist mind of Arfas and the partially Islamised mind of Niveditas. While the many Niveditas and Sreenivasan Jains (author of ‘Love Jihad and Other Fictions’ trash) deliberately turn their eyes away from the crime, pattern, and most importantly, the Islamic motivations behind Love Jihad and try to secularise such crimes or dismiss them as fake altogether, the Arfas know this reality. They know love jihad is real, they know that a significant section of Muslim men does believe that deceiving Hindu women, sexually abusing them on false pretexts, and weaponising rape as a means to secure their conversion to Islam and contribution to Muslim demographics is Haram, permissible or justified.
Hindu women have been exploited by Islamic jihadi perpetrators from Amravati to Ajmer and Beawar to Bhopal, Kerala to Nashik, through coordinated conspiracies that also offer substantial financial rewards to the perpetrators. And yet, the Hindu-hating Islamo-leftist cabal finds its Niveditas and Arfas to whitewash Islamist crimes, paint victims as villains, and reduce the lived plight of Hindu women to the ‘frustration’ of Hindu men over ‘their’ women choosing ‘superior’ Muslim men.
The same lot that dismisses Love Jihad as a hoax, and a mere outrage term used by ‘frustrated’ Hindu men because many Hindu women chose Muslim partners, cries hoarse over Bhagwa Love Trap, alleging that Hindu men are luring Muslim women with the eventual aim of conversion to Hinduism.
In fact, Nivedita is right, ‘Hindu mardon se nahi hota’. Hindu men can’t fake their religious identity to love-trap Muslim women. Hindu men are just not taught to treat women, be it Hindu or Muslim, as a means of establishing religious supremacy or insulting the Mlecchas. Hindu scriptures do not promise paradise or sex slaves in heaven for Hindu men who used love, deception and sex as means for converting non-Hindu women to Hinduism. Hindus are inherently secular. Had this not been the case, Muslims would not have been thriving in India even after the bloody partition of India on Islamic lines.
Physical strength, attractiveness, and potency are not linked to religion. If these qualities were linked to religion, and as per the discussion between Nivedita and Arfa, Muslims were stronger and more capable than the Indian Armed Forces, comprising Hindus mainly, would not have defeated the Pakistan Army, which essentially runs on the motto of ‘Jihad Fi-Sabilillah’, in four conventional wars. Genes are not Hindu or Muslim.
However, nothing better can be expected from a Dhimmi like Nivedita Menon, who believes India is illegally occupying Jammu and Kashmir, praises anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid, and opines that in an academic environment, the definition of sexual harassment would have to be different from other kinds of workplaces.
Nivedita believes that universities are filled with young people in their formative years, and hence, we must think about what it does to them when the teacher regularly passes derogatory comments. You could read her book “Seeing like a Feminist” from where the above quote is taken here. No wonder Nivedita Menon had no qualms about mocking Hindu women who have been victims of love jihad.
In the contemporary era of escalating hybrid warfare and power competition, the concealed arteries of the global internet are under a serious threat. The modern world relies on undersea fibre-optic cables that carry nearly all of the intercontinental data, financial transactions, and communications. However, these internet lifelines lying on the ocean floor now face sabotage risks as the ongoing decade is turning out to be a decade of wars and countries finding unique means to threaten adversaries with economic paralysis and absolute isolation.
“Seabed is battlefield”: Australia, US and UK come together to protect undersea internet cables and energy pipelines
As threats of deliberate sabotage and consequent internet blackouts loom, the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia have announced a new AUKUS initiative to deploy advanced Unmanned Underwater Vehicles or Uncrewed Undersea Vehicles (UUVs) specifically designed to safeguard seabed infrastructure, particularly internet communication cables and energy pipelines.
On 30th May 2026, the UK, US, and Australia announced the initiative to protect undersea cables at a defence minister’s meeting at the Shangri-La Dialogue. The initiative will be a part of AUKUS Pillar II, which focuses on advanced capabilities in areas like AI, undersea robotics, and autonomy. The United Kingdom will contribute around £150 million to the project. As per media reports, these UUVs will feature cutting-edge payloads for safeguarding seabed infrastructure, surveillance, reconnaissance, logistics, and strike capabilities. The project will deliver results next year.
