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Is Sonam Wangchuk really ‘Phunsukh Wangdu’? No patents to his name, son of Congress MLA and more – busting the myth

Shraddha Pandey
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Is Sonam Wangchuk really ‘Phunsukh Wangdu’? No patents to his name, son of Congress MLA and more – busting the myth

“Behti hawa sa tha wo, kahan gaya usey dhundho”. This song from the 2009 film 3 Idiots has swept Instagram, with several left liberal propagandists, actors, and content creators making emotional reels appealing to people to save the so-called “real-life” Phunsukh Wangdu, Sonam Wangchuk.

When politics and gimmicks could not garner national sympathy and support, the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) played the tried and tested emotional card. As Sonam Wangchuk’s indefinite hunger strike entered its 17th day, social media saw a wave of emotional content across platforms like Instagram and X, framing Sonam Wangchuk as the ‘real-life Phunsukh Wangdu’.

Numerous reels have been posted with the “Behti hawa sa” song from the 2009 film 3 Idiots. These reels are issuing calls to “save” Phunsukh Wangdu (also spelt Phunsuk Wangdu) and to pressure the Central government to heed Wangchuk’s demands.

Sonam Wangchuk joined the CJP protest at Jantar Mantar on 28th June, announcing an indefinite hunger strike. Wangchuk’s core demands include the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the NEET-UG 2026 paper leak and other exam-related irregularities. He is also pressing for constitutional safeguards for Ladakh, in addition to stronger environmental protections.

The ‘Do not let real-life Phunsukh Wangdu/Sonam Wangchuk die’ campaign has been launched to gain national support and attract a crowd for a scheduled march towards the Parliament on 20th July.

Many creators claim that innovator Sonam Wangchuk has around 400 patents to his name. It is also being claimed that just like Rancho/Phunsukh Wangdu in the movie, Sonam Wangchuk also hailed from a poor background. In the movie 3 Idiots, Aamir Khan’s character, initially claimed to be inspired by Wangchuk’s life, was shown as the son of a poor gardener.

While many reels and posts are claiming that Sonam Wangchuk is the real-life Phunsukh Wangdu aka Rancho, the character played by actor Aamir Khan in 3 Idiots, a major voice that has lent credence to this myth is the movie’s “Chatur”, actor Omi Vaidya.

Vaidya posted a video appeal on Instagram on 15th July and said, “I don’t want Phunsukh Wangdu to die. Hello idiots, pehchana? This is Omi Vaidya, Chatur from 3 Idiots and Sadiq from The Office, and I have an important message for you. I don’t really do this very often, so please listen up. Did you know that Phunsukh Wangdu from 3 Idiots is actually based on a real-life Ladakhi engineer, innovator, educator and reformer named Sonam Wangchuk? I’ve met this guy. He’s a pretty interesting character.”

“Right now, he is on a very long hunger strike. His blood sugar has gone down very much. I don’t know if you’ve heard about this. I don’t know if the media is reporting this. But this is a pretty important thing. Whether you agree with him or not, I don’t really want this guy to die,” he added.

From Anurag Kashyap, Swara Bhasker, Shreya Dhanwantari, Zeenat Aman, Abhay Deol, Swanand Kirkire, Soni Razdan, Shabana Azmi, to Ratna Shah, Naseeruddin Shah, and more, Bollywood actors are pouring in their support for Wangchuk, with many urging him to end his hunger strike.

Even some mainstream media outlets are calling Sonam Wangchuk “real-life Phunsukh Wangdu”.

Source: Moneycontrol/Youtube

As several content creators are churning out emotional appeals and sob stories online, declaring Sonam Wangchuk as Phunsukh Wangdu, an education reform crusader and whatnot, it is pertinent to segregate facts from fiction.

Sonam Wangchuk is not Phunsuk Wangdu

In the film 3 Idiots, Phunsukh Wangdu is a fictional genius inventor with hundreds of patents, who runs an unconventional school and challenges the rote learning culture in the education system. After the film’s release in 2009, the mainstream media and public discourse started calling Sonam Wangchuk a “real-life Phunsukh Wangdu” as his work on alternative education, the Students’ Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL), loosely inspired aspects of Rancho’s character.

Wangchuk is credited for developing the Ice Stupa artificial glacier technique to provide irrigation water for high-altitude trans-Himalayan villages during spring.

However, contrary to the popular claims, Sonam Wangchuk is not real-life Phunsukh Wangdu. This fact has been confirmed by none other than Sonam Wangchuk himself.

Years back, Wangchuk revealed that he is not Phunsukh Wangdu and he was not consulted by the makers of 3 Idiots. Wangchuk even claimed that the film’s crew allegedly visited his school in Ladakh secretly.

Sonam Wangchuk further stated that he was “not very proud” of the association if it drew from his real life, and stressed that he preferred recognition for his actual work. “

Wangchuk had even written a letter to the makers of 3 Idiots questioning the alleged unconsented use of his life and work.

“They secretly came to my school to shoot the film. If you say inspired, then I won’t deny it. A lot of people say the film is based on me, but I don’t agree with that. The right word is that it may have been inspired or influenced. At the same time, I don’t want people in this country to accept something simply because it is associated with a film. So even if the film is influenced by me, I am not very proud of it. And if it is not inspired by me, I don’t regret it either,” he said.

“I am troubled because people constantly ask me, ‘Is your school the one shown in 3 Idiots? Are you Phunsukh Wangdu?’ I want to clarify: No, I am not Phunsukh Wangdu. I am Sonam Wangchuk. I don’t work in films, I work in real life. I work on innovations that can go from India to the world and make our country proud,” he added.

Rajkumar Hirani and Aamir Khan confirmed that 3 Idiots was not based on Sonam Wangchuk’s life

The director of 3 Idiots, Rajkumar Hirani, had later in an interview said that Rancho or Phunsukh Wangdu’s character was not inspired by Sonam Wangchuk, but from a person who wanted to make a career in filmmaking, but could not get admission into the prestigious Film and Television Institute of India (FTII).

Thus, it is evident that Phunsuk Wangdu is not Sonam Wangchuk.

Amir Khan has also clarified in a recent statement that Sonam Wangchuk is not ‘Phunsukh Wangdu’ and the lead character in 3 Idiots was not based on Sonam Wangchuk’s life. He even added that a recent video where the person who played ‘Chatur’ stated that Sonam is Phunsukh is wrong too.

‘Real-life Phunsukh Wangdu’ has 400 patents? No, this is another glorified lie

Similarly, there is no truth in the viral claims that Sonam Wangchuk has 400 patents, directly copied from the movie character. There is no credible evidence that Wangchuk has any patented innovation to his credit. He is known for developing practical innovations like Ice Stupa artificial glaciers, solar-heated buildings, and portable solar tents for the Indian Army.

Some reports claim that a tent design was “being patented”; however, there is little information about that as well. In short, unlike the movie character having 400 patents, Wangchuk has zero patents.

The “400 patents” figure many influencers are citing in their videos on Sonam Wangchuk is essentially a conflation with the fictional Phunsukh Wangdu.

Sonam Wangchuk is not from a poor background; he is the son of a former Congress MLA

Another misleading claim about Wangchuk doing rounds on social media is also rooted in a conflation with the fictional 3 Idiots character. It is being claimed that just as Phunsukh Wangdu or Rancho hailed from a poor family background, the supposed real-life Wangdu, Sonam Wangchuk, hailed from a humble background.

In reality, however, Sonam Wangchuk is the son of Sonam Wangyal, a prominent Ladakhi Congress leader. Wangyal served as an MLA from Leh around 1972 and later went on to become a minister in the Jammu and Kashmir government in 1975. His family moved to Srinagar during this period. Wangchuk appears to have taken inspiration from his father for doing hunger strikes. In 1984, Wangyal went on hunger strike to demand ST status for Ladakh.

Source: Tshering Wangdi Lepcha’s Facebook post

Later, in 1987, Wangyal was expelled from Congress over alleged anti-party activities.

Thus, contrary to the viral “grassroots hero with a humble beginning” narratives around Sonam Wangchuk are misleading. Wangchuk hailed from a financially sound and politically powerful family.

Sonam Wangchuk is a man of many controversies

In recent years, Sonam Wangchuk has courted many controversies.

Last year, it was reported that engineer and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk had not paid rent for several years for 135 acres of land, whose present market value is between ₹27 and ₹30 crores. This was despite the issuance of notices by the Deputy Commissioner under Clause 4(b).

At the same time, no university was set up within a one-year period of the lease agreement. Interestingly, HIAL applied for ‘university status’ only in 2022, i.e. 4 years after land allotment.

Despite his own non-compliance with the lease agreement, Wangchuk made frivolous claims of regulatory hurdles.

HIAL did not approach the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) for 3 years. It attempted to bypass the council by directly reaching out to the Deputy Commissioner of Leh. claimed that the Himalayan Institute of Alternative Learning (HIAL) was granted a waiver of ₹14 crore premium. However, the request was never accepted by LAHDC. As such, no exemption of any kind exists in official records. After the Ladakh administration cancelled allotments to the HIAL, Wangchuk played the victim card and alleged a ‘witch hunt’ by the Central government.

Wangchuk, who had travelled to Pakistan earlier in February 2025 to attend a ‘climate conference’, had received immense support from Pakistani handles on social media at that time.

Sonam Wangchuk and his institutions also faced a CBI investigation for alleged violation of foreign funding rules. Serious financial irregularities had been detected in the functioning of HIAL, including repeat violations of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act.

Reportedly, HIAL received local donations into its FCRA account, which is a clear violation of Section 17 of the FCRA 2010. Additionally, HIAL had received foreign remittances worth around ₹1.5 crore even before applying for FCRA registration, which goes against Section 11 of the same Act. HIAL allegedly had 7 accounts, out of which 04 were not declared by them.

Sonam Wangchuk himself was reported to have 9 personal bank accounts, of which 8 were allegedly not declared. It was also claimed that Wangchuk receives huge funds under CSR from various corporate entities, including central government PSUs, even as he criticises the corporate sector.

Wangchuk has been accused of inciting the violence that broke out in Ladakh in September 2025, which reportedly led to four deaths in police firing.

In March 2024, Wangchuk stirred a controversy after making highly objectionable remarks about Goddess Sita during an interview. The activist, who was observing the ‘fast unto death’ protest for around 13 days, had said that “Modi government has turned out to be such a Ram who rescued Sita from Ravan but sold her on the open market after that.”

In March this year, the Central government revoked the detention of Sonam Wangchuk under the National Security Act, nearly six months after the Ladakh activist was arrested amid protests in Ladakh.

When Sonam Wangchuk faced allegations of Chinese links and illegal land occupation

On 28th February 2007, the office of the Deputy Commissioner and District Magistrate of Leh issued a notice to Sonam Wangchuk, then director of the Students’ Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL). The notice listed five allegations against Wangchuk and the organisation.

The administration accused him of demoralising government employees, bypassing official channels and making baseless allegations against departmental functionaries. It also alleged that SECMOL had illegally occupied 200 kanals of government land without paying the required dues. A separate demand reportedly asked the organisation to deposit ₹80 lakh as land tax.

The notice further accused Wangchuk of misusing provisions of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act through the alleged misappropriation of foreign funds. Its most serious allegation was that he had “anti-national connections in China and other places” that had been, or could be, exploited for anti-national activities. It also alleged that he had threatened the Hill Council and district administration through adverse remarks and warnings of dire consequences.

The District Magistrate described the allegations as a significant threat to the administration and peace in the region and warned that action would be initiated against Wangchuk personally and against SECMOL. The dispute subsequently escalated after SECMOL circulated material presenting its version of events. The administration invoked Section 144 and restricted public gatherings and the circulation or use of SECMOL material.

