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As India battles heatwave, opposition and left liberals find a way to blame PM Modi: Here is why their political propaganda melts before facts

Rukma Rathore
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As India battles heatwave, opposition and left liberals find a way to blame PM Modi: Here is why their political propaganda melts before facts

India is accustomed to a scorching sun, and several cities are already witnessing the onset of a blistering summer. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has declared heatwave conditions in 11 states and union territories, including Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.

Nonetheless, this phenomenon is not limited to India as the opposition and its ecosystem are attempting to suggest because thermometers have shown spikes across the globe at the same time. The extreme conditions have been related to a number of factors, some human-driven and a lot more of natural phenomena.

The situation is further aggravated by an evolving Super El Nino, which releases additional heat from the ocean into the atmosphere, as scientists look into events in the Pacific Ocean that might spike global temperatures and shatter records in the next year. More importantly, the intense heat currently gripping the Indian plains is a component of a broader pattern that began 6 weeks ago in North Asia, Siberia.

Meanwhile, a number of stakeholders convened in early April to establish a new platform, South Asia Hub of the Global Heat Health Information Network (GHHIN), to promote cooperation and creativity to confront the massive challenge as mercury levels soar not only in India but throughout the subcontinent. It will partner with the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology (IITM) and the India Meteorological Department. The goal is to devise a common regional framework for converting climate data into health interventions.

The world is battling with these changes and is in search of solutions. On the other hand, the Indian opposition and left liberals are actively engaged in their usual tactic of blaming the Modi government using nonsensical arguments.

The detractors invent creatively ridiculous excuses to blame the Modi government

‘Epic Maps’ uploaded a weather map illustrating the climbing temperature in India, framing it as an unusual occurrence confined to India, while conveniently excluding that the country and its neighbour Pakistan, as well as Yemen and other nations in the Indian Ocean Region, like Thailand, Myanmar, etc., showed a spike in temperature

Congress leader Srinivas BV took advantage of the half-truth and, in a clear demonstration of both unfettered hatred and stupidity, alleged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was responsible for it.

Full-time mutton biryani connoisseur and part-time PETA (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals) activist Diya Mirza amplified a post charging PM Modi with snatching tribal territories and accelerating the destruction of forests through the Forest Conservation Amendment Act of 2023.

Karbari Ansari declared that PM Modi is indifferent to the burning heat and the climate change. “He only wants to engage in Hindu Muslim politics and get votes by spreading hatred. It doesn’t matter to him if the public dies from the heat or falls into a pit and dies. ​He just wants to win the election nothing else matters,” the Congress party man alleged.

The centre headed by the Bharatiya Janata Party has addressed this issue through various pivotal measures, including a substantial increase in the dense forest cover, a commitment to achieving net-zero emissions by 2070 and a strong promotion of renewable energy. Nevertheless, the true pioneers of communal politics do not depend on facts.

According to Gaurav Pandhi, secretary of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC), PM Modi is primarily concerned with winning elections by instigating divisions in the society, which is his only focus. He stressed that the situation was considerably better under the Congress government as it actively tried to deal with these problems. Pandhi added that the saffron party has failed in this regard, and their poll promises, such as 100 smart cities, were merely intended to gain votes but never meant to be honoured.

“Educator” Dinesh Wadera asserted that this is a consequence of PM Modi’s “concrete” initiatives, insinuating that infrastructure growth and drives to ensure that the poor have proper houses is somehow a grave mistake the Modi government committed.

Sudhir Yadav claimed that the government has taken over tribal lands, waters and forests, transferring them to businessman Gautam Adani. Consequently, millions of trees have been cut, contributing to India becoming one of the hottest countries globally, with 95 out of 100 cities enduring extreme heatwaves. He remarked, “This model of destruction in the name of development is Modi’s biggest achievement.”

What is the truth behind the charges

India is undoubtedly prone to hot weather, which is triggered by a multitude of interrelated determinants. Heat is trapped close to the surface by meteorological elements, including low winds, high-pressure systems and a shortage of cloud cover. A “heat dome” that has confined hot air over the Indo-Gangetic plains and eastern India is also a critical cause. This year, the western disturbances that bring rain to plains and snow to slopes have also become less frequent and weaker.

However, the left-liberal lobby is preoccupied with rumour mongering and attacking PM Modi instead of discussing the actual explanations for the present condition. Likewise, it is equally false to contend that India is warming faster than the globe. The nation’s average surface temperature has risen slowly relative to the global figures owing to many factors. It was reiterated in research conducted by Harvard University’s Salata Institute.

Pollution produces aerosols, which scatter sunlight and lower solar surface radiation. They serve as the atmosphere above South Asia’s reflective shield. The Indo-Gangetic plain’s over-agriculture is another major contributor. The area is mostly utilised for agriculture because of the fertility of the plain. Large-scale irrigation has resulted from this, which boosts evapotranspiration and acts as a form of cooling blanket over the plains.

The elevation has been particularly marked at higher latitudes, especially near the poles, because of heat transfer from the tropics via atmospheric circulation systems and the pre-existing lower temperatures at these latitudes. India is situated closer to the equator in the tropical zone, where such geographical events do not occur.

The landmass of India is not homogeneous, with prominent regional differences in temperature modification. Due to local climate and terrain, some regions incur greater warming, but the national average spike in temperature continues to be low.

Moreover, the pre-monsoon season, which runs from March to May, is the hottest time of year in nearly all of South Asia. Heat waves and other extreme weather conditions are frequent at this time.

Which region of the world is seeing the most significant increase

The Copernicus Climate Change Service’s ERA5 dataset showed that since the mid-1990s, Europe has warmed by about 0.53°C per ten years, making it the fastest-rising continent. The Arctic is warming even more swiftly, by about 0.69°C every ten years.

On the contrary, large portions of the Indian subcontinent have a far more stable trend, commonly between 0 and 0.2°C each decade, while the Arctic, Europe and portions of the Middle East exhibit warming rates as high as 0.6°C to 1.5°C per decade. X handle @allindiaweather has explained the phenomenon in a viral thread. It also discussed how the claims of India’s declining green cover are false, because data over the years has shown an increasing trend of green cover in the country.

Global warming has been traditionally linked to the growing frequency of extreme heatwaves in recent decades. Blocking over the North Atlantic is linked to the first kind of heatwave over north-central India. “The blocking over North Atlantic results in a cyclonic anomaly west of North Africa at upper levels. The stretching of vorticity generates a Rossby wave source of anomalous Rossby waves near the entrance of the African Jet. The resulting quasi-stationary Rossby wave-train along the Jet has a positive phase over Indian subcontinent, causing anomalous sinking motion and thereby heatwave conditions over India,” highlighted “Anatomy of Indian heatwaves”, a research article in Nature.

The abnormal Matsuno-Gill response to the anomalous cooling in the Pacific is responsible for the second type of heatwave across coastal eastern India. Heatwaves are prompted by the Matsuno-Gill response, which reduces the land-sea breeze by producing northwesterly anomalies over the continent.

Conclusion

India is tackling with a serious problem that is raising concerns and needs a consistent and dedicated approach. However, the responses of the opposition and its supporters are politically inclined and are devoid of any genuine recommendation or critiques. They are simply attempting to unjustly attack PM Modi and the current government to score political points instead of focusing on the underlying issues. This is the manner in which they have behaved each time the nation faced a major event, and this time is no exception.

The climate realities of the world are not going to change with changing governments.

Bengal needs a regime change: Decades of Communist rule and 3-terms of Mamata govt have taken the state on a rapid decline across all sectors

Debraj B
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Bengal needs a regime change: Decades of Communist rule and 3-terms of Mamata govt have taken the state on a rapid decline across all sectors

‘Somewhere between living and dreaming, there is Kolkata’

When we talk of a 4,000 year-old civilization that flourished between Ganges and Brahmaputra, that once held the keys to ‘Silk Route’ commercial hub, and that saw luminaries arise during the Renaissance of 19th and 20th Centuries, we speak of a Bengal that was once the doyen of Indian culture and trade. In 1960, 2 of the 3 richest States in India happened to be Maharashtra and West Bengal, with former’s per capita income about 5% lower. Back then, the State had a vibrant manufacturing sector too. 

Then, CPI(M) happened. 

By 1993, Bengal’s per capita had fallen almost 35% below that of Maharashtra. 2 states, similar geographies, almost similar population, and alike business opportunities; however, the divergence in growth got stark. The State’s share in manufacturing also fell from 22% to 15% (1970 – 1993), while Maharashtra’s notched up remarkably. Violent politics, vested use of State power and institutions by CPI(M) had led to the undoing. 

When TMC stormed into power in 2011 on the back of severe anti-incumbency and the more immediate Singur episode, citizens heaved a sigh of relief. Bengal CM was quick to promise that Kolkata will soon be like London.

Headline in 2011, Deccan Herald

The closest that the State came to that promise was the installation of a look-alike of the famed Big Ben clock that adorns London’s northern end of the Houses of Parliament. Progress made.

Sectoral performance

Physical infrastructure: Share of State expenditure on physical infrastructure declined from an already low of 5.27% in 2018-19 to 2.95% in 2022-23. Reasons have been the TMC government’s poor maintenance of existing infrastructure, corruption within bureaucracy, and administrative hurdles. 

Roads infrastructure had already seen leakages under 34 years rule of CPI(M). That got exacerbated with the arrival of TMC. In 2013, a section of Ultadanga flyover collapsed. 3 years later, a section of an under-construction bridge in Girish Park crumbled. On 31st March 2016, the under-construction Vivekananda flyover caved in, leading to loss of 26 lives. The collapse of Majerhat bridge followed in 2018. Bribes and cut money by ruling dispensation from contractors have been blamed for the poor state of infrastructure in the State. 

Water quality has been a serious issue for households in Bengal, in particular access to clean drinking water. In 2019, only 1.22% of households had tap water connections. The rapid decline of groundwater level in Kolkata and S-24 Pgs in particular has pressed the alarm button, with Kolkata experiencing a 2.1 m decrease (18.6%) and S-24 Pgs a 2.5 m decline (27.8%). While these are alarming figures, unchecked withdrawals of water from residential areas in Kolkata and agricultural sectors in districts have only aggravated the situation. 