Speaking about what warranted the necessity to launch the AUKUS Pillar II initiative, Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles described undersea internet cables as “the arteries of the modern world” and highlighted how there has been a “historically unprecedented” surge in cuts or attacks on undersea infrastructure in the last 18 months.
Besides AUKUS, 17 nations, Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand, Qatar, Estonia, Finland, France, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom have approved the Guiding Principles for Underwater Infrastructure Defence Exchanges (Guide) to protect vital undersea cables.
Russia, which has been embroiled in a war with Ukraine since 2022, has its submarines tracked by the UK, surveying Atlantic communication cables. In recent years, at least two Chinese-flagged vessels have also been involved in disruptions of crucial undersea internet cables in the Baltic Sea.
In October 2023, NewNew Polar Bear, a Hong Kong-registered, Chinese-owned container ship, dragged its anchor for more than 100 miles. This severed both the Balticconnector gas pipeline and the telecom cables connecting Finland to Estonia.
A similar incident was reported in November 2024, wherein a Chinese cargo ship, Yi Peng 3, was tracked to be involved in the near-simultaneous severing of the C-Lion1 cable that connected Finland and Germany, and the C-Lion1 cable, which linked Sweden and Lithuania. In 2026, Iran, which has found reprieve in a fragile ceasefire, has threatened to damage undersea internet cables in the Strait of Hormuz.
Clearly, access to undersea cables is a massive geopolitical leverage, especially for countries like Iran, which are engaged in war, as they can secure concessions from adversaries during negotiations.
As undersea cables hold immense significance for global internet and communications, and are now under threat from wars, let’s understand what exactly these cables are, how they are laid undersea, and why they are vital
Undersea internet cables: The arteries of the modern world
Colloquially called undersea cables, submarine communications cables are fibre-optic lines laid on the seabed to carry the massive amount, nearly 95-99% intercontinental data, voice, and financial traffic. According to various reports and research, there are over 570 active undersea communications cables, while numerous others are planned. The existing undersea cables network spans over 1.5 million kilometres. It is reported that a single modern undersea cable can carry terabits per second, having way more capacity and lower latency than satellites.
These undersea cables underpin global internet and cloud services, international banking and trade, e-commerce, communications, and AI/data centre demands. They are also vital as green energy interconnectors.
In short, without these undersea cables, the modern technology-driven civilisation, with real-time global connectivity, would collapse in affected regions in no time. Though satellites will be the resort in case of undersea cable disruption, they cannot completely compensate because of latency, bandwidth, and coverage limits, particularly for high-volume data.
How undersea cables are laid on the seabed
For the deployment of undersea cables, specialised cable-laying ships, with huge spools holding hundreds of kilometres of cable, are used. The cables are not randomly laid. Such projects undergo proper planning, with routes avoiding fault zones, fishing or anchoring areas, hazards, etc., using detailed seabed maps.
The undersea cables are armoured and buried using ploughs or through remotely-operated vehicles (ROVs). Ploughs are used to create a trench, lay the cable, and then sediment covers it. Since burial is impractical, cables are laid directly on the seabed or the benthic zone.
The cable-laying process begins from the onshore landing stations. The ship used for cable-laying deploys cable gradually while moving. Sometimes, thrusters are used for precision.
Notably, repairing cable disruption is a complex, weather-dependent, expensive and time-consuming task. The repair process often involves grappling the ends, splicing on a ship, and re-laying the cable.
More than 80% of the over 1.3 million kilometres of active submarine fibre optic cables are located in inaccessible deep sea below 1500 m depth, making the repair job even more difficult.
What happens if undersea internet cables are cut
If an undersea cable is cut, fibre strands are severed, disrupting data flow in that segment. Such disruptions cause increased latency, congestion, and slowdowns. Internet blackouts would occur. There would be economic disruptions, affecting finance, business, payments, and services.
Multiple studies show that most of the incidents of damage to undersea cables originate from unintended human activity at sea, such as fishing (38%) and drag anchoring (25%), followed by environmental hazards (14%) like seaquakes or underwater currents.
