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Mamata Banerjee storms out of meeting with ECI over SIR, poll body says TMC MLAs threatened and used abusive language

Shraddha Pandey
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Mamata Banerjee storms out of meeting with ECI over SIR, poll body says TMC MLAs threatened and used abusive language

The political drama staged by the Trinamool Congress (TMC) in West Bengal over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral roll heated up as Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee stormed out of the meeting with Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar on 2nd February. Dressed in all black as a mark of protest, CM Banerjee-led TMC delegation in Delhi claimed that the ECI officials ‘humiliated’ them. The ECI, however, stated that the TMC MLAs threatened and abused them.

Mamata Banerjee claims ECI ‘humiliated’ them and gave a ‘garbage of lies’

Mamata Banerjee claimed that the Election Commission officials ‘humiliated’ them and failed to address the concerns of the affected families over the SIR exercise in poll-bound West Bengal. The TMC delegation decided to ‘boycott’ the meeting after the ECI officials allegedly failed to address their grievances.

“The ECI humiliated us. They did not listen to us. That is why we walked out. I boycotted and stepped out. This election commissioner is very arrogant. We have been misbehaved with. We have been humiliated. The CEC gave us a garbage of lies. We came here for justice but were given injustice,” Banerjee said.

Launching a personal attack on CEC Gyanesh Kumar, CM Banerjee said, “I have never seen this kind of Chief Election Commissioner. He is a great liar. He is giving a briefing after our queries.”

After a 90-minute meeting with CEC Gyanesh Kumar, CM Mamata Banerjee abruptly left the meeting and reiterated the same old claims that the Election Commission is somehow working at the ‘behest’ of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Banerjee told the media that the ECI is deliberately doing large-scale deletion of voters’ names from the electoral roll, over minor spelling errors and title changes common in the state.

The West Bengal Chief Minister claimed that names were being struck off over spelling differences like Mukherjee and Mukhopadhyay, or Chatterjee and Chattopadhyay. CM Banerjee further claimed that over 58 lakh names have been deleted from the draft electoral roll without being given a hearing. “They didn’t even ask,” Banerjee said.

“They say whatever they have done is right. They did not allow any outside cameramen to enter. What is done to hide democracy? They are working under the BJP’s direction. First, they removed 58 lakh voters, then they removed 1.4 crore voters. Around 2 crore people’s names have been removed from the voters’ list and put under mismatch. BJP has won Haryana, Maharashtra and Bihar by manipulation. I can bring lakhs of people here in Delhi, and I can parade them in front of anybody…” she said.

Mamata Banerjee then proceeded to highlight her main ‘Muslim’ concern, coupling it with the safe and effective ‘Dalit’ card, as she said that the Election Commission was specifically targeting Muslim ‘minorities’ and Scheduled Castes.

“Why are SCs and minorities being targeted? Are they not human beings?” she asked.

Even as there is all the more need for SIR in poll-bound states, CM Mamata Banerjee questioned why the SIR was conducted in states set to undergo elections, asserting that poll-bound states should have been skipped.

“Why the hurry before the election? You should have left the states going to polls,” Banerjee said.

Election Commission hits back at TMC, says party MLAs threatened and abused them

As the Mamata Banerjee-led TMC delegation levelled grave accusations against the ECI, the Commission not only called out the alleged lies peddled by the TMC but also detailed how the TMC leaders misbehaved with ECI officials.

The ECI officials said that Mamata Banerjee “raised false allegations, misbehaved, thumped the table and left”. In a statement, the Election Commission said that CEC Gyanesh Kumar responded to the queries raised by Mamata Banerjee and assured her that the rule of law will prevail throughout the SIR exercise.

However, despite the polite demeanour of CEC Gyanesh Kumar and the other two Election Commissioners, CM Banerjee behaved inappropriately, thumped the table and walked out.

“Despite the fact that CEC & ECs were listening to her patiently. Mamta Banerjee ran away from the meeting in between by BANGING THE TABLE IN RAGE,” the ECI sources said.

“CEC Shri GK responded to her queries & explained Rule of Law shall prevail, and anybody taking law into their own hands shall be dealt with strictly as per the provisions of law and powers vested in the Commission,” the statement reads.

Furthermore, the ECI alleged that the TMC leaders are constantly threatening and abusing the Commission, especially CEC Gyanesh Kumar.

“TMC MLAs are openly using abusive and threatening language against the Commission and especially against the CEC. Also threatening the election officials,” the ECI said.

The ECI also pointed out that there have been “incidents of vandalisation of the ERO (SDO/BDO) Offices by TMC workers/MLAs.”