In an interview published in April 2013, Wangchuk claimed that the Deputy Commissioner was removed and that most of the charges against him were dropped. SECMOL later stated that the case was resolved in 2013 and that its former director was acquitted of all charges. However, OpIndia did not find any credible independent source or court document explaining why the case was dropped or recording the court’s reasoning.

Sonam Wangchuk has attempted several hunger strikes as protests for various reasons, including the Sixth Schedule for Ladakh, and now for Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation. While the “Phunsukh Wangdu” and 3 Idiots movie connection is being aggressively amplified on social media for virality and sympathy, Sonam Wangchuk has little to do with the movie character. However, since the ‘humble innovator-turned-education reformist’ and the people’s favourite real-life Phunsukh Wangdu myth carries emotional appeal strong enough to stir things up, it is being widely used online.

‘Our Tahir Hussain is innocent, Allah knows’: Neighbours rally behind Ankit Sharma’s killer as OpIndia visits Chand Bagh after conviction

केशव मालान
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‘Our Tahir Hussain is innocent, Allah knows’: Neighbours rally behind Ankit Sharma’s killer as OpIndia visits Chand Bagh after conviction

Nearly six years after the anti-Hindu riots in Delhi, the court has convicted five people, including former Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) councillor Tahir Hussain, in the murder case of IB officer Ankit Sharma. Following the verdict, OpIndia once again reached in front of Tahir Hussain’s multi-storey building, from where the rioters had not only selectively targeted Hindus but had also dragged IB officer Ankit Sharma into the house and stabbed him to death. After this, Ankit Sharma’s body was thrown into a nearby drain.

Nearly six years after the incident, OpIndia’s team visited Chand Bagh, the same area affected by the anti-Hindu riots in Delhi, where Tahir Hussain, convicted of killing Ankit Sharma, lives. We found that 60 Feet Road was bustling with traffic as usual, and the market was fully open. Drain construction was underway on both sides of the road.

On 13th July, the court recently found Tahir Hussain and four others guilty in the murder case, while acquitting six of the 12 accused. The sentencing is yet to be announced.

During the visit, OpIndia spoke to several residents of the area, many of whom had differing views about the court’s decision and the events that unfolded during the riots.

One Muslim shopkeeper, who said he had witnessed the violence firsthand, recalled the atmosphere in the locality during those days. “I saw the scene with my own eyes. There was a huge crowd outside, and people were pelting stones at each other,” he said, adding that he runs a shop in one of the lanes nearby. When asked about Tahir Hussain being convicted, he responded cautiously, saying, “It is the court’s decision, and I cannot say anything about it.”

Muslim residents react to the court’s verdict

Hafiz, standing at a shop across the street from Tahir Hussain’s, said when we asked, “I wasn’t here at the time of the incident, but I’ve heard he’s innocent. Tahir Hussain has been framed for political reasons. Perhaps if he weren’t a councillor, this wouldn’t have happened.”

Another man standing near a mosque close to the drain where Sharma’s body was recovered also questioned the interpretation of evidence in the case.

“If the decision has been taken according to the law, then it is right,” he said before adding, “But nobody here is accepting the evidence. Here, if something is black today, it can become white tomorrow, and if something is white, it can become red later.”

Mohammad Hanif, an elderly tailor who runs his shop in a predominantly Hindu neighbourhood nearby, said he was not present in the area during the violence, but his own shop had suffered damage.

“I cannot comment on the court’s decision because I was not here at that time, but my shop was also set on fire,” he said.

Hanif also claimed that Tahir Hussain had left his house under police supervision during the riots. “Tahir Hussain is not responsible for Ankit Sharma’s murder. It was the crowd that did whatever happened,” he said.

What did the OpIndia team see in Tahir Hussain’s house?

OpIndia’s team also visited Tahir Hussain’s four-storey building, the roof of which hundreds of Muslim rioters had climbed to target Hindus. Two signboards bearing the name “Show Effect Advertising Work” were visible on the large iron gate outside the building.  Upon inquiry, we learned that the building houses several small factories and is also home to numerous tenants. After entering the gate, we attempted to ascend to the roof.

On the same rooftop where the police had recovered a large slingshot, petrol bombs, and a large quantity of bricks and stones, a watchman named Islam stopped us before we could climb the stairs and refused to let us go up. When we asked about the court’s decision, he told us that the court had wrongly convicted Tahir Hussain.

He strongly defended Tahir Hussain and questioned the investigation. “He does not do wrong things. He used to work with wood,” Islam said.

“The police administration collected false evidence to trap Tahir. The present government is targeting him. Even Arvind Kejriwal did not support him and instead allowed him to be framed.” Islam further alleged that the materials recovered from the building had been planted.

“Bricks, stones, catapults and bombs were all placed here as part of a conspiracy to frame him. There was nothing here. The crowd forcibly entered the house and climbed to the roof,” he claimed.

During the visit, OpIndia also spoke to a man named Munna, who was coming downstairs from the terrace with his wife. He identified himself as Tahir Hussain’s uncle.

“Our Tahir is innocent. Allah knows everything. He is being trapped. He has never even slapped anyone in his life,” he said. Munna’s wife echoed his remarks and became emotional while speaking about the court’s decision.

“He has never even killed a mouse,” she said. “We have raised him since childhood. He has always helped poor girls get married.”

Speaking about the conviction, she added, “Since yesterday, after the court order came, the whole family has been shattered. We cannot even say anything to anyone. We just want justice for our Tahir.” She also said that the family did not know who had killed Ankit Sharma.

The case that continues to shape memories of the anti-Hindu Delhi riots

The anti-Hindu riots in North-East Delhi broke out in February 2020 during protests and counter-protests linked to the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC). The violence spread across several areas, including Mustafabad, Shiv Vihar, Jaffrabad, Seelampur and Chand Bagh.

More than 50 people lost their lives in the clashes, while homes, shops and vehicles were damaged or destroyed.

Among the incidents that drew national attention was the killing of IB staffer Ankit Sharma, whose body was later recovered from a drain near Chand Bagh.

With the conviction of Tahir Hussain and four others nearly six years later, the case has once again brought attention back to one of the most debated episodes of the 2020 Delhi riots. While the court has delivered its verdict on guilt, the final sentencing in the case is still awaited.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

From Mohammad Ahad to Mohammad Ali and more: How Pakistan-linked terror networks have repeatedly targeted Bihar

Rukma Rathore
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From Mohammad Ahad to Mohammad Ali and more: How Pakistan-linked terror networks have repeatedly targeted Bihar

On 13th July (Monday), 22-year-old Mohammad Ahad was apprehended on charges of having ties to a terror network based in Pakistan. He lives in Musapur village under the Koda police station area in the Katihar district of Bihar. According to Katihar Superintendent of Police Parichay Kumar, the action was initiated in response to specific information about his involvement in anti-national and terrorist-related activities. A special team was created to nab him.

According to police, Ahad was captured and questioned before being officially arrested. He was remanded to judicial custody by the Katihar Civil Court. His mobile device, social media accounts, electronic gadgets and other links had been confiscated and scrutinised to expose the larger network.

Kumar revealed that an inquiry and technical analysis of Ahad’s cell phone and social media accounts showed that he was in regular contact with Pakistani gangster Rana Hunain, also known as Rana Hussain, via Instagram and WhatsApp. The latter is affiliated with the terror network of Shahzad Bhatti. He is also a gangster who operates out of the neighbouring country.

According to the senior official, the findings showed that Ahad had provided information about sensitive locations, made audio conversations, exchanged chats, shared social media uploads regarding anti-national actions and traded material about terrorist activities.

Katihar Sub-Divisional Police Officer (SDPO) Sunil Kumar Sharma highlighted, “During the probe, it was found that Ahad was in contact with Pakistan-based handlers and was planning to execute a major incident in the country. Based on these allegations, he was formally arrested. Teams from the Intelligence Bureau (IB), Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) and Special Branch also assisted in the operation. A case has been registered by Koda police.”

He conveyed, “The investigation is underway on several fronts, and the entire network is being examined. If the involvement of any other individuals comes to light during the investigation, action will be taken against them as per the law.”

Ahad also posted links of Pakistani WhatsApp channels and encouraged others to join the same along with disseminating anti-India and communal propaganda online. “Police also examined the mobile phones of other individuals linked to the suspect. However, no suspicious activity was detected on their devices. They have seized the mobile phone of the accused. He is being examined by other security agencies as well,” an officer mentioned.

The unmasking of terror conspiracies

Notably, the latest development transpired only a few days after 22-year-old Mohammad Saddam was arrested due to similar cross-border associations from the Milki Khanpur village, which falls under the jurisdiction of Tarapur police station in the Munger district of the state, on 6th July. He tried to escape but was caught. It was a multi-agency operation comprising the IB and ATS. He was being interrogated by security agencies.

The move took place after intelligence details were received, as his engagement with overseas handlers and acts considered a threat to national security are under inquiry. Saddam was in communication with a person named “Rana Bhai,” a cross-border handler. According to Tarapur SDPO Kumar Devendra, preliminary evidence suggested that he had been tied to an international network and was plotting with two other people to carry out terrorist acts in the nation. A country-made pistol hidden in a cactus bush was also uncovered during the raid.

Saddam stayed in Mumbai before he returned to his hometown in Munger. Devendra mentioned that police are examining his call detail records and other digital data while his cell phone has been sent for forensic analysis to track his contacts and determine the scope of the network. Sections 113(3) and 3(5) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and sections 25(1-B)(a) and 26 of the Arms Act have been invoked against him. Moreover, a search operation was launched to arrest his two other accomplices.

Last month, Maulana Izhar-Ul-Haq was taken into custody from Madhubani in a joint operation by the ATS units of Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. He lived in the Nautol Sarisabpali hamlet inside the boundaries of the Pandaul police station and was employed as a teacher by a nearby madrasa.

According to ATS sources, he served as the “Amir” of a group that was locating, radicalising and mentoring people in several states with the intention of transforming them into future “lone wolf” terrorists. Officials outlined that Izhar was assigned to reassemble sleeper cells, manage finances and broaden the network’s reach while maintaining regular correspondence with handlers abroad and executing his plan discreetly. Several provocative videos were found in his possession, promoting the enforcement of Sharia law in India.

The initial inspections of cell phones collected during the operation found evidence of interaction with numbers based in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Security agencies have been trying to figure out the scale of their network, who is in charge and how many people might have been related to it.

The hunt began after 35-year-old Mohd Faraz, who worked at a doctor’s clinic, was nabbed close to Nanhe Bee’s Mosque in the Qazi Camp area in Old Bhopal. Afterwards, 38-year-old Naeem Abdullah Qureshi was caught from Nanauta in Saharanpur district of Uttar Pradesh and 34-year-old Mohammad Shakir Mev was picked up from Rajasthan’s Alwar district.

The investigators made several alarming discoveries, including Jihadi literature, PDF documents, links to Pakistan, a code name derived from a deceased Lashkar-e-Taiba commander, plans to travel to Afghanistan for training and use of encrypted communication platforms by the interstate terror module.

More Pakistani assets uncovered

25-year-old guy Khurshid Alam was arrested for engaging in dubious QR code-linked financial transactions and speaking with phone numbers located in Pakistan in the West Champaran region of Bihar in March. He is a resident of Chaube Tola in Jaukatia village inside the boundaries of the Majhaulia police station. The action unfolded in a night raid adjacent to a sugar mill after a tip-off.

According to Bettiah Sadar SDPO Vivek Deep, an initial review of Alam’s smartphones showed conversations with numbers that included Pakistan’s country code (+92). Police also spotted shady QR codes recorded on the devices which could have been applied to facilitate money transfers tied to an expanded network. Three ATM cards and two mobiles were taken from him.