A 2022 research paper titled “The digital divide in state vulnerability to submarine communications cable failure” studied the impact of undersea cable disruption in affected regions. It cited a case from 2015, wherein the only available submarine cable on the archipelago of the Northern Marianas ruptured. Caused by underwater currents, the rupture disconnected the island from broadband traffic for several days, inflicting significant negatives on the island’s economy and connectivity.
“Cascading effects caused internet, telephone communication, and air traffic to collapse, along with disruptions in the health, tourism, and education sectors. The U.S. overseas territory with 50,000 inhabitants suffered damage amounting to 21 million USD. Small island developing states (SIDS) hardly offer any possibility to operate a cable economically due to their characteristics, such as their remote location, small number of citizens, and below-average GDP, resulting in lower internet usage,” the research paper reads.
One of the first major incidents of undersea cable disruption was reported in 2008, when multiple cables were damaged near the Persian Gulf, particularly in Alexandria, Egypt, and elsewhere. The damage affected millions of lives in West Asia, India, Pakistan, Egypt, etc. There were reports of massive slowdowns and outages, with Egypt losing 80% capacity.
Similar disruptions and aftermaths were reported in the 2022 Tonga incident, wherein the Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai volcanic eruption caused tsunamis, currents, and debris that severed Tonga’s only international undersea cable. Tonga, a small island nation east of Australia, lost broadband connectivity for weeks, with international repairs taking over five weeks, and domestic repairs taking even longer.
In more recent years, damage to undersea cables has been reported in the Red Sea between 2024 and 2025. Linked to conflict and shipping, damage to undersea cables like AAE-1, EIG, SEACOM, and SMW4 affected traffic between Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Although rerouting helped mitigate blanket blackouts, latency issues and disruptions were reported across many countries.
A 2026 National Oceanography Centre (NOC) research found that over 75% faults on island cables happen within 300 kilometres of coastlines. This happens due to both human activity and natural hazards.
While accidental damages caused by human activity or natural disasters remain the major causes of undersea cable disruptions, due to wars, deliberate attacks are moving from being a rarity to a serious threat, jeopardising global connectivity. Besides choosing dialogue over war to resolve disputes, routes diversification, investment in repair fleets, boosting satellite backups, and adhering to international norms are crucial measures to protect global connectivity, since the stakes here are existential.
The Trinamool Congress on Monday, 1st June, expelled two of its MLAs, Ritabrata Banerjee and Sandipan Saha, after both leaders raised serious allegations regarding forged signatures in a document submitted to the West Bengal Assembly Speaker’s office. The controversy, now widely referred to as the Bengal “signature scandal”, has triggered a major political storm in the state and intensified tensions between the ruling BJP government and Mamata Banerjee-led TMC.
The party announced the expulsion shortly after West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari publicly referred to complaints made by the two MLAs over forgery of signatures in a letter endorsing Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay as the Leader of Opposition in the Assembly.
Speaking from the Secretariat today, the Chief Minister stated that two TMC MLAs—Ritabrata Banerjee & Sandipan Saha—had filed a written complaint with the… pic.twitter.com/YXOSBdx84d
A communication issued by TMC vice-president Chandrima Bhattacharya accused the two legislators of “anti-party activities.” The letter claimed that both MLAs repeatedly skipped party meetings and made statements harmful to the interests of the organisation.
“After due consideration of the matter, the competent authority of the AITC has decided to expel you from the primary membership of the party with immediate effect,” the letter stated.
Sandipan Saha targets Abhishek Banerjee
The controversy deepened further after expelled MLA Sandipan Saha directly blamed TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee over the forged signatures.
“Submitting the signatures of those who weren’t there was a huge blunder. Abhishek Banerjee’s name is coming up because he signed the list of MLAs as the General Secretary,” Saha told ANI.
#WATCH | Kolkata, West Bengal | TMC MLA Sandipan Saha, who is one of the 60 MLAs who skipped the pre-scheduled meeting called by Mamata Banerjee yesterday, says, "A meeting has been held before. It included a resolution on who would be the party leader, deputy leader, and chief… pic.twitter.com/zq8JQDg2Nd
“That list itself had so many mistakes. Questions will definitely fall on Abhishek Banerjee because it was his responsibility and he failed to fulfil it,” he added.