“CEC reaffirmed that no pressure, obstruction, or interference of any kind by anyone should be exerted on officers engaged in SIR work,” the ECI said.

The Commission also raised administrative issues pertaining to the SIR exercise. The ECI stated that honorarium payments to booth-level officers (BLOs) should be released on time.

“Honorarium payable to Booth Level Officers (BLOs) be released in a timely manner without any further delay. Only Rs.7,000 out of Rs.18,000 per BLO has been paid as of now,” the ECI said.

“EROs/AEROs provided for deployment are not of the level of SMs/Tehsildars. Appointment of Returning Officers: The Commission has requested for proposal for appointment of ROs on 20.01.2026 as per the criteria (SM/SDO/Revenue Divisional Officer from General Administration). At present only in 67 Assembly Constituencies ROs are of the rank of SDO/SDM,” it added.

The Election Commission further pointed out during the meeting that the TMC government in West Bengal has transferred three Electoral Roll Observers without consulting the ECI. Despite ECI’s objections, the Mamata Banerjee-led government did not take any action.

“ECI has requested for cancellation of transfer orders on 27.01.2026. However, no action has been reported so far,” the ECI said.

The Commission also highlighted that the West Bengal government failed to register FIR against four officers (two ERO and two AERO) and one Data Entry Operator “for their failure to perform their statutory duties and for violating data security policies by sharing log-in credentials with unauthorised persons.”

Frustrated over SIR weeding out illegal voters in West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee indulges in whataboutery, asks why no SIR in Assam

Ever since the announcement of SIR was first made ahead of the last Bihar assembly elections, West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee has been at the forefront to attack the Election Commission and the BJP-led Central government. Banerjee, joined by other I.N.D.I. bloc parties, has been claiming that the ECI is acting on the BJP’s behest to remove names of Muslim and Dalit voters from draft electoral rolls under the pretext of weeding out illegal or fake voters. When the authorities cracked down on illegal Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslims carrying fake voter IDs, the TMC linked it to Bengali Asmita or pride, insinuating that in the name of taking action against Bangladeshi illegals, the Centre was deliberately harassing Bengalis.

Even ahead of the start of SIR in West Bengal, CM Banerjee had raised objections and even issued veiled threats to BLOs, reminding them that they were for her government and not the ECI.

Various research and studies suggest that the 2024 electoral roll of West Bengal may include approximately one crore excess voters, recording an inflation of a whopping 13.69%. As per a study by Dr. Milan Kumar, Assistant Professor at the Indian Institute of Management Visakhapatnam and Dr Vidhu Shekhar, Assistant Professor at SP Jain Institute of Management & Research, the estimated number of legitimate voters (2024) is 6,57,06,849, while the number of voters per the official electoral roll (2024) is 7,61,24,780. This marks an estimated surplus of 1,04,17,931 voters, which in percentage translates into 13.69%.

However, despite the alarming numbers in her own state, CM Mamata Banerjee decided to concoct a narrative that somehow the SIR exercise is being conducted only in non-BJP-ruled states, even as BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh have also been through the SIR exercise.

“In Assam, there is a BJP government, so you didn’t do SIR there. You are targeting Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu and leaving a BJP-ruled state,” Banerjee said.

This comes even as the ECI has already explained why Assam is not undergoing the conventional SIR exercise. In October 2025, CEC Gyanesh Kumar said that the citizenship rule for Assam “differs from the rest of the country” and thus, a special order will be issued for SIR in Assam.

Regarding why no SIR will be conducted in Assam like other states and UTs, CEC Kumar said, “A special order will be issued by the Election Commission to hold SIR in Assam. Under the Citizenship Act, there are separate provisions for citizenship in Assam. Under the supervision of the Supreme Court, the exercise of checking citizenship is about to be completed. The June 24 SIR order was for the entire country. Under such circumstances, this would not have applied to Assam. So, there will be separate revision orders issued for Assam, and a separate SIR date will be announced.”

Assam’s special citizenship law caps foreigners from voting or holding citizenship rights. Apparently, the ECI cannot apply a uniform SIR without conflicting with Assam’s special provisions, as SIR verification, including the 2003 cut-off, could inadvertently overlap or undermine them.

Besides, the NRC in Assam ordered and monitored by the Supreme Court since 2013, is nearing completion. Final appeals and re-verifications are pending, though. The Assam NRC has already excluded over 19 lakh people as “doubtful citizens”, triggering opposition. Thus, conducting an SIR now would risk double-deletion, duplicate efforts and also essentially mean an interference with SC-mandated timelines of the NRC. Since citizenship adjudication in Assam remains ongoing under the Supreme Court’s supervision, making parallel revisions through SIR will be impractical.