A case had been launched under various sections of the BNS and the IT (Information Technology) Act. “Further investigation is underway to ascertain whether the activities were part of a broader cross-border network. Our priority is to determine if Alam was a lone actor or a small cog in a broader anti-national network,” conveyed Vivek Deep.

The same month marked the arrest of 12 people linked to al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). They were captured during an inter-state operation that took place in different parts of the country, including Bihar, as a result of a joint initiative by Andhra Pradesh and Delhi police. They had links with a group called “Benex Com” which is associated with ISIS.

The terrorists were planning to travel to Pakistan and asked others to do the same for “Ghazwa-e-Hind.” They declared themselves as mujahideen, set fire to the Indian flag, disrespected the national anthem, lauded the ISIS flag and called for the establishment of an Islamic State in India.

Mohammad Abul Inam, also known as Lade,n was taken into custody by the Basopatti police and Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) after a joint effort, a month earlier. He is from Kotwali Chowk in Madhubani town and had been accused of having connections to a network of counterfeit Indian currency located in Pakistan that operated using the Nepal border.

Inam was reportedly affiliated with those who sent these notes that were produced in Pakistan and smuggled into India around a year ago. He also faces accusations of assisting a Pakistani handler, Mohammad Ans,ari in escaping across the Nepal border route in a false currency smuggling case. The racket revolved around smuggling high-quality fake Indian money that is produced in Pakistan and pushed into Bihar through Nepal, particularly in Madhubani district.

Individuals who threatened to kill Hindu leaders Upadesh Rana, Telangana MLA Raja Singh and former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) spokesperson Nupur Sharma over her alleged remarks against Prophet Muhammad were also found to be Pakistani assets in 2024. Many arrests were conducted across various parts of India concerning the matter, including Shehnaz alias Mohammad Ali/Sabir from Muzaffarpur.

“He is a native of Bihar but works at Lahan city in Nepal. Besides an Aadhaar card, he also had a certificate declaring him a Nepalese citizen,” stated Surat Police Commissioner Anupam Singh Gehlot. Mohammed Sohel or Maulvi Abubakar Timol was apprehended from Surat, and Raza alias Shakil Sattar Shaikh was captured from Nanded along with others.

The three men used 42 email addresses and 17 virtual numbers to threaten Hindu leaders while remaining in touch with their Pakistani handler Dogar. “Dogar and his team used to keep a watch on social media and identify people in India who commented against any Hindu leader. They went on to induct them in their module. Dogar’s Gujarat module included Maulvi, Shehnaz and Raza,” underscored Gehlot.

PFI’s Phulwari Sharif terror module and “India Vision 2047”

The revelations concerning these terror plots in Bihar are not a recent occurrence. The state has previously been shaken by a shocking disclosure aimed at overthrowing the Modi government by the banned Popular Front of India (PFI) after its Phulwari Sharif terror module was dismantled in Patna. It intended to create an armed militia and create an “Islamic Caliphate” within the next few years, as outlined in its document, “India Vision 2047.”

In 2023, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) raided 5 locations in 3 states, including Bihar and found documents and digital devices, such as memory cards, SIM cards and cell phones, related to the Pakistan-sponsored Ghazwa-e-Hind mission of PFI.

The group aimed to subjugate Hindus with support from just 10% of the Muslim population and impose Sharia Law with the “help of external forces” after their agenda was accomplished. Izhar-Ul-Haq told the ATS that people were being groomed as “mujahideen” in the country to overthrow the government when given the order. They received assurances from Pakistani handlers that a sizable network was being formed for this reason.

Additionally, the recruits were made to swear that they would carry out target assassinations simultaneously and wreak havoc, instigating fear among people when the time came. Pakistani handlers played a significant role in this nefarious mission as they consistently asked these members to sacrifice their lives as true jihadis and achieve martyrdom for Islam. They communicated through Telegram and WhatsApp groups. The emphasis was placed on specifically recruiting impoverished and unmarried youths for their anti-India project.

There were four phases to the plan. The initial step concentrated on bringing Muslims of various sects together under the PFI flag, increasing membership and forging an Islamic identity that took precedence over Indian identity. The second stage recommended employing violence selectively to intimidate adversaries and demonstrate its strength.

Cadres who proved their potential were to be trained in explosives and weaponry,y while national symbols and icons such as Dr BR Ambedkar, the Constitution and the National Flag were to be utilised as a front to disguise the final objective of instituting Islamic control. The document also unveiled the goal to infiltrate both the executive and judiciary.

The PFI’s strategy then involved forming alliances with Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes while also attempting to create divisions between these groups and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). It sought to provoke discord among the Hindu community and exploit underlying faultlines. The outfit also wanted to discredit secular parties and position itself as the primary alternative for the Muslim community. Weapons and explosives were to be stockpiled to eliminate those opposed to its interests.

The fourth stage envisioned PFI transforming into the unchallenged leader of Muslims and gaining sufficient political backing to seize control of the country. Loyal cadres were to be appointed to posts in the armed forces, police, judiciary and executive as the current system would be replaced by an Islamic Constitution.

The extremist group had been actively attempting to target India and Hindus, which was the reason for the central government’s decision to ban it in 2022.

Conclusion

Terrorists and sleeper cells in Bihar and other states, including those supported by Pakistan, have been regularly exposed even under previous governments. However, over time and with the advent of the latest technology, their network has expanded further, allowing them to veil their operations through sophisticated means like secure messaging applications, including WhatsApp, Telegram and Signal.

To make sure that no digital trace is left for law enforcement or intelligence services to retrieve, they employ technologies like self-destructing and automatically expiring messages. The increasing digitisation has also provided an additional layer of concealment for their operations. Terrorist groups even exploit gaming applications as hunting grounds to find possible sleeper cells and members.

Hence, these recent findings are only a continuation of the sinister plots formulated by the nation’s foes. Their sleeper cells act and masquerade as normal citizens, seamlessly integrating into the communities while holding regular jobs and social lives to avoid drawing attention. These can remain completely dormant for years, only biding their time until a prearranged signal or specific order prompts them to activate and unleash bloodshed and havoc in the country.

Nevertheless, Indian authorities and security agencies are diligently identifying these elements and thwarting their agendas, as evidenced by the regular destruction of these modules and the capture of such accused.

From Punjab jails to California drug routes: How Jaggu Bhagwanpuria’s gang became a global crime syndicate

Anurag
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From Punjab jails to California drug routes: How Jaggu Bhagwanpuria’s gang became a global crime syndicate

On 14th July, local time, the US Federal Bureau of Investigation placed Indian national Nitish Kaushal alias Lala on its wanted list for his alleged role in the Jaggu Bhagwanpuria organised crime group. On its website, the FBI has described Kaushal as a key member of the organisation who allegedly committed kidnappings, assaults and other violent crimes. The agency has warned that he should be considered armed and dangerous.

Notably, an arrest warrant was issued against Kaushal on 25th June 2026 by the US District Court for the Central District of California. He has been charged with conspiracy under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, commonly known as the RICO Act.

The action against Kaushal came after the unsealing of a wider US indictment against Jaggu Bhagwanpuria and 16 other accused. According to prosecutors, Bhagwanpuria established a criminal enterprise in Punjab that later expanded into the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Europe, Australia and New Zealand.

The prosecution claims that Bhagwanpuria’s organisation is not merely a Punjab gang with a few contacts abroad, but a transnational syndicate with over 1,000 alleged members and associates worldwide. Over 100 of them are said to be operating in the US alone.

At the centre of this network is Jagdeep Singh alias Jaggu Bhagwanpuria, a jailed Punjab gangster who has reportedly continued his criminal activities, including drug trafficking, extortion and other crimes, even while behind bars.

What is the RICO Act?

The Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act is a US federal law used to prosecute organised criminal enterprises. It allows prosecutors to connect offences such as murder, kidnapping, extortion, drug trafficking and illegal weapons dealing as activities carried out through one organisation. Leaders, coordinators and operatives can therefore be charged for allegedly participating in the wider enterprise instead of every offence being treated as an isolated crime.

Who is Jaggu Bhagwanpuria?

The real name of 38-year-old Jaggu Bhagwanpuria is Jagdeep Singh. He was born in Bhagwanpur village in Gurdaspur district, Punjab, hence the alias Bhagwanpuria. Before becoming one of Punjab’s most notorious gangsters, Bhagwanpuria was reportedly a kabaddi player. His first major encounter with the law came in 2012, when he was booked by the Punjab Police in a case involving the alleged recovery of 28 grams of heroin from Mattewal village in Amritsar district.

However, he was later acquitted in that case, but by the time his name was cleared, the damage had already been done. According to investigators, it marked the beginning of his entry into organised crime. Since 2012, he has reportedly been booked in around 128 criminal cases, including murder, extortion, narcotics trafficking, illegal weapons and offences under the Arms Act. Around a dozen cases against him have reportedly been registered under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act.

Bhagwanpuria spent most of the past decade behind bars in different prisons in Punjab, including jails in Patiala, Goindwal Sahib and Bathinda. However, his incarceration did not end his alleged criminal activities.

According to the Narcotics Control Bureau, his network continued to facilitate the smuggling of heroin, opium, psychotropic substances and illegal weapons. He has also been accused of repeatedly using mobile phones inside high-security prisons to direct criminal operations.

In March 2025, he was detained by the NCB under the Prevention of Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act and shifted from Bathinda Central Jail to Silchar Central Jail in Assam. The aim behind shifting him to Assam was to remove him from the local ecosystem that allegedly allowed him to communicate with associates, oversee drug consignments and retain influence over criminal groups operating in Punjab.

In a statement, the NCB stated that Bhagwanpuria had established links with international operatives in Canada, the US and Pakistan. His relocation to Assam was considered necessary to disrupt the network that had allegedly continued functioning despite his imprisonment.

From a Lawrence Bishnoi associate to an independent gang leader

Notably, Bhagwanpuria was once an associate of another notorious gangster, Lawrence Bishnoi. Their names have appeared together in several criminal investigations, including the murder of controversial Punjabi singer Sidhu Moose Wala in May 2022.

According to the available information, Bhagwanpuria eventually became Bishnoi’s rival and founded his own criminal enterprise in Punjab. The split reportedly became visible after a violent clash inside Goindwal Sahib Central Jail in February 2023. Bhagwanpuria gang members Mandeep Singh alias Tufan and Manmohan Singh alias Mohna were killed in the violence.

Goldy Brar, a close associate of Bishnoi, later claimed responsibility through a social media post. The fallout was not simply a personal dispute between jailed gangsters. It represented a fight over extortion networks, shooters, narcotics routes and overseas contacts.

Bhagwanpuria subsequently emerged as the head of an organisation capable of operating independently and competing for control over criminal networks in Punjab and abroad.

What is the Bhagwanpuria organised crime group?

According to US investigators, Bhagwanpuria’s organisation has its headquarters in India but operates through members and associates spread across several countries. Prosecutors believe that Bhagwanpuria’s organisation has over 1,000 members and associates. Its presence extends across India, the US, Canada, Britain, Europe, Australia and New Zealand. The indictment claims that more than 100 people linked to the group are present in the United States.

According to investigators, his gang does not appear to function as a single group whose members operate together from one location. It reportedly works through a chain of local handlers, overseas coordinators, drug transporters, weapons suppliers, extortionists and violent operatives.

While Bhagwanpuria has remained at the top of the network, trusted members of the organisation have been handling operations from different locations worldwide.

In Punjab, the gang allegedly recruited young men, arranged weapons, managed fugitives and maintained contact with local criminal networks. In the United States, particularly California, associates allegedly handled drug transportation, firearms, extortion and violence. Canada was both a major market for narcotics and an important centre for overseas associates and buyers.

