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From coders to plumbers, AI cannot replace everyone: Why the future belongs to humans who upgrade

Anurag
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From coders to plumbers, AI cannot replace everyone: Why the future belongs to humans who upgrade

There are a lot of reports of layoffs and slow recruitment not only in India but worldwide, which is causing anxiety among the workforce, especially young workers who are just entering their fields of expertise. Many workers, especially in software and IT services, are worried that Artificial Intelligence is shrinking the safety net that white-collar work once seemed to offer.

Their fear is not irrational. The World Economic Forum’s Future of Jobs Report 2025 suggests that 41% of employers expect to reduce their workforce where AI can automate tasks. Furthermore, media reports have documented both layoffs and a visible cooling of entry-level hiring in industries where AI can be used.

However, the fear becomes misleading when it hardens into the slogan that “AI will take all jobs”. The same WEF report projects 170 million new roles and 92 million displaced globally by 2030. That means there will be a net increase of 78 million jobs. Notably, the report suggests that 39% of workers’ core skills are expected to change by 2030.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) is even more explicit. There are only a handful of jobs that can be fully automated using AI, and the likeliest broad effect of generative AI is job transformation, not total replacement.

This is the key correction missing from apocalyptic narratives that have been running around in media reports and social media. The real story is not “AI destroys work”, but that AI compresses some tasks, raises the value of other tasks, and punishes workers and institutions that refuse to adapt.

Even McKinsey, while warning of major occupational transitions, says its research does not support the conclusion that generative AI simply wipes out jobs across the board. History is the proof that technological change has brought disruption first and broader employment adjustment later.

AI is built, corrected and restrained by humans

The biggest misconception in public debate is that AI somehow trains itself, corrects itself and civilises itself. It does not, rather it cannot. The InstructGPT paper lays out the basic post-training process in simple terms. Researchers collected human-written demonstrations of desired behaviour, then asked humans to rank model outputs, and used those rankings to further fine-tune the model with human feedback.

OpenAI’s GPT-4 release likewise says the company incorporated more human feedback and worked with more than 50 experts for early feedback in high-stakes domains. Anthropic says just as clearly that Claude’s constitution “plays a crucial role” in training and “directly shapes Claude’s behaviour.”

So when people ask, “Who is training these systems anyway?”, the practical answer is, humans. That too at multiple stages. First of all, people assemble or license the data. Then people write examples of good behaviour. Then people compare outputs and mark which answer is better, safer, more truthful or more useful. After that, safety teams and external testers probe the model for failures. Then policy teams write system-level rules. Then engineers retrain, tune, filter, or roll back the system. OpenAI’s Model Spec describes this as a formal framework for how models should behave, how they should resolve conflicting instructions, and how intended behaviour is updated over time through deployment and feedback.

In the simplest possible terms, it means that at every step of machine learning, humans are involved. No machine in this world can learn on its own. It is humans who are teaching them either through code or by writing what good behaviour actually means in the world of Artificial Intelligence.

OpenAI’s public postmortem on GPT-4o’s sycophancy problem is a good example of how this works in the real world. In April 2025, the company rolled back an update after the model became overly flattering and agreeable. OpenAI said it had focused too much on short-term feedback signals and was revising both how it collected feedback and how it incorporated that feedback into behaviour. In other words, the fix did not come from the model growing a conscience. It came from humans identifying a defect, adjusting the rules, and changing the system.

The most recent example is the Grok image controversy. In January 2026, xAI, the company that is developing Grok, had to restrict Grok’s image editing capabilities following the backlash over sexualised image generation, including the creation of revealing or “undressing” depictions of real people.

In March 2026, a Dutch court had ordered xAI and Grok not to create or distribute such non-consensual sexualised images in the Netherlands. The Indian government also pulled up xAI after the controversy hit India in January this year. Again, the lesson is practical, not philosophical. That is, when an AI system misbehaves, it is human pressure, human law, human policy and human engineering that impose the boundaries. It was not that the xAI team went and asked Grok not to generate such images and it obliged. Code had to be inserted by humans based on feedback from humans to restrict Grok from generating sexualised images or videos.

Even basic visual competence depends on human groundwork. ImageNet, one of the foundational computer-vision datasets, describes its images as quality-controlled and human-annotated. OpenAI’s GPT-4o system card says the model’s capabilities are trained from public datasets, web data and other sources, then subjected to safety evaluations. So, if a model can reliably distinguish brown eggs from white eggs, or a screwdriver from a wrench, that is not because the machine “figured out reality on its own.” People created the categories, curated the examples, told the machine how to distinguish between brown and white eggs by marking every single egg in the basket in an image, built the benchmarks and judged whether the system was good enough to deploy.

Notably, it does not happen in one go. Even now, there are companies that provide data tagging services where humans tag text, images and videos so that machines can learn. Such jobs are not going anywhere soon.

Let’s take an example. There is something called vibe coding, which means writing code heavily assisted by AI. If a person says a machine learned by itself how to code, it will be a lie. Hundreds of thousands of coding experts around the world are tirelessly training AI how to code so that a noob can write code like an expert.

The first jobs to change are repetitive digital ones

Where, then, is disruption most likely to hit first? The answer is not “all work.” It is work that is repetitive, screen-based, structured and heavily made of information-moving tasks. The ILO says occupations with the greatest generative-AI exposure are those with high and consistent automation potential across tasks, while also stressing that nearly all occupations still contain tasks requiring human input. The WEF expects the fastest-declining roles to include clerical and administrative jobs such as cashiers, ticket clerks, administrative assistants and other clerical workers, while the fastest-growing tech-facing roles include AI and machine learning specialists, big data specialists, fintech engineers and software developers.

That pattern also appears in real usage data. Anthropic’s 2026 research on observed exposure, based on actual Claude usage, finds top exposure among computer programmers, customer service representatives and data entry keyers. At the same time, the company says AI is still far from its theoretical reach and that 30% of workers had zero task coverage in its data. This matters because it shows what panic misses: high exposure does not automatically mean total replacement. It often means that a bigger share of the role becomes assisted, accelerated or reorganised.

Microsoft research found developers with access to GitHub Copilot completed a coding task 55.8% faster in one experiment. A later Microsoft Research paper pooling three field experiments across nearly 4,900 developers found a 26.08% increase in completed tasks among developers using an AI coding assistant, with larger gains for less experienced developers. These are strong productivity findings, but they do not prove coders vanish. They suggest routine coding, boilerplate, first drafts and repetitive sub-tasks are under the most pressure, while review, architecture, edge cases, debugging, integration, security and accountability remain crucial.

The same is true outside coding. In a large customer-support study, access to a generative AI assistant increased productivity by about 14% to 15% on average, with the largest gains for newer and lower-skilled workers. Erik Brynjolfsson in his paper “Generative AI at Work”
says the tool effectively helped newer workers move down the experience curve faster by learning from the behaviour of better workers. That is not nothing. It means AI can absorb and redistribute parts of human expertise. But that also means someone’s expertise had to exist first, had to be modelled, and still has to be supervised.

This is also why human verification becomes more valuable, not less valuable, as machine output explodes. Stack Overflow’s 2025 Developer Survey found that more developers actively distrust the accuracy of AI tools than trust it: 46% distrust versus 33% trust. In journalism, AP says the central role of the journalist will not change, that AI is not a replacement for journalists, and that any generative-AI output should be treated as “unvetted source material.” Reuters reported in October 2025 that BBC-EBU testing found significant issues in 45% of AI news answers and some kind of problem in 81% of them. This is what people mean when they talk about AI slop, which is cheap output at scale, with truth-checking pushed back onto humans.

The real world still needs human hands

The strongest counter to total-job-loss panic is the physical world. Generative AI is best at language, pattern completion, summarisation and code-like tasks on a screen. McKinsey says some lower-wage jobs involve unpredictable physical work or customer-facing work that does not lend itself well to automation.

The same research says physical work is not going away and is still expected to account for just under 31% of time spent, with transportation, construction and healthcare helping sustain it. The ILO also stresses that few jobs are fully automatable and that most occupations remain mixed bundles of human and machine-suitable tasks.

Anthropic’s labour-market research says many tasks remain beyond AI’s reach, explicitly citing physical agricultural work such as pruning trees and operating farm machinery. It also found that 30% of workers had zero AI task coverage in its data, including cooks, motorcycle mechanics, lifeguards, bartenders, dishwashers and dressing-room attendants. That is a useful reality check.

AI may write instructions for a plumber, suggest a repair sequence for an electrician, or help a mechanic look up a fault pattern. But it still cannot feel water pressure in a leaking pipe, smell a burnt wire in a live wall, judge a misaligned beam on a noisy site, or improvise safely in a messy, shifting work environment. Those are embodied, situational and local forms of judgment.

This is why the WEF’s own jobs outlook does not show a future with only coders and prompt-writers. It says building construction workers are among the largest-growing job types in the next five years, alongside farmworkers, delivery drivers and food-processing workers. In other words, AI may transform offices faster than it transforms construction sites, repair shops, kitchens, farms and maintenance work. The future economy is not “digital workers versus manual workers.” It is a mixed economy in which hands-on workers increasingly use AI as a tool, while still doing the irreplaceable physical work themselves.

India’s smartest response is skill building, not panic

For India, the practical question is not whether to fear AI, but whether to build enough skills, language infrastructure and domain expertise around it. The IndiaAI Mission itself is framed in those terms. A February 2026 PIB release says India’s AI strategy aims to create economic and employment opportunities, notes the mission’s ₹10,372 crore outlay, and says more than 38,000 GPUs have been onboarded, twelve teams shortlisted for indigenous foundation models, thirty India-specific AI applications approved, and thousands of undergraduate, postgraduate and PhD students supported for talent development. The same release stresses that India’s foundation models are being built on Indian datasets and languages.

That local grounding matters. BHASHINI’s CEO said in January 2026 that AI can serve citizens effectively only when it understands Indian languages and is trained on indigenous data that reflects local contexts and usage. The platform says it supports more than 36 text languages, over 22 voice languages, more than 350 AI language models and hundreds of integrations. This is not a side issue. In a country where language, dialect, code-mixing and context shape everyday communication, local human input is not optional; it is the system.

Independent Indian-language research points in the same direction. AI4Bharat says most Indian languages lack the large quantities of training data that modern AI systems need. Its Indic LLM-Arena argues that global benchmarks are too English-centric, miss code-mixed speech like Hinglish and Tanglish, and fail to capture Indian cultural, contextual and safety needs. It explicitly calls for a human-in-the-loop model of evaluation for “language, context, and safety.” That means India’s AI future will require not just model builders, but also evaluators, language experts, domain specialists, safety reviewers and people who continuously validate whether systems actually work for Indian users.