The levels of pesticides and toxins in drinking water have also been found at above-permissible levels. The commoners are to bear the consequential health hazards of this.

Source: The Hindu

Poor sanitation has plagued Bengal for a long time. In the Swachh Survekshan Awards for 2023, 4,447 urban local bodies participated, and over 12 crore responses from citizens were received from across India. Howrah was declared the dirtiest city in India, and more strikingly, all 10 dirtiest cities having a population exceeding 1 lakh were voted from Bengal. 

Social Infrastructure: 

Healthcare has been a sore point for TMC government. Poor recruitment policies has led to dearth of skilled healthcare professionals, compounded further by inadequate training. This has left citizens at the mercy of a struggling healthcare in the State.

Rural Health Statistics 2021-22 mentioned that while WB has 915 Public Healthcare Centres (PHCs), only 229 out of them, which is a paltry 25%, were functioning on a 24 X 7 basis. 13,194 sub-centres had been sanctioned, but only 10,357 are in place, marking a shortfall of 22%. The story is equally grim for Community Healthcare Centres (CHCs), with 348 out of a total of 542 sanctioned being active (36% shortfall). As per guidelines, one PHC for 30,000 population is to be present, whereas in Bengal, one PHC covers around 50,000 population. That is a staggering loophole in the State’s healthcare system!   

Cases of poor people dying on roads due to poor infrastructure have repeatedly maligned the State’s once-glorious image of having robust health infrastructure. 

10th Dec 2023 proved a Black day for the State’s health infrastructure, as 14 children died in 3 days in Berhampur’s medical college hospital in Murshidabad district. With construction work going at Jangipur Subdivision Hospital, babies were shifted from SNCU (Special Newborn Care Unit) to Murshidabad Medical College, which put stress on the already shaky infrastructure at the College, leading to the terrible deaths. 

The National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) had thrown up some concerning statistics about Bengal’s healthcare too. It reported that 32.4% of children under 5 were underweight. More alarming is the fact that 72.1% of children aged 6 to 59 months were anaemic. The survey also showed that 66.7% of pregnant women aged 15 – 49 were anaemic, and 77.6% of all women aged 15 – 49 were anaemic. 

Dengue has been another ailing point for the State. For 2025, nearly 2,500 cases were recorded till July, with 1,000 cases nearabouts being recorded in just one month.

Health insurance is a key instrument for the middle, lower-middle class, and poor/vulnerable sections of society to manage rising healthcare costs. In 2019, Bengal took a decision to move away from the Centre’s Ayushman Bharat scheme, putting 60 lakh families in jeopardy. While Ayushman Bharat covered almost 1.11 Crore, or 55% of the State’s families, Swasthya Sathi had a coverage of just 50 lakh families. On such a flimsy point as having only PM’s picture on the insurance letters and not her too, Bengal CM moved away9 from Centre’s much-helpful scheme! That was a case of avoidable politics to downscore Center, all the while being oblivious to the mammoth heathcare needs of its poor citizens.   

One other practical challenge of the Swasthya Sathi scheme is the very low rates for treatments and surgeries of patients under the scheme, which has led to reluctance of a lot of private hospitals in the State to empanel themselves with this scheme. Also, reimbursement of bills raised by hospitals to the State Government usually takes around 21 days, which increases to 45 or 60 days at times. These deter private hospitals from joining the scheme. 

The horrific rape and murder of a 31-year-old trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata on 9th August, 2024, had sparked widespread outrage and protest across medical and civil fraternities all over India. While on one hand, the case brought to the fore an acute lack of safety for women, it also highlighted a rampant net of corruption in healthcare colleges and facilities in the State, which often function under the blessings of the State’s political leadership. 

Education sector

The education sector in Bengal has seen a steady decline over the last decade and a half. In 2023, about 6.99 lakh candidates appeared for Class X Madhyamik (Board) exam, marking a 36% drop from 2022. 

State gov in 2024 had directed the shutdown of 8,207 primary and secondary schools, which comprised almost 10% of government-controlled schools. Notable to point out that between 2012 and 2022, around 7,000 schools had vanished in the State. The State has also been missing on the Central funds as it is yet to join the PM Schools for Rising India (PM-SHRI) Scheme. 

School dropout rates for the State at the secondary level are at 2X the national average, which is worrisome. This gets more concerning as we figure the downward slide Y-o-Y. In 2022-23, the dropout rate was 6.6% for boys and 4% for girls. In 2024-25, those figures have shot up to 23% for boys and 17.8% for girls.

Bengal needs to analyze why the ‘Funnel Collapse’ from upper primary to higher secondary is so stark. 

(Source: UDISE + Booklets for 2024-25)

The problem is compounded by the fact that a lot of teaching posts go vacant. In 2022, it was found that 13,842 posts of teachers in Classes X and XII, and 5,527 posts in XI and XII were lying vacant. Teachers’ recruitment has been a point of contention for the State too. Recruitment in primary, upper primary, and secondary has been under question with allegations of corrupt practices and nepotism. On 22nd April, 2024, the Kolkata High Court had ordered cancellation of 25,753 teachers and non-teaching staff made through State Level Selection Test – 2016 (SLST) in Govt-sponsored and aided schools, declaring the process as “null and void”. 

The fangs of corruption have reached nutritional schemes like mid-day meals, too. 

Looking ahead

Tagore had once yearned for ‘Banglar mati, Banglar jol’ to get sanctified under the blessings of the Supreme. As Bengal gears up to send legislators to it’s 294 member Assembly yet again, it is time to revisit those words. 4th May will decide if the State’s skyline gets smeared with green ‘abir’ yet again, or it will be saffron laddoos all the way, with a dash of ‘jhal muri’ alongside!  

Congress govt in Karnataka moves to implement sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes, two years after the Supreme Court’s order

Shriti Sagar
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Congress govt in Karnataka moves to implement sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes, two years after the Supreme Court’s order

The Congress government in Karnataka has moved to implement sub-categorisation within the Scheduled Caste (SC) quota, with the state Cabinet approving the decision on Friday, 24th April. The move marks a policy shift in how reservation benefits are distributed among different SC communities in the state.

Chief Minister Siddaramaiah described the decision as a “historic” step, saying it aims to address long-standing demands from various communities. The Cabinet approved a revised internal reservation formula of 5.25%: 5.25%: 4.5% within the existing 15% quota for Scheduled Castes. The decision was taken unanimously, based on the recommendations of a technical committee led by the Chief Secretary.

How the sub-categorisation will work

Under the new arrangement, the government has divided the 101 sub-castes within the Scheduled Castes into three main groups. The formula they settled on is 5.25%: 5.25%: 4.5%. Here is how it breaks down:

  • Group A (SC Left): This group, which includes the Madiga community and allied castes, has been allocated 5.25%.
  • Group B (SC Right): The Holeya community and allied groups have also been given 5.25%.
  • Group C (Others & Nomadic): This category includes the Bhovi, Lambani, Koracha, and Korma communities, along with 59 Alemari (nomadic) castes, receiving a total of 4.5%.

This replaces the earlier 6:6:5 formula that had been proposed but ran into legal and procedural hurdles. The revised percentages have been adjusted to ensure compliance with the Supreme Court-mandated 50% cap on total reservations.

At the same time, however, the government has decided to open up competition among all 101 SC castes in the state for all categories, especially those for the higher posts of assistant professors and assistant engineers. Officials said this move will also facilitate the quick filling up of more than 56,000 vacancies in various departments of the state government.

Legal challenges and policy adjustments

Earlier attempts at sub-categorisation faced legal hurdles when the total percentage of reservations in the state went beyond 50%, with the combined reservations for SCs and STs being around 56%.

Previously, a single-person committee chaired by retired High Court Justice H.N. Nagamohan Das had proposed a wide categorisation scheme ranging from Group A to E. Even though the government had implemented the committee’s suggestions into a law, there was some confusion regarding the roster system. Moreover, litigation was filed in the court by the Alemari caste group.

The current cabinet resolution aims to resolve the above issues through sub-categorisation within the legal framework.

Supreme Court judgment opens the door

The Karnataka government’s move comes in the backdrop of a landmark judgment by the Supreme Court on 1st August, 2024. In a 6-1 majority ruling, a seven-judge bench led by the then Chief Justice of India, D.Y. Chandrachud, declared that states have the power to sub-classify Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes based on levels of backwardness.

This judgment overturned the earlier 2004 ruling in the E.V. Chinnaiah case, which had treated SCs as a single, homogeneous group that could not be divided further for reservation purposes.

The Supreme Court basically said that the “Scheduled Caste” list isn’t a single, uniform block. History shows that some groups within that list have remained much more backward than others. 

The court held that sub-classification does not violate Article 14 (right to equality) or Article 341 of the Constitution. The judges even argued that sub-classification actually helps fulfil the promise of equality under Article 14 of the Constitution. 

Justice B.R. Gavai, the only Dalit judge on the bench, also underlined that the benefits of reservation have not reached all sections equally, and that more disadvantaged groups may require targeted support.

What sub-categorisation means in practice

The Supreme Court’s ruling has given states greater flexibility to design reservation policies that address internal inequalities within SC and ST communities. The idea behind sub-categorisation is to ensure that benefits do not remain concentrated among relatively better-off groups within these categories.

In practical terms, by allowing sub-categorisation, the court is trying to ensure that the “creamy layer” (those who have already advanced significantly) doesn’t corner all the opportunities, leaving nothing for the most disadvantaged. However, the court also warned that this shouldn’t be done for political reasons. States must have empirical data, hard facts and figures, to prove that certain sub-groups are actually under-represented before they can change the quotas.

However, the issue remains sensitive, as it involves balancing competing demands within already marginalised communities. Questions around fairness, representation, and implementation continue to be debated.