The gang’s international presence allowed it to operate across borders while continuing to exploit social and family links connecting the Punjabi diaspora with India.

How Bhagwanpuria allegedly controlled operations from jail

According to US investigators, Bhagwanpuria personally remained involved in international drug trafficking even while behind bars. Indian authorities have long maintained that gangsters use mobile phones smuggled inside prisons to communicate with associates.

The documentation accessed by OpIndia stated that he gave an FBI confidential informant the phone number of a drug coordinator who was supposed to facilitate the movement of a 20 kg cocaine consignment. The drugs were allegedly meant to be transported from Los Angeles to Vancouver in Canada.

Bhagwanpuria also allegedly supplied the serial number of a currency note. The number was to be used to authenticate the person receiving or collecting the consignment. Such authentication methods are commonly used in illegal transactions where the parties may never have met. A person carrying a currency note with the matching serial number can prove that he was authorised by the organiser of the deal. The consignment was intercepted by US authorities in February 2026.

Prosecutors have claimed that Bhagwanpuria quickly realised that something had gone wrong. In a Punjabi message allegedly sent from jail, he said that the entire load had been caught. He then reportedly accused the informant of compromising the shipment because a tracking device had been placed inside the cocaine bricks.

The exchange is central to the US case because it allegedly shows that Bhagwanpuria had real-time knowledge of the transaction. He was not merely a jailed figure whose name was being used by associates abroad. Prosecutors claim that he was personally providing contacts, authenticating deliveries and monitoring what happened to a cocaine consignment moving between the United States and Canada.

The alleged operation connected three different points of the organisation. The leader was imprisoned in India. The cocaine was located in California. The shipment was intended for Vancouver.

How the Bhagwanpuria gang recruited youngsters in Punjab

Bhagwanpuria did not expand his gang in Punjab by relying only on experienced criminals. A Punjab Police investigation indicated that social media played an important role in identifying and recruiting new members. Using social media to recruit “soldiers” appears to be a modus operandi used by criminals and terrorists worldwide. Even Islamic terrorist organisations such as ISIS and Lashkar-e-Taiba have used social media platforms to lure youths into joining them.

In 2023, police officials stated that three members of an international module linked to his gang were recruited via Instagram. According to the material on record in the US case, the gang targeted disgruntled and economically vulnerable youths, including minors.

Quick money, recognition and membership in a powerful criminal group are enough to lure youngsters into joining the gang. With time, the gang itself became part of the attraction. Social media pages glorifying gangsters helped present criminal life as a path to money, influence and status. Photographs of weapons, threats against rivals and responsibility claims after shootings helped create an image of power.

The gang allegedly offered another incentive to recruits who proved their loyalty: the possibility of moving abroad, which is one of the most prominent aspirations among the youth of Punjab. Those who performed local work in Punjab could eventually be connected with associates in Canada, the United States or Britain. Once overseas, they could become part of the organisation’s drug, weapons or extortion operations.

This created an alleged recruitment pipeline that began on mobile phones in Punjab and ended in organised crime networks abroad. A young recruit could first be asked to conduct surveillance, carry a weapon, threaten a local businessman or assist another gang member. Successful operatives could then be introduced to overseas coordinators. The migration route therefore became an operational route for the gang.

How Punjab’s migration networks aided international expansion

Countries such as Canada, the United States, Britain, Australia and New Zealand have large Punjabi communities that have settled there over several decades. The same community and family networks that help migrants establish themselves abroad can also be exploited by criminal organisations.

Someone moving from Punjab to California or British Columbia already understands the language, local community structure and social relationships within the diaspora. Such associates may also know which families own transport businesses, restaurants, liquor stores, real estate companies or other commercial establishments.

The US indictment suggests that the Bhagwanpuria organisation followed Punjab’s migration routes and developed operational nodes wherever significant Punjabi communities had settled. Overseas members could provide vehicles, temporary accommodation, storage sites and access to transport networks. They could collect money, identify potential victims and connect the organisation with local narcotics buyers.

They could also use their knowledge of families in Punjab to pressure victims living abroad. This gave the gang an advantage that an ordinary foreign criminal organisation would not possess. Its members understood both sides of the relationship. They knew where a businessman lived in California or Canada. They could also know where his parents or siblings lived in Punjab.

California as the gang’s American base

During the investigation by US authorities, California emerged as a major centre for the Bhagwanpuria gang. The state has a large Punjabi and Indian-origin population. It also has major transport corridors connecting Southern California with other parts of the United States, Mexico and Canada.

According to prosecutors, the Bhagwanpuria gang developed drug transportation sub-networks in Los Angeles and the Inland Empire. The Inland Empire includes major warehousing, logistics and transport centres in Southern California. Its location and extensive road network make it a significant hub for commercial freight.

Criminal organisations can exploit the same infrastructure to conceal narcotics among legitimate goods and move them through long-distance trucking routes. The Bhagwanpuria indictment includes allegations of cocaine and heroin distribution, firearms dealing, extortion and violent crimes in the United States.

Nitish Kaushal’s alleged role fits into this wider network. The FBI has accused Kaushal of carrying out violent acts on behalf of the gang, including kidnappings and assaults. His case makes it clear that the Bhagwanpuria gang allegedly required more than drug transporters and financial handlers in the US. It also needed operatives who could enforce its demands.

Violence or the threat of violence could be used against debtors, rivals, witnesses or extortion victims. Kaushal’s name appearing on the wanted list shows that US authorities consider operatives of the Bhagwanpuria gang a direct threat inside the country rather than foreign criminals communicating with people abroad.

Drug routes from Southern California to Canada

According to reports, drug trafficking was allegedly one of the principal sources of income for the Bhagwanpuria gang. According to the US case, the gang collected, stored and transported bulk quantities of cocaine and heroin from Southern California. The narcotics were then moved towards the eastern US or transported north into Canada.

One such alleged transaction involved Garinder Deo, a Vancouver resident known by the aliases Doctor, Rocket and Ritz Carlton. While he has not been charged as a member or associate of the Bhagwanpuria gang, he reportedly helped enrich the group by purchasing bulk quantities of cocaine and heroin.

Furthermore, members and associates of the gang were reportedly involved in arranging the transportation of these drugs from Southern California. In June 2025, authorities intercepted an attempted shipment containing around 99.2 kg of cocaine and one kg of heroin.

The scale of the shipment shows that the operation went far beyond street-level drug dealing. Moving around 100 kg of cocaine requires suppliers, storage facilities, transport coordinators, drivers, receivers and people capable of moving or laundering the money. It also requires trust between actors operating in different jurisdictions.

The alleged 20-kilogram cocaine transaction overseen by Bhagwanpuria and the intercepted 99.2-kilogram shipment together indicate how California and Canada were connected through the organisation’s drug network.

Southern California served as an alleged supply and logistical centre. Canada offered buyers and a destination market. Bhagwanpuria and his associates in India allegedly remained involved in coordination.

How drug transportation networks were allegedly used

According to the US indictment, the Bhagwanpuria gang funded its activities through drug trafficking and used drug transportation sub-networks operating in Los Angeles and the Inland Empire.

The indictment does not provide detailed information about how these sub-networks transported the drugs. However, it alleges that members and associates of the Bhagwanpuria enterprise assisted in moving bulk quantities of cocaine and heroin from Southern California.

One such attempted shipment in June 2025 involved approximately 99.2 kg of cocaine and one kg of heroin. Law enforcement authorities intercepted the consignment before it could be delivered.

How extortion in America reached families in Punjab

The gang’s alleged extortion system is one of the clearest examples of how its Indian and North American operations were connected. US prosecutors say the organisation preyed on members of the Indian diaspora who continued to have relatives, property or business connections in Punjab.

A businessman living in California or another US state could be threatened directly. If he refused to pay, his parents, siblings or other relatives in India could allegedly be targeted. Gang members could threaten violence against the victim’s children in America while associates in Punjab placed pressure on the extended family.

One defendant, Gurdev Singh, allegedly tried to extort a family living in the American Midwest while he was himself being held in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody. Prosecutors allege that he threatened to put bullets in the family’s children.

The fact that an accused person allegedly continued making threats while in immigration custody reflects the same operating method attributed to Bhagwanpuria in India. Imprisonment or detention did not necessarily end communication with the network.

The person making the demand did not always need to be physically present near the victim. A phone call, encrypted message or social media threat could be enough if the gang had already established a reputation for violence.

Alleged use of corrupt police contacts in Punjab

US prosecutors have made serious allegations about the Bhagwanpuria organisation’s links with corrupt law enforcement officers and government officials in India. According to the indictment, the gang used corrupt contacts to strengthen extortion schemes and target people believed to be rivals or police informants.

The organisation allegedly supplied false information to police officers about crimes. This information could then be used to initiate baseless criminal proceedings against targeted individuals. The possibility of arrest or prolonged involvement in a serious criminal case could become a tool for extortion.

One alleged incident involved Gurlal Singh, a 22-year-old resident of Stockton, California, who prosecutors identify as a Bhagwanpuria syndicate member. In April 2026, Singh allegedly threatened a victim and provided the victim’s name to a corrupt law enforcement officer in Punjab.

This allegedly resulted in the victim, his father and his sister being falsely accused of a murder committed in India in January 2026. The corrupt police officer then allegedly extorted the victim and his father in connection with the pending murder case.

If proved, the incident would show how an overseas gang operative could allegedly weaponise the Indian criminal justice system against a family. The threat was no longer limited to an anonymous phone call from another country. The target’s relatives could face a murder accusation, police action and pressure to pay money. These claims remain allegations made by US prosecutors and will have to be established in court.

Why diaspora victims often remain silent

Extortion victims within diaspora communities may be reluctant to approach the police. A victim living in California may believe that American law enforcement can protect him. He may not have the same confidence about the safety of his relatives in a village or town in Punjab.

Reporting the threat could place parents, siblings or business partners at risk. Victims may also fear that police action against one overseas operative will not dismantle the wider network. The person sending the message may be in Canada. The organiser may be in an Indian prison. The shooter may be in Punjab. The money collector may be in California. This geographical spread creates uncertainty about where the next threat will come from.

The FBI’s Sacramento office had publicly encouraged members of the Punjabi community to report extortion attempts amid growing concerns about organised gangs targeting the diaspora. Silence benefits the gang. Each successful extortion strengthens its reputation and convinces the next victim that resistance could be dangerous.

How violence became a business tool

Violence allegedly served a wider purpose within the Bhagwanpuria organisation. A shooting, kidnapping or assault could punish one individual. Publicising that act could frighten hundreds of others.

Social media posts claiming responsibility for murders or attacks ensured that the gang’s name remained associated with violence. This reputation could then be used during extortion demands. The gang did not need to attack every person who refused to pay. It only needed victims to believe that the threat was credible. The alleged use of young recruits, overseas enforcers and illegal firearms helped sustain this system.

According to US prosecutors, the organisation was involved in murder-for-hire, kidnapping, extortion, weapons trafficking and other violent offences. The indictment also charges members with conspiracy to engage in firearms dealing without a licence and possession of a machine gun. These allegations indicate that firearms were not only commodities sold for profit. They were also essential tools for enforcing the gang’s authority.

The gang war that reached Bhagwanpuria’s family

The violence surrounding the Bhagwanpuria organisation eventually reached the gangster’s own family. In June 2025, Bhagwanpuria’s mother, Harjit Kaur, and Karanvir Singh were shot by motorcycle-borne assailants near their residence in Batala.

Karanvir died on the spot. Harjit Kaur later succumbed to her injuries. A social media post attributed to people linked to the Bambiha gang claimed responsibility for the attack. The post alleged that Karanvir handled Bhagwanpuria’s operations, including fugitives, weapons and money.