NITI Aayog’s 2025 roadmap puts the strategic choice starkly: by 2031, India’s technology sector could lose 1.5 million jobs or create up to 4 million new opportunities, depending on the choices made now. That is exactly why a blanket “AI is eating jobs” narrative is too passive for India. The country’s own policy institutions are framing the AI transition not only as a risk, but as a contest over skilling, capability-building and local ecosystem design.

The honest conclusion

The most honest conclusion is neither complacency nor panic. AI is already eroding some repetitive digital tasks. It is clearly pressuring entry-level clerical work, routine coding, basic rewriting and other heavily standardised screen-bound jobs. At the same time, the evidence does not support the fantasy that human labour is about to disappear. What is actually happening is a revaluation of work: less reward for repetition, more reward for judgment, verification, integration, accountability, local knowledge and physical presence.

So the better framing is not “AI will eat jobs.” It is this: “AI will reward people who adapt and expose people who refuse to learn”. Coders who only produce boilerplate are more exposed than coders who can review, architect and improve AI-assisted systems. Writers who only paraphrase are more exposed than editors and fact-checkers who can verify and sharpen machine output. And plumbers, electricians, welders, mechanics, farmers, carpenters and construction workers are not obsolete relics in an AI age; they are part of the human core that the AI economy still depends on.

The future belongs to workers who know their craft and know how to use new tools without surrendering judgment to them.

What was ‘Bhaipo Tax’ in Bengal and how the BJP govt led by Suvendu Adhikari put an end to it: Explained

Shriti Sagar
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What was ‘Bhaipo Tax’ in Bengal and how the BJP govt led by Suvendu Adhikari put an end to it: Explained

For decades, truck drivers transporting goods into West Bengal from neighbouring states said one issue troubled them constantly: the “Bhaipo Tax”. The term “Bhaipo”, which means nephew in Bengali, was politically used by opposition parties to refer to Trinamool Congress MP and the nephew of former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, Abhishek Banerjee. According to truck operators and drivers, unofficial collections, roadside extortion, bamboo barricades and illegal checkpoints had become a routine experience on highways entering Bengal during the TMC era.

Truck drivers travelling through Jharkhand-Bengal border routes said highways were often filled with unauthorised “nakas” where money was collected from commercial vehicles. Drivers said that refusing to pay often led to harassment, threats, punctured tyres and damage to vehicles. Delays caused major losses, especially for trucks carrying vegetables, fish and other perishable items.

Truckers said two unofficial systems operated widely: the so-called “Bhaipo tax” and “danda tax”. Speaking about the issue, Federation of Truck Operators Association in Bengal general secretary Sajal Ghosh said, “Two types of unofficial levies were common in Bengal, Bhaipo tax and danda tax. Bhaipo tax has vanished. We want danda tax wiped out completely too.”

According to truck drivers, highways in districts such as Paschim Bardhaman and Purulia earlier had multiple bamboo barricades and illegal roadside collection points. “Every few kilometres, bamboo barricades blocked the road,” truck driver Ramesh said while speaking near Tulin in Purulia. “Ask for a receipt, and they turn hostile. Refuse payment, and they smash mirrors or puncture tyres.”

Another truck driver said, “If you refused, they stopped and harassed you for hours till you paid. That has stopped.” Drivers claimed the situation started changing after the new BJP government came to power in Bengal on May 9 and ordered action against illegal extortion checkpoints.

Amit Shah raised ‘Bhaipo tax’ issue during Bengal campaign

The issue had also become a major political talking point during the West Bengal Assembly elections. Union Home Minister Amit Shah attacked the Mamata Banerjee government over allegations of corruption and syndicate control.

Without directly naming Abhishek Banerjee, Shah had remarked during a public rally in December last year, Shah said, that under the current system, “only Bhaipo has the right to make money, not the common man.”

He also said that corruption and extortion had badly affected governance in Bengal. “Due to corruption under the Mamata Banerjee-led government in the state, development in West Bengal has stopped,” Shah said.

Talking about the syndicate system, he further stated, “After the Bharatiya Janata Party government is formed, no trader will have to pay any Bhaipo tax. We will completely end the syndicate system. The politicisation of administration and criminalisation of politics has become like a deep wound.”

Shah had also said that several central welfare schemes became victims of Bengal’s “toll syndicate” system. “Fear and corruption have become West Bengal’s identity for the last 14 years,” he had said.

Again reminding people of the promise, Shah, while addressing a public meeting in Balagarh village in Hooghly district in April this year, said, ‘Bengalis have to pay “Bhaipo Tax” to the TMC’s syndicate. Bid farewell to the Mamata government with Tata-Bye-Bye, and we will take care of straightening out the syndicate people.’

Himanta Biswa Sarma also spoke about ‘Abhishek Tax’

Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had also publicly raised the issue during the election campaign in Bengal. In a video shared by India Today NE, Sarma claimed truck drivers travelling between Assam and Bengal often complained about paying what they called “Abhishek Tax”.

Speaking in Hindi, Sarma said, “When trucks travel between Assam and Bengal, I often ask truck drivers why prices are increasing. People tell me that in Siliguri, they have to pay something called ‘Abhishek Tax’ on every truck. I don’t know who Abhishek is, but they say they have to pay while entering and while returning, too.”

He further claimed, “Earlier, this was taken only from coal trucks, but later it has expanded to every truck. Thousands of rupees are taken from every truck owner. If this tax ends, prices in Assam and across the Northeast may also come down.”

BJP govt crackdown has improved highway movement

Following a regime change where the BJP assumed office in West Bengal and Suvendu Adhikari took oath on 9th May, the newly formed state government took decisive steps to address the highway extortion crisis. According to a report by The Times of India, the BJP government has now launched a crackdown against these illegal collection systems by TMC government after coming to power in Bengal.

The report said district magistrates were instructed to dismantle “extortion nakas” and prevent their return. Truck operators claimed the effect became visible quickly, especially along NH-2 and nearby state highways, where bamboo barricades and roadside collection points had reportedly disappeared.

Truckers moving goods between Jharkhand, Bengal, the Northeast, and Bangladesh said highway movement has become smoother over the past few weeks. Around 50,000 trucks reportedly move through Bengal every day, making the state one of eastern India’s most important logistics corridors.

Drivers near the Jharkhand-Bengal border said traffic movement had improved significantly after the crackdown. With this crucial step, the BJP has officially put an end to the culture of bribery involving truck drivers and fulfilled a key promise made during the election campaign.

‘Plight of poor fathers’: BBC stirs sympathy for Afghan Muslim men selling their 5-year-old daughters for money, glosses over the fate of real victims of child marriages

Rukma Rathore
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‘Plight of poor fathers’: BBC stirs sympathy for Afghan Muslim men selling their 5-year-old daughters for money, glosses over the fate of real victims of child marriages

Afghanistan has been grappling with a catastrophic and multi-faceted crisis, marked by a dire humanitarian emergency that comprises egregious human rights abuses, especially against females of all ages, under the authoritarian Taliban regime. The last thing these girls and women need is an effort to downplay their suffering instead of demonstrating empathy and comprehension of their harrowing realities. Yet, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) has again managed to achieve the undesirable and trivialised their pain with its overtly misdirected sympathy.

On 19th May (Tuesday), the media house released an article about the inveterate issue of child brides, titled “Selling children to survive: Afghan fathers forced to make impossible choices” by Yogita Limaye. It highlighted the tremendous hunger problem that millions of citizens are experiencing in the backdrop of rising poverty, widespread unemployment and a critically isolated economy undergoing serious depletion of its resources.

The article referenced conversations with Afghan men who claimed deep worries about their escalating financial problems and acute shortage of food. “The country is now facing record levels of hunger, with 4.7 million – more than a tenth of Afghanistan’s population – estimated to be one step away from famine. Ghor is one of the worst-affected provinces. The men here are desperate,” it stated.

The author pointed out that the men were in despair as their children and families were going to bed suffering from the pangs of hunger. This certainly illustrated a very grim and poignant image of the stark disparities in the intensity of struggles encountered by different people in separate parts of the world.

The appalling act of downplaying an atrocious practice

The piece then transitioned to an uncanny course, which intended to depict the trade of young girls and minors by their fathers as if they were mere products rather than human beings, as a necessary evil.

“I’m willing to sell my daughters. I’m poor, in debt and helpless. I come home from work with parched lips, hungry, thirsty, distressed and confused. My children come to me saying ‘Baba, give us some bread’. But what can I give? Where is the work? If I sell one daughter, I could feed the rest of my children for at least four years. It breaks my heart, but it’s the only way,” it quoted Abdul Rashid Azimi who has many kids including 7-year-old twins Roqia and Rohila.

The BBC, which often likes to paint itself as a defender of human rights, showcased an unexpected compassion for the men sentencing their own girls to a tragic existence, instead of confronting the horrific practice that is not only accepted but has been part of a tradition for decades.

The media outlet was not as understanding towards the prey of this radical tyranny, who are far more vulnerable and bear considerably worsened circumstances compounded by the oppressive infringements on their rights and the suffocating restrictions slapped by the Islamist government.

“The choice to sell daughters over sons, is because culturally sons are widely seen as future breadwinners, and here in Afghanistan, with the Taliban’s restrictions on education and work for women and girls, it is even more pronounced. Additionally, there is a tradition in which a marital gift is given to the family of the girl from the family of the boy during marriage,” Limaye wrote explaining the rationale behind these profoundly misogynistic and otherwise criminal conduct which is allowed in Sharia-bound Afghanistan.

The article featured interview with another man, Saeed Ahmad who sold his 5-year-old daughter to pay for her treatment after she developed appendicitis and a liver cyst. Now, she has to marry a relative’s son at the tender age of 10 after the agreement between the two parties. He ended her daughter’s medical issue only to thrust her into another predicament.

Limaye asserted that Ahmed confessed to be anxious to distract from the real victims who are neither mentally nor physically prepared to assume the responsibilities of marriage or a husband. However, their consent is neither acknowledged nor considered in the Islamic patriarchal society.

“The practice of underage marriage remains widespread in Afghanistan and is increasing due to the Taliban government’s bar on education for girls,” she conveyed. Interestingly, the burden of providing basic needs for a family has been placed on the shoulders of girls rather than boys as they are compelled to carry this weight at the expense of their health, future and even their lives.