A long history of legal debate over sub categorisation

The debate over sub-categorisation has a long legal history. It all started back in 1975 when the Punjab government tried to reserve half of its SC quota specifically for the Balmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs, who were seen as the most deprived. 

This move was challenged, leading to the 2004 E.V. Chinnaiah judgment, where the Supreme Court blocked such efforts, saying only the President (under Article 341) could define the SC list and states couldn’t tinker with it.

For years, this 2004 ruling acted like a “stop sign” for any state trying to implement internal quotas. 

But the pressure continued to build. In 2014, a smaller bench of the Supreme Court felt the Chinnaiah ruling might be wrong and referred the matter to a larger bench. 

This eventually led to the case of State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, in which a seven-judge bench delivered its verdict in August 2024, effectively reversing the earlier position and allowing sub-classification.

The central issue has been whether all SC communities are equally placed or whether some remain more disadvantaged than others despite existing reservation policies. The Supreme Court ruling has tilted the balance in favour of recognising these internal differences.

Congress mouthpiece ‘National Herald’ simps on Bangladesh to discredit ECI, bats for return of ballot boxes and manages to cry foul over women reservation after opposing it in Parliament: Here is what happened

Rukma Rathore
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Congress mouthpiece ‘National Herald’ simps on Bangladesh to discredit ECI, bats for return of ballot boxes and manages to cry foul over women reservation after opposing it in Parliament: Here is what happened

The Indian National Congress and its entire ecosystem have been engaged in a concerted effort to undermine Indian democracy and Constitutional institutions since it was ousted from power in 2014, which was followed by their persistent inability to win over voters despite multiple efforts. The party and its supporters resolved to criticise the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Election Commission of India after consistently falling short of their own expectations in various elections.

They have made several claims, ranging from a compromised electoral body to the manipulation of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and registered strong objections to the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) drive, contending that their losses are orchestrated by the ruling party rather than being a natural outcome. However, they have failed to sway public sentiment in their favour. Hence, an alternative strategy has been devised to cast aspersions on the integrity of the nation’s electoral system, as their usual propaganda could not resonate with the people.

Screengrab of the article by National Herald

Bengali “Netra News” used to glorify Bangladesh’s election system

Now, comparisons are made with fractured democracies, and sermons are delivered to “learn” from them in a renewed, desperate initiative by this group. On 26th April (Sunday), the Congress mouthpiece “National Herald” published a column titled “Lessons for India from an ‘audit’ in Bangladesh” by Sourabh Sen, which directed the Modi govt to draw insights from the recently concluded national parliament polls in the neighbouring country.

The glorification was founded on an audit conducted by a Sweden-based Bengali media outlet, “Netra News,” and concluded that it could serve as an “educational moment” for the Indian Election Commission. According to the author, the organisation discovered that the elections marked by a notable ascent of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to power were “free and fair.”

Das asserted that it was determined after the Bangladesh Election Commission (BEC) official data was compared to the information acquired independently by the company on the polling day which was 12th February. The investigation reportedly found nearly no discrepancy, dismissing charges of rigged elections.

The article highlighted that the matter was brought up by Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), which challenged the election’s legitimacy because it did not achieve the desired results and accused that the defeat was the product of “extraordinary engineering.” It referenced Mia Golam Parwar, the secretary-general of the party who stressed that alterations took place “between the counting of the votes and the declaration of results” alongside other party leaders who raised similar allegations against the BNP.

Parwar was could not win from his stronghold, Khulna-5 constituency. The piece quoted him, declaring, “They sidelined a mainstream political party (JeI) through election engineering. We have raised the issue publicly through official statements and press conferences and have also lodged complaints before the tribunal about this.”  

The irony is either evidently lost on Das or he has intentionally chosen to disregard the parallels between the statements of the hardliner party and the Congress-led opposition, which also takes refuge in conspiracy theories and finds faults with the election procedure in India after each setback. The latter attacked the election commission with provocative comments to foster distrust and even insult the voters instead of addressing its own shortcomings and policies.

The subtle advocacy for the execution of ballot boxes

The article stated that News Netra dispatched hundreds of “correspondents” around Bangladesh in the months preceding the elections. “The election, in over 43,000 polling stations across 300 constituencies was held with paper ballots,” it outlined before delving into the rigorous process undertaken by the platform.

Afterwards, Das expressed, “The audit matches the party-wise number of ballots present in the boxes before the BEC’s final counting. But, as critics point out, election engineering can still occur if ballot boxes were stuffed during polling or if the numbers are deliberately manipulated by the BEC. Parwar points out that the audit cannot reveal whether voters were intimidated before they cast their votes.”

Interestingly, he again failed to mention that this measure was employed to facilitate elections in India but the shocking images of the ballot boxes being looted by members and thugs of the parties of the current I.N.D.I. Alliance continue to linger in the memories of many citizens. These scenes came to an end with the implementation of the EVMs.

However, their reintroduction would revive the perilous scenario where hooliganism and brazen exercise of authority would influence election turnout in place of the rightful adult franchise, as was visible during the panchayat elections in West Bengal, where political “workers,” specifically from the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) were charged with stealing ballot boxes.

Das then sprang onto the objective for which he had set the frivolous stage and wrote, “Is there a lesson for India here? The Election Commission of India has the experience, resources and manpower to initiate an even more robust, independent and transparent audit of elections and election results, if it wants to restore the severely eroded credibility of elections conducted under its watch.”

He predictably did not mention how the “credibility” has been diminished, aside from the usual rhetoric from the opposition, as neither the people have endorsed these groundless allegations, nor has the judiciary suggested any such inclination. On the contrary, it has reinforced the commission’s independence and decision-making capability.

Surely, Das did not imply that the authenticity of the body can be called into question because the grand old party and its allies are not succeeding in elections? However, how can it be surprising when this cabal’s dedication to constitutional institutions is contingent upon decisions that align with its interests and support?

Furthermore, the Election Commission, on many occasions, asked the opposition to prove their assertions about the EVMs through hacking and manipulation. However, they could not provide any solid or empirical proof to back the charges apart from doubling down on the demonisation and disparagement.

A temporary “arrangement” to replace 33% women’s reservation

After the assault on the election commission, the article proceeded to condemn the Bharatiya Janata Party for having the audacity to present the “previously-gazetted women’s reservation bill through Lok Sabha, knowing full well they did not have the numbers to push it through just to generate talking points before the elections in Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Kerala and Puducherry.”

It inadvertently exposed the Congress and other parties by conveying that even the critical subject of women’s representation is not beyond politics for them and the BJP can enact the bill when it achieves a majority in the Lok Sabha.

Interestingly, the Congress had been lashing out at the Modi government for making insincere promises to lure women voters, only to conveniently refuse support when the centre acted on its assurance. This is clearly more indicative of the reality of its pro-women posturing than of the saffron party’s motivations.

“Bangladesh, on the other hand, has quietly allocated the 50 seats reserved for women in the Jatiya Sangsad (House of the Nation), over and above the 300 contested seats to winning parties. These seats were allocated in proportion to the number of general seats each party won. Women nominated to these seats are full members of parliament, with the same rights and privileges as those in general seats, though they do not represent any specific geographic constituency,” Das pointed out in yet another deceptive analogy.

He added that women will be around 16% of Jatiya Sangsad with 57 out of 350 members and proposed, “A similar experiment could be carried out in India, by raising the strength of the Lok Sabha to 643 or 743 and allowing each state to nominate women for the additional seats. Similarly, the Rajya Sabha can fix the number and criteria for nominated seats for women. This arrangement for the next 15 years is well worth trying without the complications involved in reserving 33 per cent seats in parliament at its existing strength.”

The piece first tried to downplay the massive complexities, in terms of both size and population, of a massive country like India in relation to Bangladesh which has a substantially different parliamentary system. It then demonstrated how Congress and its cheerleaders can not only swiftly forsake their commitments but defend the same with nonsensical explanations, as their lofty proclamations seem to be election ploys that are never aimed to be realised.

This stands as one of the key reasons for the opposition bloc’s rapidly declining trust among the populace. However, this faction has opted to use the Election Commission as a scapegoat and vilify the BJP, instead of confronting the truth. They illustrate an example of a country where the blood of vulnerable minorities, particularly Hindus, was spilt on the streets during an absolute collapse of law and order instigated by the Islamists and a sitting prime minister was forced to escape to protect her life.

Therefore, it is not India that requires correction or guidance from others. However, the opposition does need to introspect instead of ignoring blunders and hunting for targets or unnecessary illustrations elsewhere just to conceal its continuous hypocrisy alongside incompetence.

Kejriwal launches a new drama after recusal stunt was dismissed by Delhi HC: Calling it ‘Satyagraha’ won’t change the fact that he is all about theatrics

Divyansh Tiwari
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Kejriwal launches a new drama after recusal stunt was dismissed by Delhi HC: Calling it ‘Satyagraha’ won’t change the fact that he is all about theatrics

Arvind Kejriwal shared what he described as a letter of conscience this morning on X. He said that he would not appear before Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma in the Delhi excise policy case, either in person or through counsel, citing the ‘Gandhian concept of satyagraha’. The letter, addressed directly to the judge, was both theatrical in its fake humility and bizarre in its implication. ‘Justice Sharma’s court cannot give justice to him’, this is a remarkable claim. And it’s almost entirely inaccurate.

What had Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma said

One must first comprehend what the court did in order to comprehend what Kejriwal is doing. A trial court order that had acquitted Kejriwal and his co-accused in the liquor policy case was being challenged by the CBI at the Delhi High Court. Kejriwal filed a recusal plea against Justice Sharma, accusing her of bias on three grounds, that her children were appointed as Central Government counsel, that she had attended events connected to organisations he believed to be ideologically opposed to his party, and that her impartiality had been compromised by earlier judicial observations in related matters.

The court rejected the accusations of bias, stressing that unsupported charges cannot compromise judicial independence. The plea was based on ‘conjectures and insinuations’ and did not reach the legal threshold for recusal, according to Justice Sharma, who maintained that accusations of bias must be substantiated by tangible material rather than just perception. She firmly declared, A judge cannot recuse to satisfy unfounded suspicions or manufactured allegations made by a litigant, and added, I will not recuse. I’ll listen to the case. 