The people behind the post claimed that Karanvir was the intended target and that the attack was retaliation for the killing of one of their associates. Police had not verified the authenticity of the online claim in the material available at the time.

The attack nevertheless demonstrated how Punjab’s gang rivalries had moved beyond attacks on known gang members. Families and people accused of providing logistical support had also become targets. A jailed gang leader requires people outside prison to manage money, locate fugitives, arrange weapons and communicate instructions. Removing such a handler can disrupt operations even if the leader remains alive.

How the Bhagwanpuria gang allegedly made money

The US indictment identifies several alleged revenue streams for the organisation. Drug trafficking appears to have been one of the most important. Bulk cocaine and heroin shipments could generate significant profits. The money could then be used to purchase firearms, pay transporters, support fugitives and finance violent operations.

Extortion was another major source of income. Business owners and families could be ordered to make payments under the threat of shootings, kidnappings or attacks on relatives. The gang was also allegedly involved in illegal firearms dealing.

Weapons could be sold to other criminals or retained for use by the organisation’s own members. Murder-for-hire and violent enforcement further expanded the organisation’s activities. A gang with access to shooters could carry out attacks for its own purposes or provide violence as a service to others.

Together, these crimes created a self-sustaining structure. Drug trafficking generated money. Money purchased weapons and loyalty. Violence created fear. Fear made extortion more effective. Extortion money then funded further recruitment and trafficking.

Operation Hard Ball and the international crackdown

The indictment against the Bhagwanpuria organisation was unsealed as part of Operation Hard Ball, a coordinated investigation involving authorities in the United States, Canada and Europe. The operation resulted in charges against 37 people linked to three separate India-origin criminal organisations.

Twenty-four of the accused were arrested across the United States, Canada and Europe. Authorities also seized approximately 1,000 kilograms of cocaine, one kilogram of heroin, firearms and cash. The Bhagwanpuria case, however, is distinct from the other indictments unsealed under the operation.

Its central allegation is that a Punjab-based gang founded by an imprisoned Indian gangster established a network of members and operations across several continents. The organisation allegedly combined drug trafficking and firearms dealing with a form of extortion specifically designed to exploit the vulnerabilities of the Indian diaspora.

Victims in America and Canada could be threatened through relatives in Punjab. Associates abroad could use contacts in India. A jailed leader could remain involved in drug transactions taking place thousands of kilometres away.

From a Punjab gang to a transnational organisation

The Bhagwanpuria gang’s alleged expansion was not the result of one dramatic move into the United States or Canada. It appears to have grown gradually through recruitment, migration, prison communications and criminal partnerships. The organisation began with its leadership and enforcement network in Punjab. Social media provided access to young recruits. Overseas migration placed trusted associates in countries with large Punjabi communities.

California offered narcotics supply routes, warehouses, transport networks and potential extortion targets. Canada provided another major diaspora base and a lucrative market for drugs transported from the United States. Contraband phones and encrypted applications allowed Bhagwanpuria to remain connected with these different nodes while imprisoned. The result, according to US prosecutors, was a criminal organisation headquartered in India but capable of arranging drugs, weapons, threats and violence across national borders.

Nitish Kaushal’s appearance on the FBI’s wanted list is only the latest development in the case. The larger story is how an organisation allegedly controlled from Indian prisons built an operating chain that extended from Punjab’s gang recruitment networks to cocaine routes in Southern California and extortion targets in Canada and the United States.

The charges contained in the US indictment are allegations. All accused are presumed innocent unless proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

Adulterated prasad pedas, detergent milk, unhygienic restaurants: Read how Maharashtra FDA Commissioner Tukaram Mundhe is spearheading action against food adulteration

Aditi
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Adulterated prasad pedas, detergent milk, unhygienic restaurants: Read how Maharashtra FDA Commissioner Tukaram Mundhe is spearheading action against food adulteration

Maharashtra’s Food and Drug Administration has been carrying out a massive crackdown against food safety violations across the state. The man behind the unprecedented scale of FDA action is the IAS officer and FDA Commissioner, Tukaram Mundhe, who assumed office over a month ago.

In a major push for public health, IAS Officer Tukaram Mundhe, who assumed the office of Food Commissioner on 25th May, launched a sweeping enforcement across Maharashtra the same day. Under Mundhe’s command, the FDA has been conducting raids and inspections in hotels, restaurants and eateries, seizing food items and related materials and cancellation of licenses. “We will continue our action will continue on establishments not following the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) norms. Citizens also should be aware of the norms and keep a close watch on hygiene standards,” Mundhe said in a statement.

The FDA action has targeted hotels, restaurants and eateries, milk supply chains, tobacco products and even blood banks. Here is a look at the actions taken by the FDA under Mundhe in the past couple of months to ensure food safety and public health.

Major Milk adulteration network busted

Right on his first day in the office, Mundhe directed strict enforcement of food safety rules throughout the milk supply chain. Emphasising that milk is not just a food product, but an essential source of nutrition for children, mothers, patients and senior citizens.

The FDA, along with the police, busted a major milk adulteration network operating in Bhoom taluka in the Dharashiv district, where synthetic milk was being prepared on a large scale. Officials examined the sales registers seized during the probe and found that around 2,30,470 kilograms of low-quality milk powder had been used over the past six months. Investigators estimate that this was enough to prepare nearly 23,04,070 litres of synthetic milk worth about ₹9.21 crore.

According to investigators, detergent powder, palm oil and low-grade chemical powder were mixed into the synthetic milk to make it look genuine and maintain fat content. Doctors have warned that regular consumption of such milk can seriously damage the liver, kidneys and digestive system, especially in children, pregnant women and elderly people.

The investigation revealed that around 10 litres of synthetic milk were mixed with every 100 litres of pure milk. Based on this ratio, officials suspect that more than 2.3 crore litres of adulterated milk may have been supplied from milk collection centres in the Bhoom region to different parts of Maharashtra. The action has already reduced the supply of milk and paneer in some areas.

Action against adulterated Prasad in Shirdi

In June 2026, the FDA carried out a major operation in Shirdi at the direction of Mundhe. During the operation, the department seized and destroyed around 700 kilograms of adulterated and low-quality peda near the revered Sai Baba temple complex. The FDA initially conducted tests on samples of the prasad pedas, which revealed that the dessert did not meet the required quality standards.

Subsequently, the department officials conducted raids and inspections at various Prasad selling centres and supply units within Shirdi, seizing the adulterated prasad and destroying it. The authorities initiated legal action against the persons concerned.

Crackdown on food establishments across the state

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) under Mundhe launched a statewide crackdown on 7th and 8th July, inspecting 16 hotels, restaurants, and dhabas. Following the inspections, the department issued improvement notices to 10 establishments and suspended the licenses of others.

The crackdown included the immediate suspension of the license of Mumbai’s famous ice cream parlour, M/s. K. Rustom & Co (Rodabe K. Irani), located at Brabourne Stadium House in Churchgate under Section 32(3) of the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006. The suspension followed the inspection, which uncovered severe hygiene and food safety violations, including low milk fat compliance.

Subsequently, in Nagpur, the FDA suspended the license of M/s. Shri Heera Sweets Pvt. Ltd., after inspectors discovered a dead rat lying right next to the ongoing food production. A hotel named Hotel Patilwada in Dhule also faced license suspension for operating without a valid food business license, violating state regulations.

Days later, the FDA suspended the licenses of three of Mumbai’s well-known restaurants, namely Noor Mohammadi, Shalimar and Rahmania restaurants, after inspections revealed serious hygiene and food safety violations. The FDA officials said that the three restaurants were given the opportunity to comply with regulations, but they failed to do so.

At Shalimar, the investigators found wet and slippery kitchen floors, the absence of raw material procurement records, failure to maintain drinking water quality reports, no records for edible oil quality, improper segregation of vegetarian and non-vegetarian food, and open windows without insect-proof mesh. The restaurant did not improve after being served a notice after the initial inspection in April.

At Noor Mohammad, the officials found thick layers of black grease on kitchen floors near the kebab section, open windows, uncovered peeling paint and grease deposits on kitchen walls and ceilings, unhygienic raw material storage, missing supplier records, old and unclean utensils, no drinking water testing records, and inadequate drainage required for pest control.

At Rahmania restaurants, the investigators found inadequate storage arrangements for food items, chemicals, and packaging material, doors without insect-proofing, rusting and poor-quality kitchen equipment, peeling paint and plaster on walls and ceilings, and the absence of mandatory food testing and drinking water quality records.

Mundhe’s drive against Gutkha

In addition to food products and dairy products, Mundhe has also initiated a campaign against Gutkha (a chewable tobacco product). As part of the campaign, the FDA conducted raids at around 904 locations across Maharashtra and seized tobacco products. In Amravati, the FDA seized banned pan masala and scented tobacco worth ₹55 lakh, including a truck used for transportation.

Blood Bank inspection and stringent action

In a statewide action against blood banks not complying with the rules, the FDA took stringent action against 23 blood centres and 15 blood storage centres between April and June. It suspended the licences of 21 blood centres and cancelled two, while 13 blood storage centres were suspended and two licences were cancelled.

Of the 21 suspended blood centres, 10 are in Pune district, including the Metro Blood Bank and centres at Dehu Road, Mangalwar Peth, Shirur and Rasta Peth. Blood storage centres at Vishrantwadi, Lohegaon, Uruli Kanchan, Daund, Junnar and Shivajinagar also faced suspension. As part of the crackdown, the license of the Metro Blood Bank at Aundh District Hospital (ADH) was suspended by the FDA.

Commenting on the FDA’s action against erring blood banks, FDA commissioner Tukaram Mundhe said the department would continue strict surveillance of blood centres and storage facilities. “Blood is not an ordinary drug but a life-saving necessity. Providing citizens with safe and quality blood and blood components that meet prescribed standards is the highest responsibility of the FDA. Blood centres and blood storage centres must strictly comply with the Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940, and the rules framed under it. The FDA is committed to protecting public health through continuous surveillance and action against centres violating the rules,” Mundhe said.

While people are pleasantly surprised at the FDA’s unprecedented vigilance and action against food adulteration in the state ever since Mundhe took charge, it might also set a positive example for other states to prioritise food safety and public health.

Faster Tatkal bookings, seat selection, fare calendar and more: Biggest changes in the new IRCTC website

Shriti Sagar
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Faster Tatkal bookings, seat selection, fare calendar and more: Biggest changes in the new IRCTC website

The Indian Railway Catering and Tourism Corporation (IRCTC) is set to launch its redesigned ticket booking website on Wednesday, 15th July, in what is being seen as one of the biggest upgrades to India’s railway reservation system in recent years. The new platform has been developed to make online ticket booking faster, smoother and more reliable, particularly during the hectic Tatkal booking hours when lakhs of passengers attempt to secure tickets within minutes.

The revamped website comes with a completely refreshed interface, faster page loading speeds, improved handling of heavy traffic and a range of new passenger-friendly features designed to simplify the reservation process. The upgrade is part of Indian Railways’ wider push to modernise its digital services following years of complaints from users about website crashes, payment failures and slow performance during peak booking periods.

Features to be rolled out in phases

Although the redesigned platform is being launched on Wednesday, railway officials have indicated that some of the newly announced features may become available to users gradually over the coming weeks and months.

The Railways plans to introduce several services in a phased manner to ensure a smooth transition and avoid technical issues during the initial rollout. Officials believe this approach will help the platform remain stable while millions of users begin using the upgraded system across the country.

The launch marks the beginning of a broader digital overhaul rather than the completion of the project, with additional features and improvements expected to be introduced over time.

Website can now handle far more bookings

One of the biggest improvements in the new IRCTC website is its increased ability to handle massive traffic volumes, especially during Tatkal booking windows.