According to the piece, the financial difficulties have been aggravated by the drastic reduction in United States funding and exacerbated by the devastating drought. It added that the Taliban’s policies, primarily those that discriminate against women, are also a major factor contributing to the decline in foreign donations.

Afterwards, the author explored the glaring scarcity of medical facilities and resources, such as medicines, which further contribute to the misery of women, as the mortality rate has reached as high as 10% with several child deaths reported within a single day.

The BBC clearly outlined the various issues plaguing Afghanistan, with the exception of the one that required the most sensitivity and pertained to the marginalised fairer gender. The custom targeting underage girls, who are even pushed to marry men in their 50s, 60s and sometimes even older, was only mentioned to evoke pity for the fathers who doom them to such a life.

Netizens call out BBC

Social media users promptly criticised the national public service broadcaster of the United Kingdom for their objectionable approach to the sensitive subject in relation to the sale of child brides. Community notes emphasised that the girls could be as young as 5 years old as these actions have deep cultural roots in some areas of the nation and further remarked that the platform focused on the distress of fathers concerning the fates of the girls (rape).

Tommy Robinson denounced the BBC for trying to represent Afghan fathers as “victims” for giving their girls to old men. “This is normal practice amongst these cavemen. Legacy media are the enemy of truth,” he charged.

An individual “fixed the headline for BBC,” responding that Afghan men choose to sell their daughters instead of seeking employment.

A netizen referred to the article as just another attempt by the “legacy media”to promote sympathy for people who don’t deserve it and added, “Note the father didn’t sell his boy, just the girls. BBC are disgusting. We dint hate them enough.”

The piece was awful even by the abysmal standards of the outlet’s “journalism,” according to another person who demanded, “The BBC should not be privatised, it should be shut down.”

An account highlighted BBC’s hypocrisy and stated, “Child sex slavery is okay when Muslims do it.”

A common practice rendering little girls at the mercy of hardline men in the name of satisfying “basic family needs”

Afghanistan is regarded as one of the world’s most dangerous places for women due to many factors involving gender-based violence, absence of education, low access to healthcare, restrictions on stepping outside and other prohibitions. Moreover, forced child marriage has substantially accelerated the suffering in their already bleak existence.

Economic conditions could serve as an excuse for the heinous actions, but it is noteworthy that these incidents have transpired regularly in the country in the past. Many displaced Afghan families reportedly sold their barely adolescent daughters to men 4-5 times their age after Kabul fell in 2021.

Some Afghan women have also resorted to adopt such measures. A mother did the same with her one-and-a-half-year-old for 30,000 Afghani (about INR 24,850) to treat her other 13-year-old daughter, who required urgent medical attention. “My husband said if we don’t give away our daughters, we will all die because we don’t have anything to eat,” another woman voiced after selling her 6-year-old and 18-month-old children. Moreover, same scenes unfolded in the 1990s under the Taliban government of the time.

Henrietta Fore who was UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund) Executive Director at that time stated, “I am deeply concerned by reports that child marriage in Afghanistan is on the rise. We have received credible reports of families offering daughters as young as 20 days old up for future marriage in return for a dowry.”

She mentioned, “Even before the latest political instability, UNICEF’s partners registered 183 child marriages and 10 cases of selling of children over 2018 and 2019 in Herat and Baghdis provinces alone. The children were between 6 months and 17 years of age. UNICEF estimates that 28 per cent of Afghan women aged 15-49 years were married before the age of 18.”

“Traditionally, Afghanistan has a patriarchal society and child marriage is considered an internal family matter that is dictated by religious and cultural codes. Religious leaders such as mullahs and imams play a significant role in shaping community perceptions on child marriage as they are trusted members of the community and play a key role in performing the marriages,” reported international non-governmental organisation (NGO) Girls Not Brides.

According to a 2017 Human Rights Watch research, when a girl is married off, her sister frequently has to look after household chores, which causes her to drop out of school and puts her at risk for child marriage. Some girls are even ordered to drop out of school due to the prospect of marriage. Girls are regarded as an excellent source of domestic labour and financial value for their future families.

There is also a considerable economic motive as marriage is transactional, incorporating a transfer of goods and money. These are also used as an instrument to resolve conflicts and cement relationships between opposing families (baad). The NGO pointed out, “Girls have little say in this and often face serious physical and emotional abuse. When they try to escape, they are sometimes arrested for zina (running away) which is seen as a moral crime. Baadl is the exchange of daughters in marriage between families, either before birth or as young as two.”

The girls are driven into sexual exploitation, abuse and domestic slavery and even misused as a means for their families to settle disputes. It is impossible to escape and if someone dares to take the risk, then the results are even more horrifying.

Conclusion

It is indisputable that Afghanistan is beset by a multitude of problems, with the foremost being the crippled economic as people have to spend their lives in miserable conditions. However, the apparent goal of the BBC article does not seem to only report on the gravity of the ground realities but sanitise the ordeal of the little girls as ordinary while presenting the men as the actual sufferers who have to make such decisions.

However, the children who are pushed into these relationships which far exceed their physical or psychological capabilities do not receive any mention in the article. The utter disregard for consent and the adverse effects of this practice on the victims is likewise ignored. The unprecedented breach of human and child rights almost went unnoticed by the British media house.

Interestingly, the BBC, which does not hesitate to admonish other countries, especially India, on human or women’s rights over frivolous complaints, appeared to have no concern for the same in Afghanistan and instead provided a cover to the problem. The media house’s outrage seems to have a region, and more importantly, a religion bias.

One last dance on Football’s grandest stage: Ronaldo, Messi and Neymar prepare to close the greatest era the sport has ever seen

Divyansh Tiwari
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One last dance on Football’s grandest stage: Ronaldo, Messi and Neymar prepare to close the greatest era the sport has ever seen

Fans gathered around television screens in cafés along the Tagus riverfront on Tuesday evening in Lisbon, and as Roberto Martínez read out the name that inevitably concludes every Portugal squad announcement, the crowd went silent for a moment. Families in Rosario, a city that has learned to map its emotions onto one man’s football calendar, leaned forward in their living rooms as Argentina’s preliminary 55 man roster was reviewed for the umpteenth time that week. Additionally, supporters erupted in Rio de Janeiro at the Museu do Amanhã, a museum of the future of all places, when Carlo Ancelotti verified that the name they had dreaded might never appear again ultimately did. One final World Cup, three cities, and three men.

The 2026 FIFA World Cup, which will take place in the United States, Canada, and Mexico, is surrounded by something that even the most seasoned fans find hard to describe. It’s neither quite celebration nor nearly despair. It is the strange pain of seeing something come to an end when it is still, in some way, phenomenal.

Cristiano Ronaldo: The architects final blueprint

After being added to Portugal’s squad for the tournament, Cristiano Ronaldo is expected to make a record breaking sixth World Cup appearance, making history as the first man to do so. The number merits a little period of silence. He made his World Cup debut in 2006, when George W. Bush was president, José Mourinho was managing Chelsea, and the majority of the players who will face Portugal this summer were in primary school.

What is often ignored in the frenzy around Ronaldo’s personal achievements is what he has done for Portugal as an institution, rather than just a football team. They have qualified for six World Cups, several European Championships, and won both the UEFA Nations League and the Euro 2016 championship under his shadow, or perhaps more appropriately, his shield. ‘He has the same demands as the other players, a competitiveness to be in the national team and For me, he’s an exemplary captain,’ Martinez stressed, highlighting the fact that Ronaldo’s influence goes well beyond his fame.  

That is the subtle, significant story that uninformed viewers completely overlook. Ronaldo did more for Portugal than just score goals; he completely revitalised the country’s football culture. He transformed qualification from a wish to a must. He convinced a generation of Portuguese children that their country belonged at football’s highest table, not as lucky visitors, but as worthy occupants. In November, he told CNN that this would definitely be his final World Cup. At 41, that pronouncement carries weight, even if the man appears to be physically hostile to endings.

Lionel Messi: The cerebral coda

In his third season with Inter Miami, Lionel Messi created MLS history by becoming the fastest player in the league to earn 100 regular-season goal contributions in just 64 games. He reached the milestone just one month before the 2026 World Cup. At 38, what matters most about Messi is the quality of his presence in critical moments, not the quantity of his productivity.

Messi has been included to Argentina’s preliminary squad for the tournament, but the 38 year old has yet to confirm his availability as the country looks to defend its 2022 championship. It speaks to a different kind of Messi, one who is, for the first time, dribbling with his own body rather than with defenders, as seen by the fact that his participation was even little unclear until lately. However, Scaloni has consistently said that the remaining 25 berths are still up for grabs, with only Lionel Messi having a definite spot.

Historically, defending a World Cup has been a brutal endeavour. Since Brazil in 1958 and 1962, no country has done so again. Messi bears the psychological burden of arriving as champions, with all the expectations that come with it, the tactical familiarity that opponents will have thoroughly studied, and the reduced element of surprise. Argentina, on the other hand, has a captain who has mastered the art of running into the correct fraction of space, so he no longer needs to rush past everyone. His game has grown into something almost architectural, in that he sets himself inside the geometry of a passage of play rather than driving it, making the entire structure around him more unified.

Neymar: The gamble for redemption

Neymar, 34, is Brazil’s all time leading goal scorer with 79 goals and will be at his fourth World Cup. Since tearing his left ACL in October 2023, the Santos striker has had difficulty regaining his best form. That injury, which occurred while playing for Brazil versus Uruguay in a CONMEBOL qualification, appeared to be the end of his international career at the time. It did not.

Neymar has been named to Brazil’s World Cup roster, a decision that many local observers and former players thought was unlikely just days ago. At his Rio de Janeiro press conference, Ancelotti, who has chosen to speak in terms of experience and environment rather than pure fitness measures, stated, ‘He has improved his fitness.’ In this World Cup, he will play a significant role.The coach went on to say that for certain positions in his team, he wanted guys with more experience. ‘He has experience in this kind of competition, the love of our group, he can create a better environment in this group.’

For almost three years, Neymar has not represented Brazil. The public’s impression of his absence has been filled with a complex mix of pity and annoyance, sympathy for the injury and annoyance at the idea that his club football in Saudi Arabia had placed more emphasis on display than content. The World Cup provides him with the tidy narrative he has always sought: architect rather than showman. Morocco, Haiti, and Scotland are Brazil’s group opponents. If handled properly, this bracket offers the Seleção easy progress, but Neymar’s ability to unlock compact defensive positions in close tournament games could be crucial from the moment Ancelotti makes sure he is prepared.