It is also amusing that Mamata Banerjee loathes SIR and initially wanted it not to happen in West Bengal altogether, and remains belligerent against the ECI, wants the same SIR exercise to be conducted in Assam.

Inland Waterways and Coastal Cargo Promotion Scheme: Read how the Modi government plans to boost the economy using rivers and coastlines

Divya Bharti
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Inland Waterways and Coastal Cargo Promotion Scheme: Read how the Modi government plans to boost the economy using rivers and coastlines

The rivers and long coastline of India are soon going to play a much bigger role in the economic development of the country. In the Union Budget 2026-27, the Modi government has announced major initiatives to develop the inland waterways and coastal shipping of the country. The aim is to make the transportation of cargo cheaper, cleaner, and more efficient.

The key to this development is the Coastal Cargo Promotion Scheme. This scheme aims to encourage companies to transport their cargo from roads and railways to the rivers and coastlines. The government is also keen to enhance the share of inland waterways and coastal shipping in India’s cargo transport from the present 6% to 12% by 2047.

According to officials, this will help reduce logistics costs, fuel consumption, carbon emissions, and pressure on highways and rail routes.

Coastal Cargo Promotion Scheme: a big push for green logistics

The newly announced Coastal Cargo Promotion Scheme is designed to support sustainable logistics and long-term infrastructure growth. By promoting waterways for cargo transport, the government expects to build a strong domestic ecosystem that can meet the rising demand for containerised cargo.

As per the scheme, India aims to handle a total of one million TEUs annually for the next 10 years. The move is expected to create a new market in excess of ₹1 lakh crore, besides providing massive employment opportunities and developing supporting industries, thus reducing dependence on imports.

Along with the Bharat Container Shipping Line, the scheme is seen as a decisive step toward maritime self-reliance and a more resilient supply chain.

Inland waterways expansion from 5 to 111 waterways

The Union Budget has given fresh momentum to India’s inland waterways programme, which has been expanding steadily since 2014.

Before 2014, India had only five national waterways. Today, that number has grown to 111 waterways under the National Waterways Act. Over the next five years, the government plans to operationalise 20 more National Waterways, further widening the network.

Cargo movement on inland waterways has jumped sharply from 18.1 million metric tonnes in 2013-14 to 145.5 million metric tonnes in 2024-25, marking nearly 700 %growth at a compound annual growth rate of about 21%, as per government data.

The operational length of waterways has also expanded from 2,716 km to over 5,155 km, helping reduce congestion on roads and railways.

National Waterway-5 on the Mahanadi river in Odisha

One of the most important announcements in the Budget is the focused development of National Waterway-5 on the Mahanadi river system in Odisha.

This waterway will link the mineral-rich areas of Talcher and Angul with major industrial hubs such as Kalinga Nagar and ports at Paradeep Port and Dhamra Port.

Major terminals will be built at Kakudi, Kurunti and Pankapal, with coal, coking coal and limestone as the main cargo. The corridor has an estimated cargo potential of 10 million tonnes by 2032, which could rise to 20 million tonnes by 2047. The total investment is expected to be around ₹13,000 crore.

This project will unlock the economic potential of eastern India by directly connecting mineral belts, factories and ports.

Skill development and Ship repair building capacity

To support the growing waterways sector, the Budget announced the setting up of Regional Centres of Excellence (RCoE) for skill development.

Training institutes will be established in Kolkata and Varanasi, helping young people across the waterway network gain specialised skills in inland shipping and logistics. A dedicated ship repair ecosystem for inland vessels will also be developed at Varanasi and Patna, improving reliability and creating skilled jobs.

Another RCoE is being developed in Dibrugarh, Assam, strengthening capacity in the Northeast.

Better connectivity through freight corridors and ports

To improve multimodal transport, the Budget proposed new Dedicated Freight Corridors connecting Dankuni in the east to Surat in the west. These corridors will improve port connectivity, speed up cargo movement and support industrial logistics.

Stronger integration of inland waterways with ports such as Paradeep and Dhamra is expected to further reduce the load on roads and railways.

Seaplanes, Ship ownership and tax incentives

The Budget also announced plans to indigenise seaplane manufacturing, along with a Viability Gap Funding scheme to support operations. This move aims to boost tourism and improve connectivity to remote and island regions, including the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Lakshadweep.