The court went one step further, issuing what might be the episode’s harshest criticism that ‘the courtroom cannot become a theatre of perception,’ and warning that even influential politicians cannot level accusations against judges in the absence of proof. Kejriwal’s reaction to this rational, legally sound decision? To post on Twitter that his hopes for justice had been shattered and that he would not take part in the court proceedings that would ultimately decide his fate.

What the law says about the stunts Kejriwal is trying to pull

Kejriwal’s Gandhian analogy completely breaks out at this point. The objective of Mahatma Gandhi’s Satyagraha was to overthrow a colonising power that lacked democratic legitimacy and against an unfair colonial law. What Kejriwal is opposing is the jurisdiction of an independent Indian constitutional court, which he willingly invoked when filing the recusal plea in the first place. A court cannot be declared illegitimate after you have petitioned it and lost. That is forum shopping wrapped in a khadi shawl, not civil disobedience.

Wilfully refusing to appear in court has established and severe legal repercussions. Contempt of court is defined by Indian law as either disobeying a court order (civil contempt) or saying or doing anything that scandalises, prejudices, or interferes with legal proceedings and the administration of justice (criminal contempt). Before the merits of a case are even heard, writing a public letter to a sitting judge that is shared on social media and accuses her of being incapable of delivering justice falls dangerously close to the second category.

The Supreme Court has said unequivocally that scandalising the court refers to attacks on individual judges by making unjustified and defamatory remarks about their abilities or character. It would be criminal contempt to write or draft statements that make defamatory accusations against a judge. This is exactly what Kejriwal’s letter, which was released publicly and written to garner the maximum amount of political sympathy, does.

What happens when an accused wilfully refuses to appear?

Kejriwal’s chosen stance is likely to fall apart on its own terms once the law becomes both fair and firm. The Supreme Court established the guiding principle for criminal appeals and revisions in cases where the accused or his counsel is not present in K.S. Panduranga v. State of Karnataka. The court is free to proceed and make a decision on the merits of the case, but it must make sure that natural justice is upheld, usually by designating an amicus curiae to support the court in the accused’s absence. When the accused’s freedom is in jeopardy, the court cannot simply dismiss the case for lack of prosecution or leave him completely unrepresented. 

It was never intended to act as a shield for an accused who has been duly served, is free, has the means to retain the best legal expertise in the country, and declares on social media that he has intentionally chosen not to appear. Kejriwal has already been served. He isn’t in jail. He is not without advice. Natural justice principles are not being violated against him; rather, he is attempting to use them as a political weapon. Applying Panduranga, the court will be well within its rights to proceed, appoint an amicus, and consider the case on its merits. 

Kejriwal’s absurd drama: A pattern, not a principle

Kejriwal’s in-person appearance before the bench, where he personally argued the recusal plea, was sharply referred to by the Indian Solicitor General as theatrics. That evaluation holds weight when compared to Kejriwal’s well-documented history of turning legal issues into political theatre. After just 49 days in office, he resigned as Delhi’s chief minister in 2014, portraying his surrender to political pressure as a moral stance. Then, in 2020, he came back to power after discreetly giving up on the very matter for which he had resigned. Kejriwal was arrested in 2024 after failing to show up for interrogation by the Enforcement Directorate despite receiving nine summons.

Each of these was characterised at the time as Kejriwal standing up to a compromised system. Despite being slower, quieter, and far more patient each time, the system continued. The pattern is consistent, the formalities of law itself are targeted when it fails to produce the desired result. When the courts decided against him on recusal, they became suspect. When the ED summoned him several times, it became a tool of political retribution. The grievance is usually legitimate in its framing, but the evidence is always noticeably lacking.

What lies ahead

Justice Sharma’s court is open to the choice of hearing the CBI’s appeal against the discharge judgement, which would address the actual merits of the liquor policy case. The court will hear the case with the prosecution’s arguments on record and render a decision if Kejriwal fails to show up and refrains from sending a legal counsel. When that verdict is issued, it will most likely be challenged in the Supreme Court, at the course of which Kejriwal will reemerge in the judicial system he claims to have abandoned.

When that happens, there will almost certainly be another letter, a press conference, an invocation to Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, or the Constitution. The language will differ. The drama won’t change.

The Delhi High Court dismissed the recusal plea, stating that ‘justice cannot be managed through perception.’ It’s a sentence that rings especially true given what happened this morning. Kejriwal’s letter is a master class in perception management, it is sympathetic in tone, vague in content, and only intended to win in the court of public opinion as the case moves forward.

The judiciary has witnessed this before. The Supreme Court was faced with the exact argument that a person should be shielded from the repercussions of scandalising judicial authority by principled dissent in the contempt case against Prashant Bhushan. Advertised willingness to be a martyr does not equate to righteousness.

Conclusion

Arvind Kejriwal is aware that a letter to a judge posted on Twitter receives significantly more column inches than a court judgement in the current Indian media landscape. He is aware that the phrase ‘recusal plea dismissed’ lacks the emotional impact that ‘Satyagraha’ conveys. He is not presenting a legal argument. He is performing a political stunt to entertain his supporters. The law will wait, just as it always has. There will be another hearing. The sequence shall be followed. And whatever it’ll be, it would have been decided without Arvind Kejriwal’s perspective because he chose social media over the courtroom.

What is The Timothy Initiative, a Christian MLM scheme: How a foreign entity under ED scanner spent an average of Rs 1 crore a month to convert Hindus, especially in Naxal affected areas of Chhattisgarh

Anurag
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What is The Timothy Initiative, a Christian MLM scheme: How a foreign entity under ED scanner spent an average of Rs 1 crore a month to convert Hindus, especially in Naxal affected areas of Chhattisgarh

On 18th and 19th April, the Enforcement Directorate conducted raids at several locations linked to an organisation named The Timothy Initiative, TTI. In a press release, the ED said that it is investigating how TTI channelled over Rs 95 crore into India using foreign bank issued debit cards while completely skipping FCRA regulations.

Notably, TTI is not registered under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, FCRA, which means any programme run by the organisation in India cannot be funded by foreign donations. However, the ED stated that crores of funds were withdrawn using foreign bank debit cards between November 2025 and April 2026.

The ED has stated that TTI followed a specific method. Foreign bank debit cards linked to Truist Bank in the United States were brought into India and used for repeated cash withdrawals from ATMs across multiple states. The money was then used for meeting expenses connected to the conversion activities of TTI’s India chapter.

The searches were conducted at six locations in multiple states in connection with the suspected withdrawal and utilisation of funds. The agency said 25 foreign bank debit cards, Rs 40 lakh in cash, various incriminating digital evidence, devices and documents were seized during the searches.

Furthermore, 24 foreign debit cards were found in the possession of one Micah Mark, who was intercepted by the Bureau of Immigration at Bengaluru International Airport against a Look Out Circular issued by the ED while he was bringing the cards into India. The ED stated that the investigation revealed that there had been unusual and suspicious cash withdrawals using these cards in Left Wing Extremism, Naxal affected regions, including Dhamtari and Bastar in Chhattisgarh. According to the ED, around Rs 6.5 crore had been withdrawn in these areas in the past few years.

The ED further stated that these cards were being used to withdraw large amounts of cash in a planned manner, which indicated the possibility of organised networks. The agency further said that the emergence of a parallel cash based economy in Naxalite affected areas poses a serious threat to the security and financial integrity of India, as it can facilitate the movement of illicit funds for unlawful activities.

Furthermore, TTI was using a billing and accounting online platform for maintaining records of such cash withdrawals from ATMs and their utilisation. The platform, according to the ED, was purportedly controlled by foreign entities, which indicates that the withdrawals were not random or isolated.

What is The Timothy Initiative

According to The Timothy Initiative’s website, which is geo blocked in India, it is a global Christian movement that makes and multiplies disciples, churches and leaders. Its own material accessed by OpIndia states that it is committed to getting a church in every village, everywhere. Its published material, history page and promotional content show that church planting is its central measurable objective.

Originally called “Project India” as it was started to target India, the organisation adopted the name “The Timothy Initiative” in 2009.

Source: TTI

According to its “Kingdom Impact” material, it has planted over 2,68,750 churches since 2007 across 50 countries, including India. It claims that 23,92,427 people have been converted to Christianity, including 2,01,954 widows and orphans, making it a serious issue.

Source: TTI

TTI claims that the disciple count is an estimated number based on historical averages of new believers per church planted. It means the number of disciples could be much higher compared to what it claims on the website.

The ministry model of TTI is based on the Biblical verse 2 Timothy 2:2, hence the name. The verse refers to entrusting teachings to reliable people who will also be qualified to teach others. In simple terms, this is a replication model. One person trains another set of people, those people train others, and the network continues to grow through successive layers of trainees, leaders, pastors, church planters and disciples. It can also be seen as a Multi Level Marketing, MLM, project, and the only difference is that people do not buy products but convert to Christianity.

Source: TTI

Just like MLM, one person trains another set of people, those people train others, and the network continues to grow through successive layers of trainees, leaders, pastors, church planters and disciples.

In one of its promotional explanation videos, TTI stated that everything it does, directly or indirectly, goes towards planting churches around the world. This is an important statement as it means even expenses that may look administrative, logistical or welfare oriented are ultimately tied by TTI itself to the objective of church planting and converting people to Christianity. Notably, majority of the visuals in one of its main videos are from India.

Screenshot of India-centric visuals in one of TTI’s videos. Source: TTI

According to TTI, it has five levels of leadership, each with its own funding needs. In the information shared on its website and in the video, it mentions Titus, Timothy, Pauls, master trainers and movement leaders. It is very similar to MLMs, where there are Gold, Silver, Diamond and Platinum members based on the number of members under them.

Titus level workers are trained through two books. Timothy level workers are trained through 12 books, with thousands of pages of material that need translation. Pauls receive a master trainers manual, eight quarterly trainings and travel stipends.