What the naked eye misses

The larger tale, as always, is being revealed on the edges.

Observe Ronaldo in Portugal’s recent qualifying campaigns, not when he scores, but when he does not. You’ll see that he’s increasingly drifting to the front post or peeling to the far side of the penalty area, not with any apparent intention of finishing, but to draw a centre-back a metre out of position, creating exactly the corridor through which Bruno Fernandes or Bernardo Silva can enter. It is the motion of a man who has so thoroughly digested the penalty box’s geometry that he is essentially recreating it for his teammates. Even when Ronaldo’s name isn’t on the football scoreboard, his fingerprints are frequently seen in the layout of the final goal.

The details are even microscopic when Messi is involved. Observe him throughout big games, but pay attention to the three or four seconds prior to his clear flashes of genius. A small head tilt to peek over his shoulder. The barely noticeable shoulder-drop that indicates a direction change he hasn’t made yet. Without using words, he may signal a teammate that the pass is going to his left foot instead of his right by making a tiny alteration to his body shape. Television cameras rarely focus on these gestures since they occur before anything dramatic happens. They are, nevertheless, the source code for everything that comes after.

Neymar’s influence on the training field and in the Brazil locker room depends more on colleagues’ testimonies than on camera footage. Former teammates have often described a player who continually converses with younger attackers, modifying their spacing, pushing them into the broader positions that create the openings he subsequently takes advantage of, and encourages them not to swarm in tight spaces. After years of criticism for ball retention that bordered on arrogance, Neymar’s arrival in North America appears to have carefully reconditioned his senses. The most intriguing open question in Brazil’s tournament is whether that recalibration can withstand the heat of a knockout match. 

The last curtain

One of these three men is shown lifting a trophy in a stadium in North America as the sun sets on their period in a depiction of the 2026 World Cup that football fans will watch on screens in 2046. Another, equally plausible scenario is when all three exit the competition before their countries would like, but it still becomes theirs because of the qualities they contributed to it rather than the trophies they won.

The only player to score in five World Cups is Ronaldo. Messi is unique in that he is the only player to have won every significant trophy football has to offer, both at the club and international levels. Neymar enters bruised, cherished, and unsettled, still hunting the one title that will settle the dispute over where he belongs in the pantheon.

The feeling that you are witnessing not just players but the last living remnants of a time when three contemporaries who were born within seven years of one another redefined the boundaries of what football could look like is what unites them in this last chapter, something that only devoted fans will genuinely experience. Whether it’s a final night under stadium floodlights or a group stage farewell, when the whistle blows at the end of their final games in North America this summer, the sport won’t instantly find three substitutes to fill the void they leave behind. But not quite yet, there’s still one dance left.

Communists move Calcutta HC against Bengal govt’s cattle slaughter certification mandate, call it an assault on Muslim religious freedom: Read what the law says

Aditi
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Communists move Calcutta HC against Bengal govt’s cattle slaughter certification mandate, call it an assault on Muslim religious freedom: Read what the law says

The West Bengal unit of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation (CPI-ML) has moved the Calcutta High Court seeking urgent intervention to challenge the application of the West Bengal Animal Slaughter Control Act, 1950, by the recently elected BJP government. According to Live Law, the Public Interest Litigation (PIL) will be heard by a Division Bench of Chief Justice Sujoy Paul and Justice Partha Sarathi Sen.

In the petition, the CPI-ML claimed that the implementation of the law was an assault on the religious freedom of the Muslim community, the rights of the farmers engaged in cattle trade and the citizens’ right to eat. “This is an assault simultaneously on the religious freedom of the Muslim community, on the livelihood of farmers engaged in cattle trade (who are mostly from the Hindu community), on the freedom of citizens to eat according to their choice and on the culinary diversity of West Bengal,” the CPI-ML said in a statement.

Describing the law as “outdated”, the CPI-ML alleged the implementation of the law would be tantamount to imposing “severe punitive restrictions” on the ritual sacrifice of livestock.

The Home & Hill Affairs Department of the Government of West Bengal issued a notice on May 13, 2026, reiterating strict enforcement of the West Bengal Animal Slaughter Control Act, 1950. Let’s take a look at the purpose and the provisions of the Act.

Why the Act was passed

The West Bengal Animal Slaughter Control Act, 1950, was passed by the West Bengal government with the objective of increasing the supply of milk and avoiding the wastage of animal power needed for agricultural improvement. This is the reason that the act does not put a blanket ban on the slaughter of all animals, but only on the slaughter of some specified animals and up to a certain age. The Act intends to regulate the slaughter of animals in the state so that milk-producing animals and their males are protected.

The Act specifically prohibits the slaughter of bulls, bullocks, cows, calves, male and female buffaloes, buffalo calves, and castrated buffaloes. The Act clearly states that an animal specified in it cannot be slaughtered without a certificate declaring the animal fit to be slaughtered.

Certificate for slaughtering animals

As per the provisions of the Act, the certificate declaring a specified animal fit for slaughter can be issued jointly by the President of the municipality and the Veterinary Assistant Surgeon only if the animal is above 14 years of age or if it has become permanently incapacitated from work or breeding due to age, injury, deformity, or incurable disease.

If the President of the municipality and the Veterinary Assistant Surgeon fail to make a decision, the matter goes to the Veterinary Officer, who will then decide whether the certificate will be issued or refused. The Veterinary Officer is required to pass a signed order allowing or refusing the slaughter.

Right to appeal against refusal

Any person who is aggrieved by the refusal to issue a certificate for slaughter can file an appeal against the refusal before the State Government, within 15 days from the communication of the refusal to him. The State Government has revisional powers under the Act, in exercise of which, it can examine the records of the case and can pass an order it deems fit. The decision of the State Government shall be final and cannot be called in question in a court of law.

Notably, the Act empowers the State Government to exempt from the operation of the Act, the slaughter of any animal for religious, medicinal, or research purposes.

Animals to be slaughtered at specified places only

According to the Act, the places where certified animals can be slaughtered can be specified by the State Government through a notification. As per the notification issued by the West Bengal government, certified animals can only be slaughtered at municipal slaughterhouses or facilities authorised by the local administration. Slaughter in public places is strictly prohibited.

Power of inspection

The Act confers the power of inspection on the President of a municipality, the Veterinary Assistant Surgeon, or any other person authorised by the Veterinary Assistant Surgeon in writing. The abovementioned persons may enter premises within the local limits of their jurisdiction for inspection if they have reason to believe that an offence under the Act has been or is likely to be committed.

Punishment under the Act

Any person who contravenes the provisions of this Act can be granted imprisonment up to 6 months or a fine up to ₹1000 or both. All the offences specified under the Act are cognizable, which means that the police file an FIR, make an arrest and start an investigation into an alleged offence without the prior permission of a Magistrate. The Act also states that the abetment of an offence specified in the Act is also punishable.

Norway’s Aftenposten depicts PM Modi as snake charmer: How racist colonial stereotypes still shape sections of Western media

Jinit Jain
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Norway’s Aftenposten depicts PM Modi as snake charmer: How racist colonial stereotypes still shape sections of Western media

Norway’s Aftenposten has offered a revealing reminder that despite repeated lectures from sections of the Western media on tolerance, diversity and cultural sensitivity, old prejudices have not entirely disappeared. Under the guise of political commentary, the newspaper published a cartoon depicting Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a “snake charmer” with a headline describing him as “a sneaky and slightly annoying man” during his visit to Oslo.

The cartoon attempted to make a geopolitical point, but in doing so, it ended up exposing something far more significant: the persistence of an old and deeply patronising lens through which India continues to be viewed by parts of the Western commentariat and the deep-rooted racism towards countries that once lived under the yoke of European colonialism.

Let us be clear at the outset. Political criticism is not the issue here. Democracies thrive on criticism. Heads of governments across the world, whether in India, Europe or the United States, are routinely scrutinised, mocked and criticised by journalists, commentators and satirists. PM Modi, like any other political leader, is not beyond criticism. In fact, he has been on record to encourage criticism, viewing it as essential for a healthy democracy and a tool to keep the government accountable. His policies, his diplomacy and his governance record can all be debated and challenged. That is not merely acceptable; it is essential in a democratic society.

But Aftenposten did not merely criticise Modi’s politics. It chose to reduce India itself into a colonial stereotype. It chose the image of a snake charmer, a visual trope that for generations was used by outsiders to portray India as an exotic, primitive and backward civilisation. This is where the problem lies. Satire is expected to be intelligent. It is expected to punch upward and expose hypocrisy or contradiction. What Aftenposten produced was not sophisticated satire. It was a shortcut. Instead of engaging with substance, it relied on a caricature rooted in assumptions that belong to another age.

The “snake charmer India” image did not emerge accidentally. For decades, Western depictions of India often revolved around a very limited set of images: crowded streets, cows, poverty, snake charmers and mysticism. India was frequently portrayed not as a dynamic civilisation or a complex society but as an object of fascination and pity. A significant share of the responsibility for reinforcing this stereotype also rests with former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who, rather than actively challenging such perceptions of India, often appeared to accommodate them. During visits by foreign dignitaries and heads of state, displays involving snake charmers were included as part of showcasing India, inadvertently strengthening the very exotic imagery through which much of the world had come to view the country.

Such representations carried an implicit hierarchy. The West represented modernity, rationality and progress; countries like India were cast as developing spaces to be observed, interpreted and judged.

These portrayals were products of a colonial worldview. During the colonial era, reducing societies to simplistic and exotic images served a purpose. It justified the notion that Western powers were civilisationally superior and therefore entitled to guide, manage or dominate other nations. Even after formal colonialism ended, many of these assumptions continued to survive in subtler forms through academia, media narratives and cultural depictions.

One would assume that in the twenty-first century such imagery would have disappeared entirely. Yet the Aftenposten cartoon suggests that certain instincts remain remarkably persistent.

Perhaps what makes this episode particularly revealing is the timing. India today is not the India of decades past. The country is among the world’s fastest-growing major economies. It has emerged as a major technology and innovation hub. It has expanded its influence across international forums and increasingly pursues an independent strategic posture. Whether on energy security, defence partnerships or global diplomacy, India has shown a growing willingness to make decisions based on its own national interests rather than conforming automatically to Western expectations.