To promote Indian ship ownership, the government extended the tax deduction period for units in GIFT IFSC and Offshore Banking Units from 10 to 20 consecutive years within a 25-year period.

The customs duty exemption on small vessel imports has been extended until March 2028, while the exemption on large vessels has been permanently removed. These measures are expected to encourage Indian flagging, fleet expansion and tonnage growth.

Using India’s geography to drive growth

The Union Budget clearly positions inland waterways, coastal shipping, shipbuilding and container manufacturing as key drivers of India’s logistics strength and trade competitiveness.

With a strong focus on the three Kartavyas, accelerating growth, fulfilling aspirations and ensuring Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, the government aims to use India’s natural geography to fuel economic expansion.

By turning rivers and coastlines into highways of commerce, the Modi government is betting on greener transport, lower costs and a more balanced, inclusive growth model for the decades ahead.

Reclaiming the Eternal Way: Hindu sampradayas are free to have their own identity but they should preserve their roots in Sanatan Dharma

Swami Vishalanand
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Reclaiming the Eternal Way: Hindu sampradayas are free to have their own identity but they should preserve their roots in Sanatan Dharma

It is a quiet irony of our times that while many spiritual traditions born of the Indian subcontinent—such as Buddhism—have found global acceptance, the source from which they emerged, Sanatan Dharma, remains largely unknown or misunderstood in many parts of the world. One may walk into a Zen monastery in Japan, atheravāda retreat in Thailand, or a mindfulness centre in California, and rarely find mention of the philosophical river from which all these tributaries flowed.

Buddha, the great awakened one, was born into the cultural and spiritual soil of Sanatan Dharma. His teachings were not a rebellion but a reform—an inner flowering of truths that were already seeded in the Upanishads and embraced through the disciplines of dhyana and vairagya. And yet, today, there is a growing disconnect. The world reveres the flowers, but forgets the root. Even within India, that root is being buried under layers of ritualism, branding, and external symbolism.

We are at a moment in history where the spiritual traditions that emerged from Sanatan Dharma—rather than serving as paths that lead back to the essence—are increasingly seen as self-contained identities. This shift is not inherently wrong, but it poses a question: have we begun to mistake the doorway for the destination?

Even our Constitution recognises this spiritual plurality. Under Article 25, every individual has the freedom to practice and profess their faith, while Article 26 grants communities the right to manage their religious institutions. But this legal space for sects and denominations was never meant to fragment the unity of Dharma into competing brands. The Constitution honours diversity within a tradition, not spiritual severance from it.

Similarly, under Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, people are free to express their religion—but such freedom is not a license to abandon truth. One may form structures, rituals, and communities—but not cut themselves off from the timeless essence of Sanatan Dharma, which is the original spiritual current that flows beneath them all.

Where are we headed?

The so-called small factions of Sanatan Dharma—meant to serve as enriching tributaries—are now asserting themselves as rivers independent of the very source that gave them life. They are growing in popularity, but not always in depth. What we are witnessing is not just diversification, but dilution. In the quest for distinctiveness, they are abandoning the spiritual integrity of their origins.

This is a matter of concern. Hinduism is not merely a religion of temples and deities. It is the most ancient, refined, and intellectually profound spiritual tradition known to humanity. It is the womb of the Dvaita and Advaita philosophies. It introduced the world to the concept of Brahman—the eternal, formless, limitless consciousness that transcends space and time. It explored planetary movements long before modern telescopes existed, calculated time with astonishing precision, and discovered the atom (Anu) through the insights of Rishi Kanad.

Our seers mapped distances not just on earth, but between celestial bodies—documented in the Vedas. Saints like Tulsidas didn’t just write poetry; they embedded timeless psychological truths within verses. Yoga, which is now a global fitness fad, was once a deeply spiritual discipline intended to unite the individual soul (Jeev) with the cosmic soul (Brahman). Ayurveda, India’s ancient medical science, offered a holistic understanding of the human body and mind long before Western medicine began to scratch the surface of psychosomatic wellness.

But today, these treasures are gathering dust while rituals are gaining glitter. The core is being sacrificed for the shell. In a world increasingly driven by capitalism and consumerism, even religion is not spared. It is the age of religious branding, where charisma overshadows content, and spectacle triumphs over silence.

We now have “spiritual influencers” more than seers. The cults package and sell rituals, but forget to teach contemplation. They create communities but forget to cultivate consciousness. As a result, Hinduism is being perceived more as a chaotic festival of colours, elephants, and chants than as a rigorous school of metaphysics, ethics, and existential inquiry.

To form a sect is lawful but to forget the source is not dharmic.