The organisation further says master trainers and movement leaders receive funds for food, travel and accommodation while leading trainings. It also says they receive a small monthly stipend to help with the cost of living. This is important because the model is not simply voluntary preaching by individuals. The organisation’s own material says funds are used to support certain categories of leaders and trainers who are part of the church planting chain.

The same promotional material says donor funds also pay for vision castings to mobilise more labourers. In simpler terms, these are events or meetings used to inspire and recruit more people into the mission. It also says TTI field representatives visit the field to verify that churches and fellowships actually exist. This shows that TTI has not only a training model, but also a reporting and verification system.

The organisation says funds are also used for expansion into new countries. It mentions buying flights, funding offices and translating material into new languages. Beyond this, the promotional material lists a wide range of expenses, including village mapping software, launches, reporting, leadership development, mentoring, continental offices, printers, new training material, Jesus films, benevolence, videos, audio Bibles, book printing, metrics, staff salaries, leadership filtering, regional leadership meetings, local fundraisers, partnerships, graphic design, editing books, ministry statistics, church planter graduations, ministry pictures, national offices, computers and coalition meetings.

In simple language, TTI’s model appears to work like a large religious expansion machine. Donor money funds training material, translations, travel, meetings, stipends, office infrastructure, digital systems, local leaders, verification and reporting. These resources are then used to train people who are expected to create more disciples and plant more churches.

TTI’s own history also supports this reading. In 2010, the organisation says it developed its 10 book core training material with the expectation that each disciple would plant one church by the end of training. In 2013, it implemented a multiplication model called Disciples Making Disciples, DMD. By 2020, it was talking about mapping 700,000 villages. By 2021, it was speaking of mapping 5 million villages through the Coalition of the Willing.

TTI may not be a commercial MLM, but its church planting system follows a multi level replication model. It creates layers of leadership, trains people through standardised material, funds movement leaders and trainers, tracks expansion, verifies field output and measures success through the multiplication of churches and disciples.

Foreign churches, India focus and Hindu majority regions

The material shared by TTI linked partners shows that the India connection is not limited to the ED investigation in Chhattisgarh. Social media posts indicate TTI associated activity in other Indian regions, including Rajasthan and northern India.

One post said The Timothy Initiative was active in Rajasthan through a mission focused on equipping pastors and leaders. It described the work as involving intentional training, discipleship and support. It also said the initiative was made possible through a partnership involving Faculdade Batista Pioneira and the Baptist Churches of New England Multiplication Center. This shows that foreign or international church networks were linked to training activity in Rajasthan.

Source: instagram

Another post by Kensington Church described TTI as a worldwide movement that makes and multiplies disciples, churches and leaders. It stated that the church’s partnership with TTI had allowed the start of over 3,000 house churches in northern India, a region it described as predominantly Hindu. The same post said a group of eight churches, including Kensington, had committed to raising $1 million to bring the message of Jesus to that region.

Source: Instagram

The ED press release mentions alleged withdrawals in Left Wing Extremism affected regions such as Dhamtari and Bastar in Chhattisgarh. But TTI linked partner material points to a broader India focused church planting network, including Rajasthan and northern India. It also specifically refers to work in a predominantly Hindu region.

According to a Bhaskar report, Chhattisgarh adds further context to the ED findings. The report claimed that in tribal villages across Jashpur, Ambikapur, Raigarh, Bastar and Surguja, Hindus have become a minority while Christians are now the majority. It said villages without a single temple but with three or four churches have become common, and traditional cremation has been replaced by burials with crosses on graves in several places.

The report also suggested that poor, sick and socially neglected families were being targeted by two or three salaried pastors active in several villages. It further said 146 NGOs are FCRA registered in Chhattisgarh, including 50 missionary organisations, out of which 30 work in Jashpur, Ambikapur, Raigarh and Bastar, the same districts where conversions are said to be highest. These NGOs are also registered with Chhattisgarh Firm and Society, but the society does not audit them and the NGOs submit their own audit reports. The report said the state government has no concrete information on their foreign funding.

TTI’s timeline shows how church planting became a measurable expansion project

According to TTI’s history section, the movement began in 2007 after founder David Nelms visited Asia. The organisation says he saw countless temples and mosques and asked, “Where are the churches?” The reply, according to TTI’s own account, was, “There are none.” TTI presents this moment as the “spiritual beginning of the movement” to target Hindus in India.

Source: TTI

In 2008, TTI says David Nelms and local leaders Joshua Vijayakumar and Harsha Kumar started a church planting training programme. The organisation also says that this was the launch of TTI’s first 3,075 church planters. This is a significant number for the initial stage of a religious movement. It shows that the organisation’s early model was not merely personal evangelism or small scale fellowship work, but structured training of church planters.

In 2010, TTI says its 10 book core training material was developed. The stated expectation was that each disciple would plant one church by the end of their training. This is perhaps one of the clearest admissions of the model. The disciple is not just expected to learn. The disciple is expected to produce a church. In other words, training and church creation are directly linked.

In 2013, TTI says it implemented a new multiplication model for training called Disciples Making Disciples, or DMD. It also says TTI became active in 30 countries. The phrase itself explains the model. A disciple is trained not merely to remain a disciple, but to create more disciples. This is where the structure begins to look like a replication chain. Each trained person becomes a possible node for further expansion.

Source: TTI

In 2014, TTI claimed that it had crossed 25,000 churches planted. In just a few years, the organisation was already presenting church planting numbers as an achievement marker. This also shows that TTI measured its work not only through welfare or community service but through the number of churches planted.

In 2016, TTI says it began focusing on helping reach Unreached People Groups, or UPGs. These are communities where Christian presence is limited or absent. This again underlines the target based nature of the movement. The goal is not simply to serve wherever help is needed, but to reach communities identified as unreached from a Christian missionary perspective.

In 2020, TTI launched ACHIEVE, described as “A Church in Every Village, Everywhere”. The organisation says two Asian countries began surveying and mapping 700,000 villages so each could have a church. It also claimed that a new church was being planted through TTI every 40 minutes. This is a very important stage in the timeline because it shows the use of mapping, surveying and village level targeting for church planting.

Source: TTI

In 2021, TTI moved into what it calls Pursuit. It says that in pursuit of ACHIEVE, TTI knew the goal could happen only in partnership. This is when COTW, the Coalition of the Willing, was born. TTI says ministries worked together to map 5 million villages. The organisation claimed at this stage that a new church was being planted through TTI every 20 minutes.

In its “today” section, TTI describes the phase as acceleration. It claims that it has surpassed 260,000 churches planted, has 2.3 million new disciples and is expanding towards 50 countries. It also claims that a new church is planted through TTI every 11 minutes.

Current leadership and the role of Dr Jared Nelms

TTI’s website names Dr Jared Nelms as its President and CEO. His profile says he is passionate about serving, equipping and partnering with indigenous leaders across the globe with the overarching aim of getting the Gospel to every people and place.

Source: TTI

Conclusion

While the ED’s investigation has put focus on TTI’s activities in Naxal hit areas of Chhattisgarh, the larger play of the organisation is not limited to one state but the whole of North India. The MLM style working and “passionate” members who are running pillar to post to install churches and convert Hindus to Christianity are serious concerns that need deeper investigation.

Madhya Pradesh: Khandwa Police arrest Anwar Qureshi for manufacturing fake ghee made using animal fat, bones and skin, read exclusive details of the FIR

Anurag
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Madhya Pradesh: Khandwa Police arrest Anwar Qureshi for manufacturing fake ghee made using animal fat, bones and skin, read exclusive details of the FIR

On 24th April, Khandwa Police in Madhya Pradesh arrested a man identified as Anwar Qureshi for manufacturing and selling fake ghee. Qureshi was making the ghee like substance using animal fat, bones and skin. The manufacturing unit was operating from a narrow lane near Begum Park in the Imalipura area. The authorities raided the place after receiving repeated complaints that animals were being cut at the premises and their fat, bones and skin were being processed for use in food like products.

Authorities at Qureshi’s house (Image: Jagran)

The district administration, municipal corporation, veterinary department and police formed a joint team and raided the place. The authorities suspect that Qureshi was selling fake ghee in the local market, including food joints and restaurants.

During the raid, officials recovered sacks filled with animal skin and bones. They also found drums and containers filled with fat based material. Authorities recovered a large quantity of raw material, finished liquid, and a ghee like substance from the spot.

9 drums and 79 containers seized

Speaking to the media, City Magistrate Bajrang Bahadur said that the team recovered 79 containers from the premises and each container had around 30 kg of suspicious material. Furthermore, the authorities also recovered nine large drums of 200 kg capacity, which were filled with animal fat.

Authorities at Qureshi’s house (Image: Jagran)

The veterinary department collected samples, which were sent for laboratory examination. Officials stated that the material found in the drums appeared to be animal fat at first sight. However, the exact nature and intended use of the seized material would be confirmed after the lab report.

What the FIR says

OpIndia accessed the FIR in the matter. It has been registered on the complaint of the zone in charge of the Municipal Corporation of Khandwa at Moghat Road police station, Khandwa, Madhya Pradesh, under Section 7 of the Madhya Pradesh Agricultural Cattle Preservation Act and Section 292 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) against Anwar Sheikh Bismillah Qureshi.

Source: Khandwa Police, Madhya Pradesh

SHO Dharwal stated that he received a letter from the Municipal Corporation, Khandwa, signed by Zakir Ahmed and Bhuvan Shrimali, in charge zone officers, to register an FIR in the matter.

According to the complaint, a joint inspection was carried out in the area opposite Begum Park, Pardeshipura, Khandwa, by the City Magistrate, City CP, Tehsildar, Deputy Commissioner of the Municipal Corporation, SHO of Moghat Road PS and other subordinate staff. The premises belonged to Sheikh Anwar Sheikh Bismillah Qureshi, where he was melting animal fat inside his own house.