The global balance of power itself is changing. For nearly two centuries, economic and geopolitical power was concentrated largely in the West. European empires dominated much of the world before being succeeded by the United States as the principal global power after the Second World War. International institutions, financial structures and global narratives developed around this order.

However, the world today increasingly looks different. The centre of gravity is gradually shifting eastward. China has emerged as a global economic giant, and India is projected to become the world’s third-largest economy in the coming years. The rise of Asian powers represents one of the most significant geopolitical transformations of the modern era.

Power transitions rarely occur without discomfort. Nations and institutions accustomed to occupying the centre of influence often struggle with changing realities. The issue is not necessarily that Western societies fear India itself; rather, it is that the assumptions that shaped the post-war world are being challenged. The idea that power, legitimacy and leadership naturally flow from the West is increasingly under pressure.

It is within this broader context that some media narratives appear increasingly revealing. There often seems to be a tendency in sections of Western commentary to interpret India through frameworks that no longer fit reality. India is frequently judged through standards that appear inconsistent or framed through assumptions that feel outdated.

The anxiety is perhaps most visible in the media ecosystems of countries that historically occupied positions of influence. Political disagreements with India increasingly appear to carry undertones that extend beyond policy debates. There is often a subtle suggestion that India’s rise itself requires qualification or suspicion.

How Norwegian journalist’s confrontational performative activism reinforces anti-India prejudice

The Aftenposten episode also does not appear entirely isolated. It comes amid a broader pattern where parts of the Norwegian media ecosystem increasingly target PM Modi and India over unsubstantiated claims of democratic decline, majoritarian politics and alleged erosion of freedoms, while often paying comparatively less attention to India’s economic transformation, technological progress and strategic significance.

Recent events during PM Modi’s Norway visit further reinforced such perceptions. A Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng, who was later exposed as a China puppet, attempted to generate a viral moment by shouting questions at PM Modi during a joint statement where no media interaction had been scheduled. The episode was subsequently framed as evidence that the Indian Prime Minister had avoided difficult questions. However, later interactions involving Indian officials provided an opportunity for journalists to raise questions directly. 

What stood out was not the asking of difficult questions but the manner in which the interaction unfolded. Increasingly, it appeared less like an attempt to seek information and more like an effort to create a confrontation designed for public consumption. There is an important distinction between adversarial journalism and performative journalism. The former seeks answers; the latter often seeks moments.

What further raises curiosity is the sudden intensity with which some voices appear to discover concerns regarding India. Publications and commentators with relatively limited engagement with India’s institutions or broader realities often seem to become deeply invested in the country when opportunities arise to portray it negatively on international platforms. This does not prove coordination or hidden motivations. Conclusions without evidence would be irresponsible. However, such patterns inevitably raise questions regarding editorial priorities and ideological predispositions

This is not a new phenomenon.

The NYT’s 2014 caricature mocking India’s Mars Mission highlighted western racism towards India

Back in 2014, India achieved something extraordinary through the Mars Orbiter Mission. The country became the first nation to successfully reach Mars orbit on its maiden attempt, and it did so at a fraction of the cost associated with many previous missions. It was a remarkable scientific and technological accomplishment.

Yet instead of simply recognising the achievement, The New York Times published a cartoon depicting a turbaned farmer leading a cow and knocking on the door of an “Elite Space Club,” where two men sat inside reading newspapers and appearing surprised by India’s arrival.

The message was difficult to miss. India was portrayed through stereotypes associated with rural poverty and backwardness, as though its entry into advanced scientific domains was somehow unexpected or amusing.

The backlash that followed was substantial enough for The New York Times to issue an apology. But apologies do not necessarily eliminate underlying attitudes. More than a decade later, similar imagery continues to emerge.

Now Aftenposten revives the snake charmer caricature.

The continuity is striking. The symbols may vary, a cow in one case, a snake charmer in another, but the underlying instinct appears similar. India is repeatedly framed not through the reality of what it has become, but through inherited perceptions of what it once was or what some continue to imagine it to be. India is continued to be looked down as a backward and underdeveloped land of snake charmers and subsistence farmers rather than a complex civilisation with immense intellectual, cultural and economic depth.

There is an irony in all of this. Western media institutions frequently position themselves as guardians of progressive values. They speak passionately about racism, representation and sensitivity. They advocate for challenging stereotypes and dismantling prejudices. Entire careers have been built around exposing harmful cultural depictions and unconscious bias.

Yet when India is involved, the standards often appear strangely flexible.

One is compelled to ask a simple question: would a similar caricature based on racial or cultural stereotypes associated with other communities or regions have passed through editorial scrutiny without controversy? Would newspapers feel comfortable employing imagery rooted in colonial assumptions if the target were different?

The answer is difficult to ignore.

This is precisely why the Aftenposten cartoon deserves criticism, not because it mocked a political leader, but because it revealed a deeper contradiction. It exposed how prejudice can sometimes survive beneath the language of satire and sophistication.

India’s rise is not a temporary event. It is not a statistical anomaly or a passing geopolitical moment. It reflects broader structural changes taking place across the global economy and international system. Countries that once occupied the periphery are increasingly moving toward the centre.

India is no longer standing outside the door asking for acceptance into elite circles. Nor is it a passive participant waiting for others to define its role in the world. It is increasingly helping shape the future itself.

And perhaps that is precisely what some find difficult to accept.

Because when old hierarchies begin to weaken, old instincts sometimes return. The real issue exposed by Aftenposten is not India’s rise. India’s trajectory is evident to anyone willing to observe it honestly. The real issue is whether parts of the Western media establishment can move beyond inherited prejudices and recognise that the world they once interpreted from a position of unquestioned authority is changing before their eyes.

The cartoon was intended as commentary on India. Instead, it may ultimately be remembered as commentary on the insecurities of those who created it.

When the Supreme Court disagrees with itself: Why conflicting UAPA rulings won’t stop the Delhi riots trial, no matter how much ‘Liberals’ cry for Umar Khalid

Divyansh Tiwari
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When the Supreme Court disagrees with itself: Why conflicting UAPA rulings won’t stop the Delhi riots trial, no matter how much ‘Liberals’ cry for Umar Khalid

A Supreme Court bench consisting of Justices B.V. Nagarathna and Ujjal Bhuyan grabbed attention on May 18, 2026, when they declared that ‘bail is the rule, jail is the exception,’ even under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. The court expressed ‘serious reservations‘ over a January 2026 judgement by another Supreme Court bench that refused Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam bail in the bigger conspiracy case involving the Delhi riots. The comments were largely interpreted as a criticism of the previous decision, and they were readily welcomed by the so-called “young cockroaches.”

However, deserved and welcome are two different things. The way in which those observations were made is called into doubt by a deeper examination of what Justice Nagarathna’s bench actually did, and what it carefully did not do. Overruling and expressing reservations are two different things. Furthermore, there is legal cacophony rather than legal clarity when a bench criticises a binding order without following the proper procedures to formally challenge it.

What the January order actually said and why it was defensible

To respond to yesterday’s comments, one must first understand what Justice Aravind Kumar’s bench concluded in January 2026 and why it was not an error.  

Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam were denied bail on January 5 by the two-judge bench, but five other defendants in the same case, Gulfisha Fatima, Meeran Haider, Shifa Ur Rehman, Mohd Saleem Khan, and Shadab Ahmed, were granted it. The January order was not a general rejection, which is an important distinction that is sometimes overlooked in the narrative. Each accused person’s claimed role was assessed separately in this measured ruling.

The court concluded that the five individuals granted bail had performed facilitative functions, such as participating in rallies and coordinating locally. In contrast, Khalid and Imam were named as the suspected architects of the conspiracy, those who, according to the prosecution, planned, managed, and coordinated the bigger plan that resulted in the violence that killed 53 people in February 2020.

Section 43D(5) of the UAPA, which states that a court cannot grant bail if it is satisfied that the accusations against the person are prima facie true, that is, credible on the face of the record, prior to trial, is the legal framework that the bench used. The bar is set high on purpose. Parliament raised the bar. The clause is in place because UAPA deals with crimes related to national security and terrorism, where releasing an accused person in the middle of an inquiry might have serious and permanent repercussions.

The idea that an accused person should be entitled to bail simply because they had been detained for a lengthy time was also discussed by Justice Kumar’s bench. It rejected that argument, ruling that a trial delay is not a trump card for automatic bail under the UAPA, especially in significant conspiracy cases where the investigation and proceedings are genuinely complex. The Supreme Court is required to implement a serious statutory framework that was passed by Parliament.

The problem with what Justice Nagarathna’s bench did yesterday

This does not imply that the January order is immune to criticism. Reasonable legal minds can argue on how Section 43D(5) interacts with the constitutional liberties , as well as whether a five year or longer imprisonment without a trial verdict, regardless of the legal language. However, there are proper and improper ways to register that disagreement inside the legal system, and what transpired on May 18 presents procedural issues that have been completely overlooked by the euphoric press coverage. 

Andrabi’s case is not Khalid’s case:

The May 18 order resulted from Syed Iftikhar Andrabi’s bail application in a narco-terrorism case in Jammu and Kashmir, a factually and legally separate matter from the Delhi riots conspiracy. There may be differences in the charges, the evidence, the accused’s involvement, and the relevant precedents. When a bench decides one case and makes broad observations about another case with different accused and facts, the observations have no legal impact on the second case. In legal parlance, they are not the ratio, the legally binding rationale, of the ruling, but rather obiter dicta, or statements made in passing, and is not legally binding. 

Procedural remedy was there:

The law offers a clear procedure where a two-judge Supreme Court bench feels that a previous decision made by a bench of the same strength is incorrect, the bench must submit the issue to the Chief Justice of India, who may then form a bigger bench to resolve the issue. The highest court in India resolves legal disputes in this manner. A smaller or equal bench can be decisively overruled by a bigger bench, three judges or more. 

The bench of Justice Nagarathna did not mention it, instead, it merely expressed reservations, granted bail in another case, and proceeded. Khalid and Imam’s January bail denial is still in effect and not overruled. The more moral course of action would have been to initiate the formal referral process instead of leaving a competing set of observations floating in the legal void, offering comfort to no one and a solution to nothing, if the May bench truly thought the January order was unconstitutional, wrong enough to say so publicly.