According to information shared by the Railways, the upgraded platform has been designed to process more than 1.5 lakh ticket bookings every minute. This is a major jump from the current infrastructure, which can process around 32,000 bookings per minute.

The Passenger Reservation System (PRS), which powers the railway booking network in the background, has also received a major upgrade. The new system is expected to handle more than 40 lakh passenger enquiries every minute, compared to around 4 lakh enquiries per minute under the older setup.

Railway officials expect these upgrades to significantly reduce website slowdowns, session timeouts, payment failures and booking errors that passengers often face during high-demand periods.

Faster pages and smoother Tatkal bookings

For many railway passengers, especially those booking Tatkal tickets, slow page loading has long been one of the biggest frustrations with the IRCTC website.

The redesigned platform promises much faster page loading and quicker response times throughout the booking process. Officials believe this will improve the overall user experience and reduce the chances of passengers losing tickets because of delays while moving between booking pages.

The improvements are expected to be particularly useful during Tatkal bookings, when even a few seconds can make the difference between getting a confirmed ticket and ending up on a waiting list.

Passengers can now choose their seats

Another major feature being introduced is the option for passengers to select their preferred seats while making reservations. Until now, seat allocation was handled almost entirely by the system, leaving passengers with little control over where they would sit or sleep during their journey.

With the new website, users will be able to view available seats and choose one according to their preference, much like selecting seats while booking movie tickets online.

Passengers who prefer window seats, lower berths, side lower berths or seats near family members are expected to benefit significantly from this feature.

Fare calendar to help passengers save money

The upgraded platform will also include a fare calendar that allows passengers to compare ticket prices across different dates before making a booking. The feature is expected to be particularly useful during festival seasons, holiday weekends and peak travel periods when ticket prices can fluctuate significantly.

By checking fares across multiple dates, travellers with flexible schedules may be able to identify cheaper travel options and avoid unnecessary expenses.

The calendar could also help passengers avoid heavily crowded travel dates that often result in long waiting lists.

Availability across all classes on one screen

Another change aimed at improving convenience is the ability to view seat availability across multiple classes on a single screen. Instead of checking Sleeper, AC 3 Tier, AC 2 Tier and other classes separately, passengers will now be able to compare availability across categories in one place.

Railway officials believe this will make the booking process faster and reduce the number of clicks required to complete a reservation.

Multilingual support and better accessibility

The new IRCTC website will also support multiple Indian languages, making ticket booking easier for users from different parts of the country. The feature is expected to reduce dependence on agents and third-party booking services, particularly among passengers who are more comfortable using regional languages.

The platform will also integrate concession bookings for students, Divyangjan passengers and patients into a single system, allowing users to access these services without navigating multiple portals or procedures.

Fewer CAPTCHAs and less clutter

Passengers have long complained about excessive advertisements, repeated CAPTCHA checks and pop-up windows interrupting the booking process. The redesigned website aims to address these issues by reducing unnecessary banners, limiting distractions and simplifying the overall booking journey.

Railway officials hope that a cleaner interface will help passengers complete reservations more quickly and with fewer interruptions.

Promise made after Jaipur student’s complaint went viral

Interestingly, the launch of the new website can be traced back to a viral interaction between Union Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw and students at the Malaviya National Institute of Technology (MNIT) in Jaipur in June this year.

During the interaction in June, a student directly raised concerns about difficulties faced while booking tickets online and complained that the IRCTC website often hangs during the reservation process.

Responding to the complaint, Vaishnaw assured students that the Railways will work on a new platform and promised that the upgraded website would be launched on 15th July 2026.

Ladakh to set up autonomous hill councils across all 7 districts, empowering local communities with direct control over land, jobs, and funds

Divya Bharti
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Ladakh to set up autonomous hill councils across all 7 districts, empowering local communities with direct control over land, jobs, and funds

The Ladakh Administration has decided to bring elected self-governance to every district of the Union Territory by setting up an Autonomous Hill Development Council (AHDC) in all seven districts. The move marks one of the biggest changes in Ladakh’s administrative structure since it became a Union Territory and is expected to give local communities a much greater role in decisions related to land, development, jobs and public services.

Until now, only Leh and Kargil had elected Autonomous Hill Development Councils. With the latest decision, the five newly created districts  Sham, Nubra, Changthang, Zanskar and Drass will also get their own Councils with the same legal powers enjoyed by Leh and Kargil.

The announcement was made by Ladakh Chief Secretary Ashish Kundra, who described the move as an important step towards strengthening democracy at the grassroots. He said the government was acting in line with the provisions already available under the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) Act.

Every district is to have its own elected Hill Council

The decision follows Ladakh’s administrative expansion earlier this year. In April 2026, the Union Territory officially increased its number of districts from two to seven after Sham, Nubra, Changthang, Zanskar and Drass were notified as new districts. However, elected district-level governance continued to remain limited to Leh and Kargil.

The new announcement changes that situation by extending the Hill Council system across the entire Union Territory. Once the remaining legal formalities are completed, every district in Ladakh will have its own elected Autonomous Hill Development Council.

According to the administration, the legal framework for this already exists. Section 3(1) of the LAHDC Act provides for the constitution of a Council in every district from a date notified by the government through the Official Gazette. Only the required amendments to the Act, wherever necessary, and the delimitation of constituencies are pending before the new Councils can become operational.

Government says decision fulfils people’s long-standing demand

Speaking at a press conference, Chief Secretary Ashish Kundra said the decision reflects the government’s commitment to strengthening democratic institutions across Ladakh.

He said, “Section 3, Sub-section 1 of the LAHDC Act mandates the constitution of an LAHDC for every district in Ladakh. The government has decided to comply with this legal provision.”

Kundra also pointed out that people from the newly created districts had repeatedly demanded elected Hill Councils. “There have been widespread demands from various areas, including Dras, Zanskar, Changthang, Nubra and Sham, with many people submitting written requests for the formation of an LAHDC. This decision has been taken to fulfil the people’s aspiration of strengthening the roots of democracy here,” he said.

He added that the administration had already completed most of its restructuring process.

“Today, the Lieutenant Governor decided to establish dedicated engineering wings for the PWD, Rural Works and PHE departments in every district. Posting orders for the concerned officials have been issued. I believe our administrative restructuring is now largely complete. There are a few remaining aspects, and we will work on them very soon in the coming weeks,” Kundra said.

New Councils to enjoy the same powers as Leh and Kargil

One of the biggest points highlighted by the administration is that the five new Hill Councils will not receive limited powers.

Instead, Sham, Nubra, Changthang, Zanskar and Drass will enjoy the same authority that the Leh Hill Council has exercised since 1995 and the Kargil Hill Council since 2003.

The government has made it clear that there will be no separate or weaker version of the Councils for the new districts. All seven Councils will function under the provisions of the LAHDC Act with equal powers.

This is expected to ensure that every district has the same level of administrative authority, regardless of when it was created.

Greater control over land and local resources

Among the most significant powers of the Hill Councils is their authority over land ownership and land allotment within their respective districts.

After the new Councils are formed, decisions related to land in Sham, Nubra, Changthang, Zanskar and Drass will be taken by their own elected institutions rather than being handled from outside the district.

This is considered especially important in Ladakh, where land is closely linked to local culture, traditional livelihoods, environmental protection and demographic concerns.

Giving district-level elected bodies control over such decisions is expected to increase local participation while ensuring that development plans reflect the needs of individual regions.

Employment decisions to move closer to local communities

The Hill Councils will also have an important role in district-level employment. They will regulate recruitment and promotions for district cadre posts, allowing local institutions to participate directly in decisions concerning government jobs within their respective districts.

This is expected to improve administrative accountability while giving districts greater control over their own workforce and local governance priorities.

Financial powers for every district

The new Councils will also receive financial authority under the LAHDC Act. Each Council will have its own Council Fund and will be empowered to collect taxes and fees as allowed under the law.

Having their own financial resources is expected to help districts prepare development plans based on local needs rather than depending entirely on decisions taken elsewhere.

Officials believe that this financial independence will allow each district to identify its priorities and allocate resources accordingly.

Development plans based on local needs

Ladakh covers nearly 60,000 square kilometres and includes regions with very different geographical conditions, climates and economic activities. The administration believes that a single development approach cannot address the needs of every district.

For example, Changthang’s high-altitude pastoral communities face different challenges from the farming areas of Sham, the remote valleys of Zanskar, the border region of Drass or the tourism-focused Nubra Valley.

With elected Councils in every district, local representatives will be able to prepare development plans that match the specific requirements of their own areas.

Instead of following a uniform model, each district will have greater freedom to decide where resources should be invested and which projects deserve priority.

Responsibility for key public services

Apart from development planning, the Councils will also oversee several important sectors that directly affect daily life. These include health services, education, tourism, local infrastructure and the implementation of social welfare programmes.

Since Ladakh is spread across difficult terrain with many remote settlements, the government believes that bringing decision-making closer to the people will help improve the delivery of public services.

Local representatives are expected to better understand the challenges faced by their communities and respond more quickly to district-specific issues.

A larger governance model is also being discussed

The announcement regarding the seven Hill Councils is part of a wider discussion on Ladakh’s future governance structure.

The Centre and Ladakh’s representatives are also working on a proposal for a Union Territory-level representative body under a customised framework linked to Article 371 of the Constitution. According to the administration, the proposed body is expected to have legislative, executive, financial and administrative powers.

Kundra said the model would be different from arrangements available in other parts of the country.

“The model will be unique and not identical to any arrangement elsewhere in the country. The best features from other models will be adapted and given a new form suited to Ladakh’s needs and aspirations,” he said.

He also said representatives from Ladakh and officials from the Union Government would prepare a draft framework in the coming weeks to give shape to the proposed system.

While the UT-level body is still under discussion and will require constitutional changes before its powers are defined, the creation of Hill Councils in all seven districts is the first major step that has now been officially confirmed.

Panchayati Raj institutions will continue

The administration has clarified that the new arrangement will not replace existing Panchayati Raj institutions. Village-level elected bodies will continue to function alongside the district-level Hill Councils.

If the proposed Union Territory-level representative body is eventually created, Ladakh will have elected institutions at three levels village Panchayats, district Autonomous Hill Development Councils and a Union Territory-level representative body.

This three-tier structure is intended to strengthen democratic participation from the village level to the Union Territory level.

A major shift in Ladakh’s governance

For nearly three decades, the Autonomous Hill Development Councils of Leh and Kargil have remained the main elected institutions for local governance in Ladakh. The decision to extend the same model to Sham, Nubra, Changthang, Zanskar and Drass is expected to significantly change how the Union Territory is governed.

The proposal aims to give every district greater authority over land, employment, finances, public services and development planning while ensuring that decisions are taken closer to the people affected by them.

Before the new Councils begin functioning, the government will complete amendments to the LAHDC Act wherever required and carry out the delimitation of constituencies.

Once these formalities are finished, Ladakh will move from having two Hill Councils to seven, with every district getting its own elected institution. The government says the move is meant to deepen grassroots democracy, improve local governance and ensure that every part of Ladakh has a stronger voice in shaping its own future.

US senators propose 100% tariffs on Russian oil buyers in new sanctions bill: The hypocritical and capricious American policy

Shraddha Pandey
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US senators propose 100% tariffs on Russian oil buyers in new sanctions bill: The hypocritical and capricious American policy

For years, the US has been exporting its inflation to other countries through its monetary policy and dollar-dominance mechanism; however, the country also has a consuetude for exporting blame to others for its own blunders. In a fresh such bid, US senators have introduced a revised bipartisan Russia sanctions bill proposing a 100% tariff on major buyers of Russian oil, including India and China.