Source: Khandwa Police, Madhya Pradesh

The so called licence of the Municipal Corporation Khandwa produced on the spot by Anwar was found to belong to another person and its validity had expired in 2023. Despite this, Anwar was found to be storing and trading animal remains, including fat, skin, horns, and other material, in an unauthorised and illegal manner.

During the raid, the authorities recovered 69 tins of fat with a capacity of 15 kg each, nine drums of 200 litres capacity containing an unknown chemical, 600 pieces of leather, 35 sacks of horns of buffalo or similar animals, and six sacks of pipes or tubular parts of buffalo and similar animals.

Locals question how the unit was running without action for so long

In a statement, Khandwa CSP Abhiram Warange said that Qureshi, the owner of the premises, was detained for questioning. Police were trying to find out since when he was running the business and who else was involved in the network.

According to media reports, locals had complained several times about suspicious activities at the premises. However, no action was taken till the recent raid. According to complaints, animals were being brought to the location, cut there, and their fat, bones and skin were being cooked and processed. Following the raid, the residents questioned how such activities were allowed to run for such a long time without being stopped.

MLA Kanchan Tanve reacted to the incident

Following the raid, Khandwa MLA Kanchan Tanve reached the spot and described the incident as extremely serious. She demanded strict action from the district administration and called for tough steps against those found guilty.

As Bihar DGP bars cops from wearing religious symbols like tilak and mangalsutra with uniform, here are past incidents wherein Hindus were targeted in govt departments over visible Dharmic markers

Shraddha Pandey
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As Bihar DGP bars cops from wearing religious symbols like tilak and mangalsutra with uniform, here are past incidents wherein Hindus were targeted in govt departments over visible Dharmic markers

In an alarming assertion of ‘uniformity’ reeking of selective secularism, Bihar DGP Vinay Kumar has directed police personnel to erase visible markers of their Hindu faith while in uniform. On 26th April, Bihar’s Director General of Police issued a directive barring officers from wearing or displaying Hindu religious symbols like Tilak, Chandan, Mangalsutra when they don the Khaki.

Media reports say that this move is a part of the police’s efforts to improve ‘discipline’ within the police force. As per the directive, police personnel are not allowed to display religious symbols such as a chandan tilak while on duty. Similarly, female constables are barred frm from wearing visible jewellery or make-up while in uniform. According to the order, women personnel must refrain from wearing churis, kangans, mangalsutras, nose rings, or jhumkas that are visible over their uniforms. 

The Bihar DGP’s directive has stirred outrage, with people questioning the rationale behind linking Hindu religious symbols with discipline and forcing officials to suppress their religiosity, while no such explicit bars are imposed on police personnel belonging to other religions. Many local Hindu rights groups have registered a protest and called the move unnecessary, unfair and discriminatory.

This, however, is not the first case of blatant overreach imposing restrictions on Hindu religious symbols in police and government offices. Over the years, many such incidents have been reported.

While restricting excessive jewellery and heavy makeup is understandable,

Bihar Agriculture Department was suspended for refusing to remove Tilak in 2007

Back in September 2007, a senior Bihar Agriculture Department official, Lakshman Mishra, faced suspension proceedings for refusing to remove his Tilak. The Hindu Brahmin official had worn the Tilak to work for around three decades. However, a new dress code was cited as justification behind enforcing a ban on Tilak at the workplace. Mishra was reported to have been threatened by department secretary CK Anil with suspension for not complying with the anti-Hindu diktat.

Several Agriculture Department Tilak-wearing employees had staged a protest outside the IAS officer’s office and condemned the ban as a blatant assault on the Hindu religious beliefs.

Bihar DGP Anand Shankar faced protests from police association in 2009 for wearing Tilak to office

In 2009, then Bihar DGP Anand Shankar had faced protests by the Bihar Police Men’s Association, an organisation of constables, for wearing a Tilak on his forehead while on duty in uniform. The Association had accused him of violating the rules of the police manual. The protesting constables targeted DGP Kumar, a devotee of Lord Krishna for his Tilak and religiosity, after he directed all association office-bearers, who otherwise mostly wore Kurta-pyjama, to wear police uniform and report on duty like regular policemen. While DGP Kumar reprimanded the constables for violating the discipline by shirking their duty and not wearing proper uniform, the Association played the same card against him but by targeting his practice of wearing a conspicuous Tilak.

Bihar ADG issued circular banning police personnel from wearing Bindi, Mangalsutra, Tilak in 2025

In July 2025, Additional Director General (Law and Order) Pankaj Darad had issued a circular imposing restrictions on wearing churis, kangans, Mangalsutras, nose rings, or jhumkas that are visible over their uniforms. The order cited discipline, simplicity, and dignity in the police force’s appearance as the reason behind banning the use of Hindu religious symbols for police personnel. It further stated that violation of these guidelines would attract disciplinary action.

Does Tilak or Mangalsutra impair duty? Banning Hindu religious symbols at government and private workspaces is not grooming or discipline, but Hinduphobia

The Bihar Police DGP’s reported diktat banning Hindu religious symbols for police personnel, while imposing no such restrictions on Hijab or religious symbols of other faiths, is appalling. In addition to the above-discussed instances of government departments targeting Hindu religiosity in the guise of ‘grooming’ and maintaining ‘professional image’, there have been cases wherein Hindu candidates have been forced to remove their Kalava and Janeu before appearing for government recruitment exams, while Muslim Hijabs, Muslim beards (without moustache) and Sikh Turbans, etc, are left untouched.

In fact, in 2024, the Madras High Court allowed Muslim police officials to keep beards in Islamic style, citing religious freedom. If Muslim cops can be allowed to sport beards according to their religious beliefs, why can’t Hindu officials wear a Tilak or other religious symbols?

This pattern of small and non-obstructive Hindu markers like Tilak, Mangalsutra, Kalava, etc, while the religious markers of other faiths are conveniently accommodated, is not confined to government institutions; it is rampant in the private sector as well.

Are Hindu sentiments and religiosity not as significant and constitutionally protected as those of other religions?

Recently, a major eyewear company, Lenskart, courted controversy after its employee grooming policy document, which restricted staff from wearing Hindu religious symbols, went viral online. The document stated that Lenskart employees are prohibited from wearing sacred threads (kalava) and bindis (bindis), while they may wear hijabs and Sikh turbans. The document also stated that if someone applies vermilion, they should apply it sparingly and should not spread it across the forehead.

Air India has also recently faced a backlash over a similar alleged grooming policy bias against Hindus.

Government office or private company, Hindu employees do not cease to be human beings while on duty, so they are expected to forget their faith and conceal their religious identity to appear proper professionals. Hindus have the right to express their religiosity, and no Tilak, no Mangalsutra, no Sindoor, or Kalava obstructs the discharge of duty. Hindu religious symbols are not optional adornments that can be scrubbed away or banned for ‘discipline’. If turban or Kada-wearing Sikh employees do not become unprofessional or undisciplined merely by wearing their religious symbol, how does this logic not apply to Hindus?

The Bihar DGP’s directive targeting Hindu symbols demonstrates that the corporate over-caution and bias have gradually metastasised into state policy for ‘secularism’, ‘professionalism’, ‘neutrality’ and whatnot. Secularism, however, does not mean erasure of Hindu religiosity. A Tilak or Sindoor or Mangalsutra or Kalava does not impair duty, and yet, time and again, Hindus have been made to feel that their religious expressions are inherently less legitimate.

As Raghav Chadha and 6 other AAP Rajya MPs defect and merge with BJP, here’s what the Anti-Defection Law is and how AAP’s attempt to have them disqualified is futile

Shraddha Pandey
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As Raghav Chadha and 6 other AAP Rajya MPs defect and merge with BJP, here’s what the Anti-Defection Law is and how AAP’s attempt to have them disqualified is futile

The resignation of Rajya Sabha MPs Raghav Chadha, Ashok Mittal, Sandeep Pathak, Harbhajan Singh, Rajinder Gupta, Vikram Sahney, and Swati Maliwal, from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and merger with the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has not only stirred a political storm but also triggered a constitutional debate. This debate centres on the Anti-Defection Law and its applicability in the present case of seven MPs defecting from AAP and merging into the BJP.

AAP Rajya Sabha MPs invoke provision of the Anti-Defection Law

An internal power tussle was ongoing among the top echelon of the Aam Aadmi Party for months. From early speculations that former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal was growing insecure about Raghav Chadha’s supposedly surging popularity to AAP formally removing him as its Rajya Sabha deputy leader, the infighting came out in public.

Before this, Swati Maliwal already had a public spat with Kejriwal, and people actually wondered why she was still in the party. She had alleged that she was assaulted by the CM’s aides in his official residence in May 2024.

Days after, AAP began “silencing” him amidst his growing clout, Rajya Sabha MP Raghav Chadha announced his resignation from the party and merger with the BJP on 24th April. Whether the meteoric rise in Chadha’s online popularity is fully organic or not could be a discussion; his departure would have been a big blow for AAP. However, Chadha decided to inflict an irreversible shock and took away six more MPs, including Swati Maliwal, who has been at loggerheads with Kejriwal over alleged harassment by his aide Bibhav Kumar in May 2024.

The seven MPs, constituting more than two-thirds of AAP’s 10-member Rajya Sabha contingent, submitted signed letters and documents to the Rajya Sabha Chairman this morning, formally triggering the merger under the anti-defection law’s exception for two-thirds splits.

During a press conference, Chadha said, “We have decided that we, the ⅔rd members belonging to the AAP in Rajya Sabha, exercise the provisions of the Constitution of India and merge ourselves with the BJP.”

Speaking about the legality of the merger with the BJP, Chadha said, “As per the Constitution, two-thirds of the total MPs of a party can merge with another party. We have submitted a letter to Rajya Sabha Chairman C P Radhakrishnan in this regard today… submitting all the documents required.” 

The AAP leadership, however, not only accused Chadha and other defectors of ‘betraying’ the party but also announced plans to challenge what they described as an “unconstitutional defection”.