Invocation of K.A.Najeeb is more complicated than it appeared

The Supreme Court’s three-judge decision in Union of India v. K.A. Najeeb, which maintained that extended incarceration could allow bail even under UAPA, was pointed out by the bench. That is an actual precedent that merits consideration. However, the January bench was aware of it, the question was whether or not their cases fell under the Najeeb principle, given the particulars of the Delhi riots plot and the particular roles credited with Khalid and Imam as alleged masterminds rather than minor players. The January order, when correctly read, does not sustain the claim that Justice Kumar’s court simply ignored Najeeb.

Where this leaves the Delhi riots trial

The actual situation remains unchanged for Sharjeel Imam and Umar Khalid. The order issued in January 2026 remains in effect, as does the one year ban on new bail applications. Even though they were read with sympathy, yesterday’s observations do not grant a bail request, do not represent a review or reconsideration of the January ruling, and do not bind the trial court or any later bench considering their cases.

In future bail applications, defence counsel will refer to Justice Nagarathna’s statements. They will suggest that the statute needs to be reviewed because even the Supreme Court has questioned the validity of the January order. It remains to be seen if a future court would agree with that argument or note that obiter reservations stated in a different case are not equivalent to a legally binding decision. A referral to a larger bench will be necessary if the legal order is passed. The trial continues in accordance with the framework set forth in the January order until that time.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s observations from yesterday have been interpreted by many as a justification of liberty principles in UAPA cases, and the constitutional problem they represent is real. However, the way they were expressed, openly pointing out a coordinate bench in a different case, raises concerns about judicial conduct that are just as important as the message itself.

It’s simple to point up a mistake made by a fellow bench member. The more difficult, time-consuming, and institutionally responsible course of action is to formally refer the issue for a binding judgement by a bigger bench. The January order is still in effect, and the discussion it sparked is still unfolding.

In other news, Umar Khalid’s application for interim bail was rejected by the Karkardooma court in Delhi on May 19.

Park Circus, long a hotspot for large-scale Muslim community mobilisations, sees stern police action after years: CM Suvendu Adhikari warns against attempts to trigger unrest

Divya Bharti
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Park Circus, long a hotspot for large-scale Muslim community mobilisations, sees stern police action after years: CM Suvendu Adhikari warns against attempts to trigger unrest

The Park Circus area of central Kolkata has once again come into focus after violence during protests over restrictions on roadside prayers and loudspeaker use led to clashes with police, damage to vehicles and injuries to security personnel. The latest confrontation has also triggered a larger political discussion around Park Circus, a locality that has repeatedly emerged as a major site of mass protests and mobilisations over the years, particularly during issues involving the Muslim community. West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari has now issued a strong warning against those trying to disturb public order, saying the administration will no longer tolerate violence or attempts to create unrest.

CM Suvendu Adhikari’s warning after Park Circus violence

Reacting to the recent stone-pelting incident, Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari said the state government would take a strict approach against people involved in violence and warned that “hooliganism” would not be allowed to continue in Bengal.

He said law enforcement agencies had been given a free hand to act under the law and that the period when police personnel were left exposed without strong backing was over.

The Chief Minister said some people had become used to what he described as administrative softness and believed no action would be taken against them. He added that the government wanted to send a clear message that stone-pelting, disturbing public order or using religious slogans to create tension would not be accepted. He also mentioned that police were examining social media activity after claims that information about the disturbance had appeared online even before the incident happened.

Adhikari further spoke about plans to strengthen the Kolkata Police force through better infrastructure and logistics support. He also appealed to the Union Home Minister to allow the paramilitary companies already stationed in the state to continue for some time, saying their withdrawal could create manpower pressure. At the same time, he asked people to cooperate with the police and administration in maintaining peace.

Police action after clashes in Park Circus

The violence took place near the Park Circus Seven Point crossing where protests had been organised against the government’s restrictions on roadside namaz and loudspeaker volume limits.  

Muslim protesters gathered in the area and blocked parts of the road, leading to traffic disruption. Police had already deployed forces after receiving prior information about the demonstration.

According to officials, tensions increased when police moved to clear the road blockade. The confrontation soon turned violent, with stones and bricks thrown at security personnel and vehicles present in the area. Police vehicles suffered damage and several parked vehicles were also hit during the unrest. Visuals from the area showed broken windscreens and damage caused by stones.

Police responded with a lathi charge to disperse the crowd and regain control of the situation. Additional forces were rushed to the location and traffic movement was restored around the Park Circus Seven Point area. Authorities later confirmed that several people had been arrested and flag marches were carried out in Park Circus and other sensitive locations. Senior officers were directed to strictly enforce the new public order measures.

Officials also linked the incident to tensions that had started earlier in Rajabazar during Friday prayers when police tried to implement the state government’s policy against offering prayers on public roads. That episode had also seen confrontations and police action after roads were blocked.

The present government has taken a tougher line on roadside religious activities. BJP leaders have publicly stated that prayers should remain within mosques and not affect public movement on roads. Restrictions on loudspeaker volume and public gatherings have also become part of the administration’s approach.

Park Circus and its history of large community mobilisations

The latest developments have revived discussion about Park Circus and its long history as a centre of large-scale protests. The locality has repeatedly emerged as a gathering point during community-driven movements, especially because of its location, connectivity and ability to attract large crowds quickly.

Park Circus is one of Kolkata’s better-connected neighbourhoods and sits close to several important roads and densely populated localities. The area also witnesses large gatherings around Friday prayers, which has often made mobilisation easier during periods of social or political tension. Over the years, many demonstrations linked to Muslim community concerns have either started here or built momentum in the locality.

Anti-CAA and NRC movement at Park Circus maidan

One of the biggest examples was the anti-CAA and NRC agitation that turned Park Circus Maidan into a major protest site during the winter of 2020. Inspired by Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh movement, Muslim women-led sit-ins continued day and night with protesters saying they would remain until the Citizenship Amendment Act, NRC and NPR-related concerns were addressed.

The Muslim women from the locality and nearby areas regularly gathered at the site. Many brought children and family members while students and activists joined them. Protesters raised slogans, organised cultural programmes and demanded facilities such as tents, toilets and loudspeakers as the demonstration expanded. The movement eventually became known locally as “Swadhinata Andolan 2” or the second freedom struggle by some participants.

Several participants said they had never joined political protests before but felt compelled to participate because of fears over citizenship issues. Cultural figures, activists and political leaders also visited the venue. The protest became one of Kolkata’s most visible anti-CAA demonstrations and turned Park Circus into a national reference point during the movement.

Rally against Rohingya deportation

Park Circus again became the starting point for another major mobilisation when over a thousand of Muslim people joined a rally opposing the proposed deportation of Rohingya Muslims to Myanmar. The march was organised by multiple Muslim organisations and began from the Park Circus ground before moving toward the Myanmar Consulate office.

The demonstration also sparked political reactions, with BJP leaders criticising the then state leadership and accusing it of vote-bank politics around the issue. The event further added to Park Circus’s image as a regular site for issue-based mass gatherings involving Muslim organisations.

The prolonged women-led sit-in and its social impact

The anti-CAA protest at Park Circus was not only political but also carried a strong social dimension. Thousands of women, many of whom had never been part of public demonstrations earlier, remained active in the movement for weeks. The protest saw participation from homemakers, students, working women and families.

The death of a Muslim woman participant, Sameeda Khatoon, after a cardiac arrest at the protest site became an emotional moment for the movement. Many protesters described her as one of the faces of the resistance. Writers and activists later reflected on how Park Circus had changed from being viewed mainly as a neighbourhood identified through stereotypes into a major political and social space during that period.

Participants frequently spoke about citizenship, belonging and fears linked to documentation. For many Muslim women at the protest, the movement was also about protecting what they described as their “home” and identity. The sit-in continued for an extended period and became one of the most discussed protest spaces in eastern India at the time.

Changing law-and-order approach after political transition

The recent police response in Park Circus is now being viewed by supporters of the present BJP government as a sign of changing administrative priorities after the end of TMC rule in the state. The government maintains that public order enforcement is becoming stricter and that groups involved in road blockades, stone-pelting or violent protests will face immediate action.

Supporters of the new administration argue that incidents which earlier ended without strong consequences are now seeing arrests, deployment of additional forces and visible police presence. Flag marches in sensitive areas, enforcement of roadside gathering rules and quick police intervention are being projected as examples of this shift.

With Park Circus once again at the centre of political and social debate, the latest episode has brought together multiple strands its history as a protest hub, its role in past mass movements and the government’s attempt to project a tougher law-and-order policy. The administration’s message, as stated by the Chief Minister, is that while peaceful activity will continue under the law, any attempt to turn protests violent or disturb public order will invite action.

India’s edible oil problem: Not just creating a health crisis, it is burdening the economy and keeping us import-dependent amid supply chain disruptions

Dhruv Mishra
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India’s edible oil problem: Not just creating a health crisis, it is burdening the economy and keeping us import-dependent amid supply chain disruptions

Whenever we discuss India’s oil, we mainly focus on crude oil, but another imported commodity quietly enters almost every Indian household every single day: edible oil.

From street food stalls to luxury restaurants, from packaged foods to home kitchens, edible oil has become essential for Indian consumers. But why are we discussing this today? The answers lie in the series of events over the last three years that exposed how fragile India’s edible oil sector truly is.

In February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Within weeks, the import of sunflower oil from these two countries was entirely disrupted, making it unaffordable. Barely two months later, in April 2022, Indonesia, one of the largest exporters of palm oil, suddenly imposed an export ban to protect its own supplies. Since India relies on Indonesia for palm oil imports, the decision immediately drove up prices. Now, fresh geopolitical tensions in the Middle East and concerns around the Strait of Hormuz, through which one-third of global seaborne crude oil trade passes, have also raised concerns about shipping disruptions and freight charges. Both these events exposed the harsh reality that India’s Kitchens are deeply vulnerable to global conflicts, export bans, shipping disruptions, and geopolitical instability. 

Today, India imports nearly 60% of its edible oil requirement. India is among the world’s largest edible oil economies, after countries such as the USA, China, and Brazil. The import bill is estimated to cost the country approximately USD 18.3 billion (around ₹1.61 lakh crore) in 2024–25. 

Palm oil, which is used in processed foods, snacks, and bakery products, is largely imported from Indonesia and Malaysia. Soybean oil is largely imported from Argentina and Brazil, while Sunflower oil is supplied from Russia and Ukraine.  

At the same time, edible oil consumption in India has exploded over the last two decades. The rising oil consumption is now linked not just to imports but also to obesity, diabetes, cardiovascular disease and fatty liver across the urban and smaller cities. In this article, we will discuss how what appears to be a simple kitchen ingredient has now become connected not just to public health, foreign dependence and economic security.