Russia sanctions bill: From 500% to 100%, US senators push for weaponising tariffs as geopolitical tool

On 14th July 2026, a group of US senators introduced an updated version of the earlier proposals, particularly the 2025 Sanctioning Russia Act. Senators Jeanne Shaheen, Richard Blumenthal, and Roger Wicker, among others, held a press conference in Washington to announce the proposal and expressed confidence that the bill has the required senatorial backing and will be passed by August 2026.

The revised version is widely referred to as the Lindsey Graham Russia Accountability Act, in honour of the late Republican Senator Lindsey Graham who championed the original Sanctioning Russia Act.

The Graham-introduced Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025 proposed that “the [US] President must increase the rate of duty on all goods and services imported into the United States from countries that knowingly engage in the exchange of Russian-origin uranium and petroleum products to at least 500% relative to the value of such goods and services.”

The original proposed Russia Sanctioning Act of 2025.

The Sanctioning Russia Act received lacklustre backing from the Trump administration and failed to advance to a vote due to its extreme provisions.

The revised bill, however, narrows tariff provisions against buyers of Russian oil, and proposes authorising the US president to impose tariffs up to 100% on exports from the five largest Russian oil buyers, namely, China, India, Slovakia, Hungary, and Azerbaijan.

Reports say that these countries have been described as “targeted” and “narrowly limited”, and not a blanket policy to several other countries in earlier drafts.

The updated bill proposes full blocking sanctions on large parts of Russia’s financial, defence and energy sectors, oligarchs and businesspersons. It also includes provisions targeting Russian President Vladimir Putin personally.

Furthermore, the bill proposes measures against the shadow fleet of Russian tankers used to evade existing sanctions. The bill includes visa bans, asset freezes, and sanctions on Russian officials, banks, and energy firms. The bill also imposes sanctions on Russia’s shadow fleet of tankers that do not depend on Western maritime services, on Russian financial institutions, including the Central Bank of the ‌Russian Federation, ⁠and on Russia’s largest state-owned energy projects, including Yamal LNG and Arctic LNG 1, 2 and 3.

The revised bill is America’s fresh attempt at disrupting Moscow’s war economy by penalising nations that help sustain it through oil and gas purchases, while providing the US President with tools to enforce these measures if Russia does not engage favourably in peace talks.

The bill’s most interesting provision, however, is the natural gas exception. The Lindsey Graham Russia Accountability Act largely exempted countries importing less than 15% of their total Russian natural gas and actively reducing purchases.

This provision is essentially a shrewd carve-out designed to shield most European allies of the US.

If the bill gets passed and signed into law, it will hand the US administration new leverage to pressure India, China, and other Russian oil purchasers economically. Though not set 100% automatically, given the Trump administration’s desperate and fickle policy decision-making approach, in case the bill is passed, the US government would want to set maximum possible tariffs to ‘discourage’ Russian energy purchases.

Somehow, the Indian mainstream media is portraying the reduction of proposed ‘punishment’ tariffs from 500% to 100% as a “relief”. However, 100%,500%, 1000% or just 10%, the US imposing any tariffs on Indian exports as a ‘penalty’ for buying Russian oil goes beyond the question of burden or relief; it is mindless and steeped in hypocrisy.

The original 500% figure was never realistic and so extreme that even many US lawmakers saw it as unworkable. By reducing the proposed tariffs from 500% to 100%, the new bill only made the threat more credible, targeted, and to some extent, workable.

By narrowing down specifically to tow five buyers, particularly India and China, the US senators have created a targeted and implementable weapon to hand the Trump administration leverage to arm-twist targeted countries.

The bill enjoys substantial support, with over 80 Senate co-sponsors, and is expected to advance quickly towards a vote.

It is notable, however, that the new Russian sanctions bill, if passed, would authorise the US President to impose up to 100% tariffs on the five countries, and not make them mandatory or come into effect automatically. This law would grant the President legal room to impose tariffs or grant waivers or exemptions.

This would be more feasible given the US Supreme Court previously struck down Trump’s sweeping global tariffs, ruling that he exceeded his authority by invoking a 1977 emergency powers law to impose duties on imports from nearly every trading partner worldwide.

Even if the Trump administration does not impose a full 100% tariff, the law, if passed, would create a permanent legal authority to threaten and influence negotiating terms while dealing with the targeted countries. India and the US are engaged in extensive talks for a bilateral trade deal; imposition of a 100% tariff on Indian exports to the US would put pressure on India to demonstrate a meaningful reduction in Russian oil purchases to secure an exemption.

However, given the Indian government stands its ground firmly when it comes to strategic autonomy and freedom to buy energy from whichever source, a fresh impasse could emerge in the much-anticipated trade deal.

As long as India remains in the crosshairs of this abject blame game-driven tariff threat, there is no sign of relief.

From requesting India to buy Russian oil to ‘punishing’ it for the same: American hypocrisy knows no bounds

It is a fact that India’s purchase of discounted Russian energy increased dramatically after the war broke out in Ukraine in 2022. Though not essentially due to American threats or pressure, India has in recent years diversified its energy sources, and so has Europe, which was heavily dependent on Russian energy earlier.

However, the US senators specifically exempted natural gas from the bill, knowing that despite reductions, the European Union remains the largest buyer of Russian Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). It is a clear case of selective targeting.

After failing to secure India’s endorsement for his imaginary role in stopping the India-Pakistan conflict in May last year, Donald Trump directed his frustration over failing to secure a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine towards India. Grappling with criticism and embarrassment for failing to end the Russia-Ukraine war despite promises of ending the war within 24 hours of assuming office as US President, Trump first imposed ‘reciprocal’ tariffs and doubled tariffs on India to 50%. The 25% addition was a punitive tariff for buying Russian oil.

Trump unleashed his officials, including Peter Navarro, Scott Bessent, and Havard Lutnick, to launch rhetorical attacks on India and Indian refiners and portray New Delhi as the financier of Russia’s war against Ukraine.

This mindless vilification and tariff tirade came even as the same US, though under the Biden administration, requested and even praised India for buying Russian oil as it helped moderate global energy prices by keeping supplies flowing into international markets, including the EU.

Then-US Ambassador to India Eric Garcetti had publicly acknowledged that the US wanted India to buy Russian oil at the G7-introduced capped price. “They bought Russian oil because we wanted somebody to buy Russian oil at a price cap… That was not a violation… It was actually the design of the policy because… we didn’t want the oil prices going up,” he said.

Clearly, when the US needed India to play the anchor role and keep the oil flowing globally, Indian Russian oil purchases were good and necessary. However, when the US failed to secure even a ceasefire, let alone permanent cessation of hostilities between Russia and Ukraine, Washington conveniently labelled India as the “financier” of the Russian war against Ukraine.

In the interim, the US itself continued to import fertilisers, uranium, palladium, and base metals, among other products from Russia, saying that these products are critical for American industries and hard to replace. OpIndia has reported earlier how the same US that accused India of profiteering from the Russia-Ukraine war is itself the biggest beneficiary of the prolonged war.

The US essentially projected its own failure to effectively counter Russia’s alternate tactics to dodge sanctions via shadow fleet, deeper discounts, etc, on India.

However, as India-US trade deal talks advanced, things began to ease between the two countries and by February 2026, the US lowered its effective tariff rates on most Indian goods to 18% and removed the 25% Russian-oil penalty, issued Reliance a general license to buy Venezuelan crude directly, and also announced a sanctions ‘waiver’ for Russian oil purchases. The Modi government, however, made it clear that New Delhi will continue buying Russian oil regardless of whether America allows India to do so or not.

This American policy shift, however, was not driven by any epiphany but by changed global circumstances. As the US and Israel attacked Iran, the West Asian nation blockaded the Strait of Hormuz, the global energy chokehold. As energy prices soured, and the US faced domestic and global criticism for starting a war without chalking out a plan to navigate an inevitable energy crisis, Washington turned to the same ‘financier of the Russian war machine’, India.

The new Russia sanctions bill targeting India, and other major buyers of Russian oil, if passed, would risk straining India-US ties, already marred by a trust deficit. With the 100% tariffs proposal, the US policymakers are once again attempting to export the blame for its failure to negotiate an end to the Russia-Ukraine war on India and China.

Since the senators have explicitly stated that they reached an agreement with the Trump administration to move the legalisation forward, the US President will likely sign the bill if it reaches his desk, if Congress passes it. Undoubtedly, Trump would be delighted to use tariffs as a geopolitical weapon against Russia and buyers of Russian energy.

Restoration of Gurdwara Patshahi Chhevin, demand to screen Satluj and more: What is behind Pakistan’s newfound love for the Sikh community

Rukma Rathore
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Restoration of Gurdwara Patshahi Chhevin, demand to screen Satluj and more: What is behind Pakistan’s newfound love for the Sikh community

After a concerted effort to project the Islamic Republic of Pakistan as the original inheritor of the Indus Valley Civilisation, another similar and equally calculated attempt is underway to portray it as reconnecting with its historical roots. The broader objective of this campaign is to recast it as a civilisational state.

Ironically, these efforts are directed at a country that was founded in rejection of that very civilisational identity and rooted instead in the idea of religious superiority and distinct identity from the other people of the region, particularly Hindus and Sikhs. Nevertheless, the propaganda machinery on both sides of the border appears to be working to gloss over this reality and downplay the Islamic character inherent to Pakistan.

They want to paint it as a secular and tolerant nation that celebrates and embraces its heritage, rather than one that brutally erased it in its pursuit of becoming a hardline ethnoreligious entity, which in many respects is the original Islamic State which predates the terrorist group that came into existence in Iraq and Syria.

From gurdwara to films: A conspiracy in motion

Islamo-leftist propaganda portal “The Wire” carried a story first published by “The Tribune” about “Gurdwara Patshahi Chhevin“, which is associated with Guru Hargobind. He is the 6th guru of Sikhism. It is situated in the Amar Sidhu hamlet on the Lahore-Kasur route and was reopened to devotees after restoration nearly 79 years following the partition.

The site is one of Guru Hargobind’s three ancient gurdwaras in Lahore, which also featured lodging alongside langar facilities and was looked after by the local Sikh community under the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) before 1947. It was initially made up of about 17 kanals of land. Davinder Singh Dhillon, editor of the Gurdwara Pedia portal, outlined that the site started off as a simple memorial.

With the help of the Sikh community in Lahore, Bhai Mohan Singh Akali (Nihang) erected a magnificent gurdwara in 1923. The construction was greatly aided by renowned civil engineer Sir Ganga Ram, who created a variety of famous structures in undivided Punjab during the British Raj.

According to historical accounts, the ancient tharra, which marked the location of Guru Hargobind’s resting place, was eventually encircled by a permanent building constructed in the middle of a garden in 1923. The shrine included a massive dome, verandahs and marble floors with inscriptions in Shahmukhi and Gurmukhi memorialising the Sikh devotees who had helped build it.

Nevertheless, this also encountered communal hostility from extremists similar to the fate of other non-Muslim places.

Image via The Tribune

The Sikhs fled to India as the shrine was abandoned and left to the mercy of radicals. It sustained significant damage during the 1947 violence and its condition continued to deteriorate as time progressed. The building decayed while a large portion of the surrounding area was occupied and the adjacent pond was filled in. According to reports, a private family took over the property for a number of years and even built a local pir’s grave inside its premises. It is clear that the intention was to proclaim the structure as a Muslim site.

Nevertheless, the headings conveniently concealed the unpleasant reality of Islamic fundamentalism, creating the impression that Pakistan is trying to revive its heritage. Furthermore, the conspiracy is not limited to gurdwaras but also extends to cinema, which is similarly being utilised to strengthen the anti-India agenda.