AAP Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Singh said the party would petition the Rajya Sabha chairman seeking the disqualification of the defected MPs under the anti-defection law. Singh contended that this was not a case of a genuine party merger but of individual defections that should be penalised.

“Anti-defection law clearly states that no form of split is permissible in the Assembly, Rajya Sabha, or Lok Sabha… It does not carry any legal recognition, even if it’s a two-thirds majority… Therefore, the defection of these seven Rajya Sabha MPs from the AAP is entirely illegal, incorrect, unconstitutional, and against parliamentary rules. Even if the number rises from seven to eight members, it would still have no legal validity under the Tenth Schedule. It has no legal recognition, and this has also been clearly established in the Shiv Sena case,” Sanjay Singh said.

The AAP leader, however, conveniently forgot that in the Shiv Sena Eknath Shinde faction versus Uddhav Thackeray faction case, the Shinde faction never claimed a formal “merger” with the BJP or any other party. Instead, they claimed to be the “real” Shiv Sena and not defectors at all. Although the Supreme Court deemed the actions of the Shinde faction as ‘defection’, the decision was left with Maharashtra Assembly Speaker Rahul Narwekar, who decided in favour of the Shinde faction since they had the majority number.

While a disgruntled Aam Aadmi Party is desperate to have the membership of the seven MPs terminated, citing the anti-defection law, the same legislation has provisions that ensure that Chadha and six others will most likely remain unaffected.

Anti-Defection Law

Brought in the Tenth Schedule of the 52nd Amendment to the Constitution of India during the Rajiv Gandhi Government in 1985, the Anti-Defection Law is aimed at stopping what is colloquially described as the “Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram” style defections that previously toppled governments. This law was further tightened by the 91st Amendment in 2003, which removed the earlier one-third split exception.

Back in 1967, when Lok Sabha elections were held, out of 3,500 MPs that were elected to legislative assemblies of various states and union territories, around 550 later defected from their original parties. To tackle this political opportunism-based defection, a committee was formed under Congress leader Yaswantrao Chavan. However, a proper legislation to address this issue could be brought only after Rajiv Gandhi-led secured a majority in the 1984 elections and introduced the Anti-Defection Bill in 1985.

When it comes to elected representatives, the Anti-Defection Law recognises two types of defections. First, wherein members voluntarily relinquish membership of their party and the other in which an independently elected member joins a political party.

As per Paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule, a Member of Parliament or state legislature is disqualified if she or he voluntarily gives up membership of the party on whose ticket she or he was elected, or votes or abstains from voting in the House contrary to any direction or whip issued by the party, unless the party condones it within 15 days.

“(a) if he has voluntarily given up his membership of such political party; or (b) if he votes or abstains from voting in such House contrary to any direction issued by the political party to which he belongs or by any person or authority authorised by it in this behalf, without obtaining, in either case, the prior permission of such political party, person or authority and such voting or abstention has not been condoned by such political party, person or authority within fifteen days from the date of such voting or abstention,” the law states.

Apparently, the Aam Aadmi Party is placing its hopes on having the defected MPs disqualified, in the provision “An elected member of a House who has been elected as such otherwise than as a candidate set up by any political party shall be disqualified for being a member of the House if he joins any political party after such election.”

Clearly, Raghav Chadha had the legal aspects of defection and merger analysed beforehand. Out of 10 AAP MPs, one resigning would have made no big difference; however, with 7 defecting and merging with the BJP, they secured both their Rajya Sabha membership and political interests.

The question arises as to how their Rajya Sabha memberships could remain unaffected when the Anti-Defection Law says that an elected MP will be disqualified if he or she was elected on a ticket of one party but defected to another after winning the election?

The answer to this lies in the Anti-Defection Law’s provision that disqualification on the grounds of defection does not apply in the case of merger.

Paragraph 4 of the law states, “A member of a House shall not be disqualified under subparagraph (1) of paragraph 2 where his original political party merges with another political party and he claims that he and any other members of his original political party

  • have become members of such other political party or, as the case may be, of a new political party formed by such merger; or
  • have not accepted the merger and opted to function as a separate group, and from the time of such merger, such other political party or new political party or group, as the case may be, shall be deemed to be the political party to which he belongs for the purposes of sub-paragraph (1) of paragraph 2 and to be his original political party for the purposes of this sub-paragraph.

(2) For the purposes of sub-paragraph (1) of this paragraph, the merger of the original political party of a member of a House shall be deemed to have taken place if, and only if, not less than two-thirds of the members of the legislature party concerned have agreed to such merger.”

The entire game relies on the word “deemed” as the law does not require the national party leadership or party president to formally announce a merger. Basically, if two-thirds or more of the MPs or MLAs of a party in a specific House agree, the merger is automatically considered to have happened.

In the present case, the concerned party is AAP’s Rajya Sabha group. With 10 MPs, two-thirds means at least 7. In a well-calculated move, the seven MPs who left AAP satisfy this legal threshold exactly. Therefore, the law deems that AAP’s Rajya Sabha legislature party has merged with the BJP. If the number of rebel MPs was less than the two-thirds threshold, then they would have been disqualified under the Anti-Defection Law.

Paragraph 4 (2) essentially kills AAP’s argument that a ‘real’ merger must involve the national party structure and not just one House’s lawmakers. This constitutional provision rejects the interpretation of the Anti-Defection Law, AAP leadership is putting forth.

While the final decision regarding any disqualification petition AAP moves, remains with the Rajya Sabha Chairman, the statutory text and legal reading of the law go easily in favour of the seven MPs.

Interestingly, the Tenth Schedule also bars the jurisdiction of the court regarding the disqualification of a member of the House in this context. The law states, “Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, no court shall have any jurisdiction in respect of any matter
connected with the disqualification of a member of a House under this Schedule.”

In short, the seven MPs who joined the BJP are protected, and no sword of disqualification hangs over their head. In accordance with the provisions of the Anti-Defection Law, Raghav Chadha, Ashok Mittal, Sandeep Pathak, Harbhajan Singh, Rajinder Gupta, Vikram Sahney, and Swati Maliwal shall legally retain their seats.

Past cases of defections based on the merger provision

While the 1985 Anti-Defection Law was brought with the intention of curbing defections, the practice has continued over the years. It is obvious that the anti-BJP parties and ideological ecosystem is framing the defection and merger of seven AAP MPs into the BJP as some exploitation of constitutional provisions as loopholes, political leaders across parties with varying ideologies have indulged in this practice.

Back in 2019, when state assembly elections were held in Goa, ten Congress MLAs, who constituted more than two-thirds of the INC’s legislature group in the 40-member assembly, voluntarily gave up their membership and merged with the BJP. Just as it happened in Raghav Chadha and others’ case, these Congress MLAs had also invoked Paragraph 4 of the Tenth Schedule. Their merger with the BJP was deemed valid by the Goa assembly Speaker and later upheld by the Bombay High Court’s Goa Bench. In fact, from 1970, 2019 to 2022, Goa has a history of defections This essentially confirmed that the consent of two-thirds of a legislature party alone suffices for protection from disqualification even without a formal full-fledged national-level party merger.

In 2018, six Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) MLAs representing the entire BSP legislature group in Rajasthan’s state assembly announced their merger with the Congress party after elections. The BSP MLAs had cited the two-thirds merger exception in the Tenth Schedule, and their move was accepted without attracting any penalties.

In June 2019, 12 of the 18 Congress MLAs resigned and joined the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) after elections, invoking Paragraph 4 of the Tenth Schedule. The Telangana Assembly speaker has also endorsed their merger with Congress since the defectors constituted two-thirds of the legislature party.

Conclusion

The history of defection and merger cases shows exactly why the defected AAP MPs collectively and publicly emphasised the “two-thirds” figure because they knew that their move fell squarely within the merger exception of the Tenth Schedule and would not invite disqualification. The ‘damage’ AAP and the anti-BJP cabal can inflict is online criticism, run an ‘unfollow Raghav Chadha’ campaign on Instagram and performative political manoeuvres.

Exclusive: Delhi HC documents reveal how Salim Khan alias ‘Ex Muslim’ Salim Wastik was convicted for kidnapping & killing a 13-year-old boy, jumped bail for 26 years; got exposed after Islamists slit his throat

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Exclusive: Delhi HC documents reveal how Salim Khan alias ‘Ex Muslim’ Salim Wastik was convicted for kidnapping & killing a 13-year-old boy, jumped bail for 26 years; got exposed after Islamists slit his throat

On 25th April, Delhi Police arrested YouTuber and self-proclaimed ‘ex-Muslim’ Salim Wastik in connection with a 31-year-old kidnapping and murder case. The man who recently made headlines after surviving a brutal attack by Islamists at his Ghaziabad home was, in fact, a convicted murderer who had jumped bail and remained absconding for over 26 years.

Salim Wastik’s real name is Salim Khan. In 1997, a Sessions Court in North-East Delhi convicted him for the kidnapping and murder of 13-year-old Sandeep, son of a businessman. Following conviction, Salim appealed against the judgment in the Delhi High Court. In 2000, he was granted bail for two weeks. He never surrendered after that.

For decades, Salim lived under different names, moved across several places in Uttar Pradesh and Haryana, rebuilt himself as Salim Wastik or Salim Ahmed, ran a local business and projected himself as a social activist. While doing so, he gained public visibility as a YouTuber known for his controversial views on Islam.

However, his decade-long escape from the law came to an end only after he was attacked by Islamists in February this year. Based on the information, the Delhi Police’s Crime Branch confirmed his identity using old records, photographs, and fingerprints, which led to his arrest. Reports suggest that he admitted during questioning that he was indeed the same Salim Khan who had been on the run since 2000.

OpIndia accessed case documents from the Delhi High Court. Here is the complete chronology of events starting from kidnapping, ransom, murder, arrest, conviction, and eventual arrest after remaining absconding for 26 years.

The 1995 kidnapping and murder case

The case dates back to 20th January 1995. 13-year-old Sandeep had a routine. He used to leave for school at around 11:30 am as he studied in the second shift at Ramjas School, Darya Ganj, which ran from 12:30 pm to 6:30 pm. Every day, he used to return home by around 7:30 pm. However, on that fateful day, Sandeep did not return.