India’s total consumption vs. production

Today, India is one of the world’s largest consumers and importers of edible oil. More than 25-26 million tonnes of edible oil are consumed by Indians each year, but India produces only around 11-12 million tonnes.

Nearly 60% of India’s consumption requirements are met by foreign countries. As a result, India spent nearly Rs. 1.61 lakh crore (USD 18.3 billion) to import 16 million tonnes of edible oils in 2024-25. This is not a new pattern; in previous years, such as 2023-24, it spent around Rs. 1.32 lakh crore on 15.96 million tonnes of edible oils. It was a nearly 22% jump in value due to higher global prices.

Growing demand vs slow domestic production 

Due to rising population, increasing urbanisation, fast-food consumption, and a growing restaurant culture, edible oil consumption has risen. However, the domestic production has failed to keep pace. Despite a heavy reliance on imports, India’s self-sufficiency in edible oil has gradually improved over the last decade.

Improvement in self-sufficiency 

According to government data, self-sufficiency increased from nearly 36.8% in 2015 to around 44% by 2024, driven by higher domestic oilseed production and policy support.  

Due to rising population, increasing urbanisation, fast-food consumption, and a growing restaurant culture, edible oil consumption in India has increased rapidly. However, domestic production has failed to keep pace with this growing demand. 

Why is India dependent on imported edible oils 

Despite being an agriculture-driven economy with vast cultivable land, India continues to struggle to achieve self-sufficiency in edible oil. A major reason behind this imbalance is the use of traditional crops. In India, farmers prefer to grow wheat and rice because they provide greater security through the MSP procurement, irrigation facilities, and subsidies. Meanwhile, oilseed crops are often riskier due to unstable prices, pest attacks and dependence on erratic rainfall.

Oilseed crops such as soybean, sunflower, mustard and groundnut did not receive the same level of support. ​Unlike rice and wheat farmers, oilseed farmers also face volatile market prices and weaker procurement systems, which discourage large-scale cultivation.

Another major issue is the low productivity. In many parts of India, oilseed crops are grown on marginal lands with poor soil quality and limited irrigation, resulting in lower yields than those of global producers. Countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia developed highly efficient palm oil industries over time, while India lagged in achieving large-scale self-sufficiency in edible oils. 

Rising consumption and lifestyle changes  

Another reason for the imbalance is the high consumption of fried, packaged, snack, bakery, restaurant, and fast food. As cities grow and food delivery apps become normal, edible oil consumption also increases. If we talk about data, in 2001, the average Indian consumed 8.2kg of edible oil per person annually, but it had increased to 23.5kg per person in 2023-24. Oil consumption increased by around 15kg per person over a few years. The growing gap between India’s edible oil consumption and domestic production has transformed cooking oil from a simple kitchen commodity into a major economic and strategic concern.  

As the population grew, this widening gap between rising demand and slow production growth forced India to rely heavily on imports from countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Argentina, Brazil, Russia, and Ukraine. 

Which oils India imports

India depends on different countries for different edible oils used in household cooking, packaged foods, restaurants, and the processed food industry. Palm oil is the most widely consumed edible oil in India and is primarily imported from Indonesia and Malaysia. Due to its low cost and long shelf life, palm oil is extensively used in processed foods, chips, biscuits, and bakery products. It accounts for over one-third of India’s edible oil consumption basket, making it the country’s most consumed edible oil.


India also imports large quantities of soybean oil, mainly from Argentina and Brazil, while sunflower oil is largely sourced from Russia and Ukraine. The Russia–Ukraine war exposed India’s vulnerability to global supply disruptions, as edible oil prices surged amid disruptions to sunflower oil exports. Although India produces oils such as mustard and groundnut domestically, domestic production remains insufficient to meet the country’s rapidly growing edible oil demand. As a result, India remains heavily dependent on imported edible oils. 

The 1998 mustard oil scandal 

One of the biggest turning points in India’s edible oil history was the 1998 mustard oil scandal. There was a time when mustard oil was widely used as a traditional cooking oil in North India. It was found to be adulterated with argemone oil, a toxic substance linked to epidemic dropsy. It is a serious disease causing swelling, breathing problems and heart complications. More than 60 people were killed, and around 3000 fell sick, creating widespread panic across the country. The incident severely damaged public trust in loose and locally sold mustard oil. As a result of the scandal, stricter government regulations and food safety checks were introduced. With time, branded refined oils and cheaper imported palm oils gained greater acceptance among consumers, restaurants, and food manufacturers. Many experts believe that this incident indirectly accelerated India’s shift towards refined and imported edible oils, permanently changing the country’s consumption patterns. 

The Vanaspati story

Long before refined oil became common in Indian kitchens, Vanaspati was one of the country’s most widely used cooking fats. It was introduced as a cheaper substitute for desi ghee, vanaspati quickly became popular in sweets, bakery products, restaurants and street food. It was low-cost, had a long shelf life, and was easily available. One of the most recognised brands was Dalda, which eventually became almost synonymous with vanaspati in India. With time, hydrogenated fats became deeply embedded in Indian food culture, especially in commercial cooking and processed foods. However, Vanaspati contains high levels of trans fats, which are strongly linked to heart disease and obesity. As processed food industries expanded, cheap imported palm oil gradually began replacing vanaspati in many products because it was easier to import, cheaper for large-scale commercial use, and suitable for repeated frying. The shift led to an increase in dependence on imported palm oil and highly processed edible oils, thereby changing the country’s cooking and consumption patterns.

Economics of cheap palm oil: How palm oil became dominant 

Today, India’s edible oil market is largely dominated by palm oil, which holds the single largest share at over 37% of total edible oil consumption. For decades, palm oil was among the cheapest edible oils available globally, a cost advantage built on the exceptional yield efficiency of oil palm trees, which produce nearly 3.3 tonnes of oil per hectare compared to just 0.4 tonnes for soybean and 0.7 tonnes for sunflower. However, by 2024, this price advantage had narrowed significantly, with palm oil prices rising 10% while soybean oil prices fell 9%, marking a rare shift in which palm oil was no longer the cheapest option in global markets. Despite this, its low cost, long shelf life, and high heat stability continue to make it highly attractive to food companies, snack manufacturers, bakeries, restaurants, and street food vendors. It is widely used in biscuits, chips, instant foods, frozen foods, and bakery items because it remains cost-competitive and helps lower production costs at scale. Due to its affordability over several decades, palm oil gradually became deeply embedded in India’s processed food industry and commercial cooking sector.

Health concerns around palm oil 

India imports most of its palm oil from Indonesia and Malaysia, which together account for around 85% of the global palm oil supply, making palm oil one of India’s largest imported commodities by volume. Over time, cheap imported palm oil began replacing several traditional oils in large-scale food production because it was easier to source and more economically viable for the industry. Many blended and refined oils sold in Indian markets also contain palm oil, often without consumers realising it. However, excessive palm oil consumption has raised serious health concerns. At nearly 50% saturated fat, palm oil is linked to higher LDL cholesterol levels and an increased risk of cardiovascular disease, according to the WHO and multiple independent studies. Despite these concerns, key industries, including cookie manufacturers, restaurants, and hotel chains, continue to rely heavily on palm oil due to its price and availability, further deepening India’s reliance on imported edible oils.

The health crisis behind rising oil consumption

The rising oil consumption is not only an economic issue but also, over time, becoming a health emergency. Over the last two decades, the consumption of edible oil in India has grown rapidly, which we already discussed in the previous section. In previous years, changing food habits and modern lifestyles have sharply increased oil intake across India. From fried street food to fast food, and from processed snacks to bakery products, each meal requires a large amount of edible oil. And in recent times, Food delivery apps and restaurant culture have accelerated the consumption of oily food. We have discussed the economic impacts of large oil consumption, but what about the health of Indians?

It has become clear that consuming large amounts of oil can lead to health issues and diseases. Let’s talk about the per capita edible oil consumption. In the 1960s, India’s per capita edible oil consumption was just 3-4kg annually, which has increased to nearly 25.3kg in 2024-25 and is projected to increase to 40kg by 2030-31. In just 60 years, India’s oil consumption has grown nearly 7 times. If we go more precisely, the data shows that in 2001, the average edible consumption was around 8.2 kg per person per year. This data also showed that consumption has almost tripled over the last two decades. 

It becomes more concerning if we check the ICMR-recommended limit. Indian Council of Medical Research, the apex body in India for the formulation, coordination, and promotion of biomedical research, recommends a daily intake of 20–30 grams of visible edible oil per person, which translates to a maximum of roughly 12 kg per year. Currently, Indians are consuming almost twice as much edible oil. Overconsumption of oils leads to different health diseases like Diabetes, obesity and Hypertension.

Reused cooking oil and hidden risks  

According to the NFHS-5 Data, Nearly 24% Women and 23% men are considered overweight or obese. India ranks among countries with rapidly rising obesity rates. According to the World Obesity Atlas, India has the second-highest number of overweight and obese children globally. By 2040, it is projected that nearly 56 million Indian children may become obese.  And it is not limited to obesity, but it is also true for other diseases like diabetes. According to the diabetes, India currently has around 89.8 million adults with diabetes, and by 2050, India’s diabetes cases may reach 156.7 million, which is huge in numbers. If we look at the data, diabetes cases in India increased massively over time. 

Diabetes prevalence in India had nearly doubled over the last three decades, rising from around 3% in 1990 to nearly 6% by 2021. According to doctors and researchers, unhealthy diets, excessive oil consumption, processed foods, and obesity are mainly the reasons for the increase in diabetes cases. India is also witnessing a sharp increase in heart disease and cardiovascular diseases, which are linked to unhealthy dietary habits and excessive oil consumption. Cardiovascular disease (CVD) is a broad term for conditions affecting the heart or blood vessels. It has now become one of the leading causes of death in the country, accounting for nearly 28% of all deaths in India as of 2016, according to the Global Burden of Disease study, and responsible for 45% of all deaths in the 40–69 age group, according to WHO India data. For the last few decades, the number of cardiovascular disease deaths in India has exploded. In 1990, there were around 2.26 million CVD deaths annually, which had nearly doubled to 4.77 million by 2020. According to health experts, this rise is strongly linked to overconsumption of oily and processed foods.  