Pakistan, which officially banned Adita Dhar’s blockbuster Dhurandar series for exposing its ugly face, wants to showcase Honey Trehan-directed Satluj, due to the film’s biased narrative against India, which completely fails to address the Khalistan movement and its numerous victims, particularly Hindus. The rogue nation has been a major contributor to this problem of separatism, which is also absent from the story.

The barbaric reality of Pakistan

Notably, these superficial gestures to appeal to the Sikh community have been occurring as the border state of Punjab approaches assembly elections in the coming months. Thus, there appears to be a sinister motive behind these actions. It can easily be understood by the relentless persecution of Sikhs and their sacred spaces in the Islamic Republic, which recently tore down the 125-year-old Gurdwara Sri Guru Singh Sabha Sahib in Punjab province, exemplifying the attachment it holds for its historical legacy.

The gurdwara traced its origins to the late 19th or early 20th century and was linked with one of the most significant reform initiatives in Sikh history, the Singh Sabha movement. The Indian government protested against the decision.

Image via India Today

The complex, which had been mostly deserted since the partition, was handed over to Indian migrant refugees for residential use by the Pakistani government in 1960 with firm restrictions on any structural changes or demolition of the original construction. Despite many complaints over the past four years, Sikh organisations charged that land mafias destroyed the main dome to seize the plot.

This is just one instance among many, as multiple gurdwaras, both well-known and small, much like temples, have been removed both physically and from the memories of the populace after 1947 in Pakistan. A nation that is devoted to its heritage certainly does not operate in this manner.

Moreover, even the Kartarpur Corridor had encountered furious objections from within the country. Late Maulana Khadim Hussain Rizvi, the founder of radical Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan, expressed that the Islamic nation was not founded to create Sikh universities or to provide a corridor for them, and those who love this minority community should move to Amritsar.

A mission to explore the fading roots of faith

“After partition, these smaller historical shrines associated with the Sikh Gurus were collectively lost from the Sikh community’s memory,” author Tarunjit Singh Butalia wrote for The Tribune. He is based in the United States and had to set out on a journey to find these places of worship.

“The documentation of pre-1947 Gurmukhi books identified about 250 Sikh historical shrines across Pakistan associated with the Sikh Gurus. The vast majority of them are in small villages, forgotten by the Sikh community worldwide. Having travelled extensively to these villages, only a few gurdwaras remain. Some have been converted into schools or tombs. A vast majority of them are either in ruins or completely demolished,” he highlighted.

Gurdwara Ker Sahib Patshahi Pehli at Farooqabad. (Source: The Tribune)

“Interestingly, the ones that have now disappeared seem to live on in the memory of the Babas (elders) of the village because most of them slowly disappeared after the Indo-Pak war of 1965, the year of my birth,” Butalia remarked as he was confronted with the shocking facts.

According to the data, there are only 5 working gurdwaras out of 38 Sikh landmarks in the Lahore area. “One site is well-maintained but not functional as a gurdwara. 10 buildings are in average condition but occupied by refugees, 8 sites are in ruins, and 14 sites have completely disappeared and typically been replaced by newer buildings,” he added.

Many gurdwaras have succumbed to neglect, endured encroachments and changes in land use or have been completely destroyed, irrespective of their historical or religious value. Of course, when non-Muslims have no place in Pakistan, how can their places of worship be permitted to exist? Unsurprisingly, the sculptures dedicated to prominent Sikh figures have also been targeted.

Samadh Bhai Ghaniya at Kawa Serai, Attock. (Source: The Tribune)

A 9-foot bronze statue of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the founder of the Sikh Empire whose reign stretched from Afghanistan to the outskirts of Delhi, had been defaced on three occasions. It is located in Lahore Fort and was first attacked in 2019 shortly after the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. A man named Zaheer then broke the statue’s arm in 2020 as he was influenced by Khadim Hussain Rizvi’s sermons, while the artwork was completely vandalised in 2021, sparing only the horse.

Is Pakistan genuinely attempting to reform itself

Pakistan has not only utterly failed to safeguard Sikh heritage from external threats and gradual degradation but also consistently neglected it for decades. Therefore, it is natural for suspicions to arise when the country suddenly seeks to prioritise these sites and intends to restore them.

Pakistan even aims to transform Guru Nanak Dev’s birthplace, Nankana Sahib, into a major global religious tourism destination. However, the underlying aim is not a newfound appreciation for Sikhs but rather a ploy to exploit the community to target India and potentially incite unrest in Punjab.

Pakistan’s history of provoking violence and armed conflict in India, specifically in Kashmir and Punjab, as an effective foreign policy tool is well recorded. Therefore, this could be yet another move to exacerbate tensions and interfere in India’s internal affairs by posing as a benefactor of Sikhs while casting the latter in a negative light.

What other rationale could there be for a nation known for its oppression of minorities and driving them to the brink of extinction to engage in such antics? If Pakistan were truly sincere, this would be reflected in its academia, entertainment, literature and other facets which seldom acknowledge Sikhs and their historical relevance and are instead filled with contempt for non-Muslims and glorification of jihad.

The breeding ground for groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed cannot celebrate Maharaja Ranjit Singh unless it is for some nefarious purpose. Freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh, who hailed from Banga village in the Lyallpur district (now Faisalabad), have been denied their rightful recognition in Pakistan, which has never acknowledged anyone or anything that is not connected with savage Islamic marauders or jihadis.

Conclusion

The alarming plight of Sikhs, akin to that of Hindus, is self-evident as the community regularly encounters severe injustices. Women, including minors, are especially vulnerable, facing abductions, forced conversions and marriages at the hands of Islamists while the legal system either remains a passive observer or supports the offenders.

The daughter of a priest at Gurudwara Nankana Sahib had to suffer a similar situation after she was kidnapped at gunpoint in 2019, after which her family had to repeatedly beg for assistance. However, the authorities did not help them, pushing them to threaten self-immolation in front of the Punjab Governor’s residence if she was not released.

How is it that the Islamic Republic, known for its horrendous treatment of the Sikh population, has unexpectedly decided to honour its past, which is tied to the minority community that is regarded as second-class citizens in a nation dominated by Islamists? A campaign to restore the pre-partition names of historical monuments and sites in Lahore was launched, which was later abandoned after resistance from extremists.

While there is no change of heart, a different strategy with multiple extensions has apparently been adopted to advance the anti-India agenda. Pakistan desires to be perceived as a secular and civilisational force to cleanse its extremist image globally as it simultaneously tries to harm India’s reputation and stoke domestic tensions with these latest tactics.

A historic gurdwara affiliated with Guru Hargobind has reopened to worshippers in Lahore after being closed for over 79 years following partition in 1947. Gurdwara Patshahi Chhevin is located in the historic village of Amar Sidhu on the Lahore-Kasur road. The location is one of the three historic gurdwaras in Lahore founded by Guru Hargobind. Prior to 1947, it was maintained by the local Sikh community under SGPC and included lodging in addition to langar services. Over time, the building deteriorated as much of the surrounding land was inhabited and the pond next to it was filled in..

‘Victims being Hindus was not a mere coincidence’: Gujarat HC says 2008 Ahmedabad serial blasts were planned to target Hindus

મેઘલસિંહ પરમાર
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‘Victims being Hindus was not a mere coincidence’: Gujarat HC says 2008 Ahmedabad serial blasts were planned to target Hindus

In its detailed judgment upholding the trial court’s verdict in the 2008 Ahmedabad serial blasts case, the Gujarat High Court observed that the fact that all those killed in the attacks were Hindus “cannot be treated as a mere coincidence” and concluded that the conspiracy itself was designed to target Hindus.

In February 2022, a special trial court convicted 49 accused in the case, sentencing 38 to death and 11 to life imprisonment. The Gujarat government approached the High Court for confirmation of the death sentences, while the convicts challenged their convictions. After hearing the matter for four years, the High Court, on July 7, 2026, upheld the trial court’s verdict in its entirety. The 2,223-page judgment has now been made public.

A premeditated conspiracy aimed at Hindus

The High Court held that the serial blasts that rocked Ahmedabad on the evening of July 26, 2008, were not isolated or spontaneous incidents but the result of a meticulously planned terrorist conspiracy. It noted that similar serial blasts had taken place in several Indian cities during that period, indicating that the Ahmedabad attacks formed part of a broader terror campaign intended to spread fear and destabilise the country.

The court referred to the prosecution’s case that the accused, associated with the banned terrorist organisation SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India), carried out the blasts to avenge the 2002 post-Godhra riots and the demolition of the Babri structure. According to the evidence, SIMI members assembled in December 2007 and established two terror training camps, one in Kerala and another in the forests near Pavagadh in Gujarat, where they allegedly received training in bomb-making, weapons handling and terrorist operations.

The judgment records that speeches delivered at these camps revolved around “jihad” and the establishment of “Islamic rule” in India. The conspirators allegedly resolved to target large numbers of Hindus through coordinated bomb blasts in Ahmedabad, Surat and Vadodara.

The court noted that the attacks killed 56 innocent people, seriously injured over 240 others, caused extensive damage to public and private property, and disrupted normal life for weeks.

Significantly, the High Court observed:

“With utmost restraint, but this Court considers it necessary to record that the fact that the deceased were Hindus was not a mere coincidence.”

Bombs deliberately planted in Hindu-majority localities

The High Court held that the coordinated nature of the explosions itself demonstrated the existence of a criminal conspiracy. It observed that the bicycles carrying the bombs were not placed randomly but at carefully selected locations in Ahmedabad and Surat.

According to the judgment, the conspirators had adopted a clear criterion while selecting targets—they chose Hindu or non-Muslim localities and deliberately avoided Muslim-majority areas.

During the trial, defence lawyers argued that one of the explosions took place in an AMTS bus passing through Juhapura, a Muslim-majority locality. However, relying on the prosecution’s evidence, the High Court accepted the finding that the bomb had originally been intended to explode near the bus’s point of origin, which was located in a Hindu-majority area. It detonated later in Juhapura only because of a timing malfunction.

The court also noted that the word “jihad” repeatedly surfaced during meetings among the accused and in witness testimonies. In the context in which the conspirators used the term, the court said it referred to carrying out terrorist acts intended to spread fear and inflict large-scale casualties upon a particular section of society—namely Hindus.

The judgment further records that intercepted conversations and witness testimonies consistently indicated that the accused intended to carry out explosions in Hindu localities with the objective of causing maximum harm to Hindus.

Summarising its findings, the High Court observed:

“All the facts and evidence available on record clearly establish that the target of the terrorist attacks was the Hindu community. The prosecution has successfully proved through eyewitnesses and witnesses connected with the conspiracy that the attacks were primarily directed at Hindus and non-Muslim localities. Such attacks not only amount to terrorism but also strike at the very foundation of the constitutional vision of a peaceful and orderly society.”

Death penalty upheld as a ‘rarest of rare’ case

The High Court also upheld the death sentences awarded to 38 convicts, holding that the case squarely falls within the “rarest of rare” category, the constitutional standard governing the award of capital punishment in India.

It observed that the trial court had thoroughly examined whether the convicts had any possibility of reformation before awarding the death penalty and had rightly concluded that no such possibility existed. The High Court found no evidence or legal ground to interfere with that conclusion.

Accordingly, it dismissed the appeals filed by the convicts and confirmed the death sentences of 38 accused while also upholding life imprisonment for the remaining 11.

However, on the request of the defence, the High Court stayed the execution of the sentences for three months to enable the convicts to approach the Supreme Court.

The court also directed the Gujarat government to pay compensation of ₹10 lakh to the families of each deceased victim, ₹5 lakh to those who suffered grievous injuries, and ₹1 lakh to victims with simple injuries, fixing March 31, 2027, as the deadline for disbursing the compensation.

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