The CID has already issued a notice to Abhishek Banerjee in connection with the case. A CID team visited his Kalighat residence on Saturday and summoned him for questioning. However, Abhishek did not appear before investigators on Monday, citing ill health, and reportedly sought 15 days.
Suvendu Adhikari calls for detailed probe
Soon after the expulsions, Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari addressed reporters at Nabanna and announced that the signature forgery allegations would be investigated thoroughly by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).
Adhikari said the complaints regarding forged signatures had come directly from TMC MLAs Ritabrata Banerjee and Sandipan Saha. According to him, an FIR was first registered at Hare Street Police Station on the Speaker’s instructions, after which the matter was handed over to the CID.
“This is not an act of vendetta. The law is very clear on this issue,” Adhikari said.
He claimed that statements of several MLAs had already been recorded during the investigation. “The statements of 13 MLAs have been recorded. Another MLA is out of station, and his statement will be recorded later,” he said.
Adhikari further that multiple signatures shown in the document submitted to the Speaker’s office were not genuine. “Three Trinamool MLAs – Baharul Islam, Arup Roy and Shubhashis Das – have given statements to the CID that the signatures in the document were not theirs,” he claimed.
“The investigating agency can say on whose instructions this was done,” he added.
What is the Bengal signature scandal?
The controversy revolves around a letter submitted to the office of Assembly Speaker Rathindranath Bose on 20th May regarding the appointment of Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay as the Leader of Opposition.
According to the letter, signatures of several TMC MLAs were forged in the document without their consent. The issue became serious after multiple legislators reportedly informed investigators that the signatures shown beside their names did not belong to them.
Investigators are now trying to determine who prepared the document, who approved it and whether signatures were deliberately forged. The CID probe is currently focused on how the letter was prepared and submitted, and whether senior party functionaries were aware of the irregularities.
At the same time, Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari also raised questions regarding fake beneficiaries under the Lakshmir Bhandar scheme, which was launched during the previous TMC government to provide financial assistance to women.
Adhikari claimed that nearly 30 lakh accounts linked to the scheme were fake and alleged that many men had illegally received benefits meant only for women.
“Around 30 lakh Lakshmir Bhandar accounts are fake. I have asked the DGP to form an SIT to investigate the matter,” Adhikari said.
He further stated that the government was also looking into possible money laundering linked to the fake accounts, since public money had allegedly been transferred illegally.
According to the Chief Minister, investigators had already identified several suspicious accounts in districts like Murshidabad. “The investigators have so far identified around 22 such fake accounts being operated by three people in Murshidabad,” he claimed.
Adhikari said one individual named Mustafizur Rahman and his wife Tuhina operated 15 fake accounts, while another person identified as Tarikur Rahman operated six such accounts.
Suvendu links scandal to “15 years of corruption”
While addressing the media, Suvendu Adhikari also linked the controversy to what he described as a culture of corruption during the Trinamool Congress regime.
“The signature scandal is indicative of the reign of corruption that the Trinamool had engaged in during its 15-year rule,” he said.
The Chief Minister said the government would not interfere in the investigation and that the law would take its own course. “As the chief minister and home minister, I instructed the CID to take over the case. I am not going to interfere in the investigation. That is not my job,” he stated.
Mamata Banerjee accuses BJP of intimidation
Meanwhile, Mamata Banerjee has accused the BJP government of trying to politically target and intimidate TMC MLAs.
The former Chief Minister claimed that several party legislators were threatened over the phone before attending a party meeting. “Four of my elected MLAs complained to me how they were threatened by the cops over the phone before they came for the meeting,” Mamata said.
She also accused the BJP of attempting to weaken the Trinamool Congress by using administrative machinery against opposition leaders.
The controversy has now exposed growing cracks within the TMC at a time when the party is already facing internal dissatisfaction after its poor electoral performance. With the CID investigation intensifying and senior leaders now under scrutiny, the Bengal signature scandal is expected to become one of the biggest political flashpoints in the state in the coming days.