At the same time, hypertension, or high blood pressure, has become increasingly common across the country. More than one in four Indians now suffers from hypertension, but a large number of cases remain undiagnosed, untreated, or poorly controlled. According to the reports, nearly 80% of Indian households reuse frying oil multiple times. The reheated oil generates harmful trans fats, free radicals and toxic compounds that can increase inflammation inside the body and raise the risk of heart disease, fatty liver disease and even certain cancers.

How global events affect Indian kitchens

In India, the sheer size of the population dictates our import dependency and in effect, is vulnerable to supply shocks due to global events. India is heavily dependent on imported edible oil, making it vulnerable to global geopolitical crises. As India imports a large quantity of edible oil, international conflicts directly affect Indian households. For instance, the Russia-Ukraine war clearly exposed this vulnerability. India imports large quantities of sunflower oil from Russia and Ukraine. Due to the war, global supply chains were disrupted, leading to higher edible oil prices in India. Since India depends heavily on Indonesia and Malaysia for palm oil imports, export restrictions immediately increased prices. Global fluctuations in palm oil, soybean oil, and sunflower oil prices can quickly affect the prices of packaged foods, restaurants, and household cooking across the country.


Currency fluctuations further worsen the problem. Since edible oils are purchased in dollars, a weaker Indian rupee increases import costs even if international prices remain stable. Basically, the rising dependence on imported cooking oil means Indians kitchens are closely linked to global wars, export bans, and shipping disruptions. As a result, even geopolitical conflicts thousands of kilometres away can directly raise cooking oil prices for Indian consumers. This growing dependence has transformed edible oil from a basic kitchen commodity into a major strategic and economic concern for India. 

Government response and PM Modi’s appeal

The rise of imported edible oil and the rapid increase in lifestyle diseases have also prompted government intervention. PM Narendra Modi has repeatedly urged Indians to reduce their oil consumption. Recently, he urged reducing oil consumption by 10% and said, “Isse desh seva bhi hogi aur deh seva bhi hogi,” meaning it would serve both the nation and the body.

First, he highlighted this issue on Independence Day, while addressing the nation, warning that obesity and lifestyle diseases could become major challenges for India in the coming years. Later, on World Health Day, he again stressed that reducing excessive oil consumption is not merely a personal health choice but also a social responsibility.

According to health experts, excessive edible oil consumption is directly linked to rising obesity, diabetes, hypertension, fatty liver disease, and cardiovascular problems across the country. Therefore, reducing excessive oil consumption can improve public health while lowering import dependence and reducing pressure on the import bill. Alongside public awareness campaigns, the government has also launched initiatives such as the National Mission on Edible Oils–Oilseeds (NMEO-OS) and the National Mission on Edible Oils–Oil Palm (NMEO-OP). These missions aim to increase domestic oilseed production, improve farmers’ incentives, strengthen self-sufficiency in edible oils, and reduce India’s long-term dependence on imports. The government’s approach now treats edible oil not just as a food commodity, but also as an issue connected to economic security, public health, and national self-reliance.

What you can do: Practical steps to reduce excessive oil consumption

According to health experts, reducing oil consumption requires both individual self-awareness and long-term lifestyle changes. One of the simplest steps one can take is to measure daily oil consumption rather than pouring it freely during cooking. Doctors also suggest that reusing or reheating the cooking oil can lead to many diseases, as reheating generates harmful trans fats, free radicals and toxic compounds that can increase the risk of heart attack, diabetes, fatty liver and certain cancers. Moreover, experts recommend switching to less-processed, cross-pressed oils wherever possible and rotating among different oils rather than relying on a single type for all cooking.

To make your life easier, you must start reading labels on packaged foods, as many processed foods contain hidden fats and refined oils. Reducing the consumption of deep-fried snacks, fast food, bakery products and heavily processed foods can significantly lower long-term health risks. At the same time, healthier cooking methods such as steaming, grilling, roasting, and air frying can help reduce unnecessary oil intake. It is also important to teach healthier eating habits to children from an early age, especially as obesity and lifestyle diseases are rising in the younger population. According to doctors, balanced diets, moderation, and home-cooked food remain among the most effective ways to improve long-term health and reduce excessive reliance on edible oils.

Conclusion

Cooking oil may seem like an ordinary kitchen ingredient, but behind every bottle lies a much larger story of foreign dependence, changing food habits, rising health risks, and economic vulnerability. Today, India imports a large share of its edible oil requirements. Despite being an agriculture-driven country, India leaves Indian households increasingly vulnerable to global wars, export restrictions, supply chain disruptions, and international price shocks. At the same time, excessive edible oil consumption has contributed to rising obesity, diabetes, hypertension, cardiovascular disease, and other lifestyle-related illnesses across the country. Therefore, it is no longer limited to agriculture or food consumption alone. It has become deeply connected to public health, economic security, food inflation, and national self-reliance. While government missions and policy reforms aim to improve domestic oilseed production and reduce import dependence, long-term change will also require healthier food habits, balanced consumption, stronger support for farmers, and greater public awareness. The future of India’s edible oil challenge will depend not only on increasing domestic production but also on changing how the country consumes food.

“Temporary access” to Russian oil: How the US is repackaging sanctions waiver as generosity after destabilising global energy markets through the Iran conflict

Jinit Jain
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“Temporary access” to Russian oil: How the US is repackaging sanctions waiver as generosity after destabilising global energy markets through the Iran conflict

The United States has a peculiar habit of waging unwarranted wars and manufacturing crises and then behaving as though the rest of the world must applaud Washington for selectively easing the pain caused by its own actions. The latest example came from US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who took to X to announce that the United States was issuing a “temporary” 30-day general licence allowing “vulnerable nations” to access Russian oil stranded at sea.

The wording of the announcement itself exposed the deeply patronising worldview through which Washington sees the world. The US Treasury Secretary effectively presented sanction waivers not as a correction of flawed American policy, but as a benevolent favour bestowed upon desperate nations by a global overlord. The implication was unmistakable: the world must remain dependent on American permissions for its energy security, even when the instability threatening that security was itself triggered by Washington’s reckless geopolitical adventurism.

Bessent claimed that the waiver would “stabilise the physical crude market” and ensure oil reached “energy-vulnerable countries.” But the obvious question is this: if allowing nations to access Russian oil helps stabilise global energy markets, why is the access merely temporary?

After all, the Treasury Secretary also attempted to justify the move by claiming it would reduce China’s ability to stockpile discounted Russian oil. If that is indeed America’s strategic concern, then permanently allowing broader access to Russian crude would logically weaken Beijing’s leverage even further by increasing competition for Russian exports. China would likely be forced to pay more as more countries enter the market for discounted Russian oil.

Instead, Washington chose a 30-day “temporary” waiver. That alone demolishes the moralistic framing of the announcement.

The reality is far more straightforward. This is not a principled recalibration of sanctions policy. It is damage control.

The Trump administration’s war against Iran has triggered serious disruptions in global energy markets, particularly for countries dependent on the Strait of Hormuz for oil shipments. Iran’s growing control over maritime movement through the Strait, including reports of additional charges and disruptions affecting oil transit, has created uncertainty across global supply chains. Countries far removed from the battlefield are now paying the economic price for a war they neither approved nor wanted.

Washington appears to have grossly underestimated the wider consequences of military escalation with Tehran. Oil-importing economies across Asia and beyond have been forced to confront rising freight costs, supply anxieties, and market volatility because of a conflict initiated by the United States. The resulting anger against Washington is no longer confined to diplomatic whispers behind closed doors.

Bessent’s carefully worded “humanitarian” waiver announcement appears less like generosity and more like an attempt to calm increasingly frustrated capitals around the world.

Notably, India has already made it clear that it does not require American approval to secure its energy interests.

On 18th May, the Modi government unequivocally stated that India would continue procuring Russian crude irrespective of whether the United States grants sanctions waivers or not. Joint Secretary in the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, Sujata Sharma, bluntly underlined that India’s crude purchases are driven by commercial logic and economic sustainability, not geopolitical pressure from Washington.

“Regarding American waiver on Russia, I would like to emphasise that we have been purchasing from Russia before waiver also, during waiver, and now also,” Sharma stated.

She further clarified that there is no shortage of crude supplies and India’s procurement decisions are based entirely on national interest and economic viability.

That position is neither new nor ambiguous.

India imports more than 80 per cent of its crude oil requirements. Any responsible government in New Delhi would naturally prioritise affordable and reliable supplies over Western geopolitical theatrics. Russian crude became attractive after 2022 primarily because it was available at discounted rates. India purchased it because it made economic sense, not because Washington approved or disapproved of it.

In fact, the United States itself previously acknowledged that India’s purchase of Russian oil helped stabilise global crude prices. India’s Ministry of External Affairs had revealed last year that American officials privately conveyed to New Delhi that continued Indian imports of Russian oil were beneficial for keeping global energy markets sustainable.

Washington’s position only changed when it decided to weaponise tariffs and sanctions pressure once again.

This contradiction exposes the sheer opportunism underlying American foreign policy. One day, India buying Russian oil is considered essential for stabilising markets. The next day, the same activity becomes grounds for punitive tariffs and sanctions rhetoric. The principles shift depending on Washington’s immediate geopolitical compulsions.

Now, after the Iran war has created turbulence across global energy markets, the United States is once again quietly relaxing restrictions while pretending it is performing a noble service for “vulnerable nations.”

The condescension embedded in that posture is impossible to ignore.

The world is expected to believe that the same superpower which destabilised West Asia through military escalation is now magnanimously rescuing poorer nations from an energy crisis. Washington wants credit for temporarily easing constraints that became dangerous only because of its own actions in the first place.

More importantly, the very issuance of this waiver is an unstated admission that the American strategy has backfired.

If sanctions architecture needs emergency exemptions to prevent economic distress across the world, then the sanctions regime itself is failing. If countries require temporary licences merely to access affordable crude during wartime disruptions caused by the United States, then the war planning clearly ignored the broader consequences for global energy security.

India, meanwhile, has demonstrated strategic clarity throughout this episode. New Delhi has repeatedly asserted that energy security is a sovereign matter. It has refused to subordinate national interest to Western political messaging. And despite repeated attempts by Washington to project itself as the arbiter of acceptable global trade behaviour, India has continued to make decisions based on economic pragmatism.

The Treasury Secretary’s announcement therefore reveals something far larger than a temporary sanctions waiver. It reflects an increasingly desperate American attempt to retain geopolitical control over a world that is steadily resisting Washington’s unilateral dictates.

The waiver is not a sign of American generosity. It is evidence that the consequences of Washington’s Iran war have become too severe to ignore.

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