At around 8:30 pm, his father, Sita Ram, became worried and informed his brother-in-law, Rajesh Goel, that Sandeep had not returned. The family searched for him through the evening and night. However, they could not trace the child.

On 21st January 1995, the case took a darker turn. At around 12:10 pm, Rajesh Goel received a phone call at the family shop in Kartar Singh Market, Sherpur Chowk, Kabul Nagar Road, Delhi. The caller asked whether the family knew where Sandeep was. When Rajesh said they did not know, the caller claimed that Sandeep was with them and that they would call again.

The family of the missing child immediately informed the police. Rajesh Goel’s statement was recorded, and an FIR was registered at Gokal Puri police station. The kidnappers made the second call at around 3 pm on the same day, and this time, the caller demanded Rs 30,000 as ransom.

The instructions were specific. Rajesh was told to bring the cash at 4:30 pm to the bus stand near Loni flyover. He was instructed to place the money in a bus going towards Baghpat, at the place where luggage is normally kept. The caller said the money would be collected from that, and then they would release Sandeep the next day. The caller also warned not to inform the police, otherwise Sandeep would be killed.

Police swung into action following the second call, and suspicion fell on Salim Khan. It was not a random suspicion. A neighbour, Ram Avtar, informed the police that on 20th January, at around 11:30 am, he had seen Sandeep sitting in a rickshaw with a tall boy. When Sandeep passed by him, he told Ram Avtar that he was going to school with “Masterji”. That “Masterji” was Salim Khan.

Salim Khan was a martial arts instructor at Ramjas School. He was known to Sandeep and his family. He had also visited their home and shop earlier. This familiarity became important as it explained why the child could have trusted him and gone without resistance.

Based on this information, the police went to Salim’s house. Sandeep’s father, uncle and neighbour accompany the police. When Salim saw the police, he got startled. During the interrogation, Salim made a disclosure statement and stated that he could get Sandeep’s dead body recovered from a drain in Mustafabad near the Bhagirath water pump.

He was taken to the spot, and Sandeep’s body was recovered from the ‘ganda nalah’ at Mustafabad. Sandeep’s father later identified the body. The recovery of Sandeep’s body on Salim’s instance became one of the strongest pieces of evidence against him.

During the investigation. Salim named Anil as his accomplice. On 22nd January 1995, the police searched Anil’s jhuggi but did not find anything. Anil was not present at that time. On 4th February 1995, Anil surrendered in court. According to presecution, Sandeep’s watch, tiffin box and school bag were recovered from Anil’s jhuggi on his instance. He had buried them in a plastic bag. The prosecution also relied on Rajesh Goel’s claim that he recognised Anil’s voice as the voice of the person who had made the ransom calls.

In 1997, the trial court convicted both Salim Khan and Anil. They were sentenced to life imprisonment for murder, along with punishment for kidnapping and kidnapping for ransom.

Following the conviction, Salim Khan and Anil approached the Delhi High Court and filed an appeal against the judgment. The High Court noted that the case was based on circumstantial evidence. This meant the prosecution had to establish every circumstance beyond a reasonable doubt, and those circumstances had to form a complete chain pointing only towards the guilt of the accused.

In Anil’s case, the High Court found the chain broken. The prosecution’s case against Anil rested mainly on two things. First, the alleged recovery of Sandeep’s watch, tiffin box and school bag from his jhuggi. Second, Rajesh Goel’s claim that he recognised Anil’s voice as the voice of the caller.

The court found the recovery doubtful. It noted that Anil had surrendered after 14 days and that his jhuggi had already been searched earlier on 22nd January, when nothing had been found. The court also observed that the items were generic in nature, and it was not certain that they actually belonged to Sandeep.

The court further said it was unlikely that a person who was about to surrender before the judicial process would keep incriminating evidence hidden in his own jhuggi.

The voice identification was also rejected. Rajesh Goel claimed that he recognised Anil’s voice when Anil was allegedly making his disclosure statement before the police on 4th February 1995. However, he never disclosed this fact to the police at that time. He mentioned it for the first time only during his court testimony on 10th October 1996, more than one year and nine months after the incident.

The High Court also observed that a voice heard over the telephone and a voice heard in person may sound different. It added that recognising a telephone voice after a brief conversation and after such a long gap was difficult. The court also noted the issue of the question being a leading question under the Evidence Act.

The ransom call itself was also found doubtful. Sandeep’s father, Sita Ram, stated that there was only one call, while Rajesh Goel spoke about two calls. Rajesh Goel said no police officer was present when the second call was received, whereas a police witness said he was present at the shop when the second call came.

The medical evidence also complicated the ransom story. The doctor’s opinion suggested that the death had occurred roughly around the afternoon of 20th January, while the ransom calls were allegedly made on 21st January. This created doubt about whether Sandeep was even alive when the ransom call was made.

For these reasons, the High Court gave Anil the benefit of the doubt and acquitted him.

Salim Khan’s case, however, stood on a different footing. The court found that the testimony of neighbour, Ram Avtar, remained unshaken. The court also placed strong reliance on the recovery of Sandeep’s dead body at Salim Khan’s instance.

The High Court held that when the last seen evidence was coupled with the recovery of the body at Salim Khan’s instance, there could be no doubt that Salim Khan was responsible for Sandeep’s death.

The court also noted that Salim Khan failed to offer any explanation regarding these incriminating circumstances. However, due to doubts surrounding the ransom calls, the High Court set aside Salim Khan’s conviction for the same. His conviction for murder and kidnapping was upheld.

The court records also revealed that Salim Khan did not remain within the judicial process after conviction. He was granted bail for two weeks on 24th November 2000. He was supposed to surrender after the bail period ended, but he did not.

In July 2004, the Delhi High Court was formally informed that Salim did not surrender after the bail period was over. On 17th July 2004, the court directed the State to make all efforts to arrest him. On 25th September, the court issued non-bailable warrants (NBW) against Salim Khan to be executed through the SHO of Police Station Gokal Puri.

On 20th November 2004, the court noted that (NBW) could not be executed. Fresh NBW was issued, which again came back as Salim was untraceable. On 14th February 2005, the court again directed fresh non-bailable warrants against Salim Khan.

By 19th May 2005, the High Court made it clear that Salim Khan’s absence would not stop the appeal from being heard. The court observed that “the absence of the appellant need not detain us” and appointed advocate Sumeet Verma as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Salim Khan.

This means Salim Khan was not merely unavailable once. He had jumped bail, ignored the process of law, evaded repeated non-bailable warrants, and remained absconding even while his appeal was pending before the High Court.

In 2011, the Delhi High Court finally decided the appeal. Anil was acquitted. Salim Khan’s conviction for kidnapping and murder was upheld. The court set aside only the ransom charge under Section 364A IPC.

The High Court also noted that Salim Khan had been absconding after being released on bail and directed that he be taken into custody to serve the remainder of his sentence. However, Salim Khan continued to evade arrest for years.

A new identity as Salim Wastik

According to media reports, during his years on the run, Salim Khan lived under different aliases and moved across Shamli, Muzaffarnagar, Meerut and Ghaziabad. He worked as a furniture maker before settling in Loni, Ghaziabad. There, he reportedly ran a shop selling women’s clothing and accessories.

Over time, he built a public profile under the name Salim Wastik or Salim Ahmed. He projected himself as a social activist and operated a YouTube channel. Online, he became known as an ‘Ex-Muslim’ and posted controversial views on Islam.

He was not living like an unknown fugitive hiding in a remote corner. He had built a new public identity. Reports also suggest that he had recently signed a Bollywood biopic based on his life, even as his original identity as a convicted murderer remained hidden for years.

The February attack on Salim Wastik

On 27th February this year, Salim Wastik was brutally attacked at his residence in Ghaziabad. Two Islamists entered his house and attacked him with sharp objects. His throat was slit, and he suffered multiple deep stab wounds. In a purported video of the incident, two men wearing kurta pyjamas and helmets were seen approaching him while he sat on a sofa inside his home office. One of them took out a paper cutter and slashed at his neck. He was dragged to the ground and attacked repeatedly.

Salim Wastik survived the attack but remained hospitalised for weeks. The attackers were identified as brothers Gulfam and Zeeshan. Police described them as fanatics who were angered by Salim Wastik’s views on Islam.

Zeeshan was killed in a police encounter in Loni on 1st March. Gulfam was killed in another encounter in Indirapuram on 3rd March. Police said both fired at the police and were shot in self-defence. Both carried a bounty of Rs 1 lakh each.

Ironically, the attack that nearly killed Salim Wastik also brought renewed attention to his identity. After the attack, Salim Wastik was under treatment and police protection. Meanwhile, the Delhi Police Crime Branch received intelligence that the man known as Salim Wastik could be the absconding convict Salim Khan from the 1995 kidnapping and murder case.

A team of the Anti-Robbery and Snatching Cell of the Crime Branch began verification. Inspector Robin Tyagi and ACP Sanjay Kumar Nagpal, along with police personnel, including Mintu Yadav, were tasked with tracing long-term fugitive offenders and parole jumpers. The team checked old records, photographs and fingerprint details.

The verification confirmed that YouTuber Salim Wastik was indeed Salim Khan, the convict who had been sentenced to life imprisonment in 1997 and had absconded after securing interim bail in 2000. With the help of the local police in Loni, Delhi Police finally arrested him.

During interrogation, Salim reportedly told the police that after jumping bail, he continuously changed locations and identities to avoid arrest. After completing legal formalities, Salim Khan has been sent to Tihar Jail to serve the life sentence awarded to him in 1997 and upheld by the Delhi High Court in 2011.

For over 26 years, Salim Khan was not merely a wanted man. He was a convicted murderer who had killed a child and absconded for decades. While ignoring court proceedings, he became so confident that he reinvented himself under a new identity and lived publicly as a YouTuber and social activist.

The attack on him made headlines, and eventually, his dark side was revealed.

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