In our own land, the spiritual impulse that once emphasised silence, contemplation, and self-inquiry is being eclipsed by noise, spectacle, and showmanship. The modern seeker often finds themselves drawn to grand temples, vibrant processions, and branded forms of devotion—but rarely to the stillness of the soul where true Dharma reveals itself. Even profound movements once centred on Vedantic exploration or yogic discipline now risk being reduced to identities or organisational cultures, detached from their deeper metaphysical moorings.

This is not a critique of any group or institution. Each has played its role in keeping some flame alive. But the concern is spiritual, not sociological. The danger lies not in the diversity of expression, but in the dilution of depth. The treasure of Sanatan Dharma—its insight into the eternal Self (Atman), the formless Absolute (Brahman), the path of dharma beyond dogma—is being forgotten even as its names and festivals are celebrated.

Sanatan Dharma is not a fixed religion. It is the eternal way of inner unfolding. It is not confined to texts or traditions—it lives through realisation, not ritual; through awakening, not affiliation.

And yet, in our temples and homes, the deeper conversations are fading. Where, once the Gita was reflected upon for guidance in action, now it is often displayed as a symbol. Where once the Upanishads stirred a longing for truth, now they gather dust beside popular handbooks on instant peace. Our saints and seers meditated not for display, but for dissolution of the ego. They wrote not for popularity, but to transmit eternal truths to generations unborn.

This is not a call for rejection—but for remembrance.

We now have “spiritual influencers” more than seers. The cults package and sell rituals, but forget to teach contemplation. They create communities but forget to cultivate consciousness. As a result, Hinduism is being perceived more as a chaotic festival of colours, elephants, and chants than as a rigorous school of metaphysics, ethics, and existential inquiry.

This is the tragedy of our times.

The universal religion—the Dharma that accepted every path, revered every prophet, absorbed every idea, and gave the world a framework to live in harmony with nature and the self—is becoming incomprehensible in its own birthplace. We have become so focused on the branches, that we are losing the tree.

And in the eyes of the world, the confusion is complete. Hinduism appears fragmented, cultish, and mythological rather than philosophical. It is being measured not by its capacity to awaken the soul, but by its ability to entertain the senses. Where, once sages meditated under banyan trees, we now have festivals that resemble marketing carnivals.

Conclusion

This is a call to introspection, not rejection. The cults have done valuable work in spreading fragments of our tradition. They have kept the flame alive, albeit in coloured glass. But it is time to return to the essence. To revisit the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Yoga Sutras, and the Bhagavad Gita, not as religious texts, but as life manuals. To talk less of rituals and more of realisation.

It is time to remind the world, and ourselves, that Hinduism is not a religion to be followed, but a Dharma to be lived. Not a club to belong to, but a consciousness to be awakened.

Let us not allow the tributaries to forget the river. Let the cults be gateways, not fortresses. And let us, as inheritors of the oldest wisdom tradition of humanity, reclaim our role not as marketers of religion, but as custodians of eternal truths.

The world is looking for meaning. Let us not give them spectacle instead.

Was Rahul Gandhi’s Naravane book drama in Parliament carefully timed to counter Xi Jinping’s olive branch approach amid US attempts to manipulate India?

Divyansh Tiwari
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Was Rahul Gandhi’s Naravane book drama in Parliament carefully timed to counter Xi Jinping’s olive branch approach amid US attempts to manipulate India?

Yesterday, February 2, the Lok Sabha saw previously unheard of spectacles as Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi tried to use the Motion of Thanks to the President’s address as a stage for sensationalism. The Congress leader attempted to recite passages from Four Stars of Destiny, the unpublished memoir of former Army Chief General MM Naravane, by waving a copy of The Caravan magazine. The House was adjourned as a result of the subsequent chaos, in which Home Minister Amit Shah and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh fiercely objected to the reference of unpublished, unverified material. 

A far more important game is being played in the background, while the media is currently obsessed with the parliamentary theatrics, the screaming battles, the use of Rule 349, and the Congress party’s claims of censorship. To the uninformed observer, this looks like a border crisis and a personal dispute over a book. But a closer look reveals a sophisticated geopolitical ploy. The subsequent parliamentary offensive and the date of this discussion are probably not coincidental. Only a few days have passed since Beijing made a major diplomatic gesture, raising the possibility that the commotion in the well of the House might be a hint of a tectonic shift in the triangle between the US, China, and India.

The theatre of the absurd: Rule 349 and the unpublished manuscript 

The debate appears to revolve on General Naravane’s unfinished book, notably his depiction of the August 2020 standoff on the Kailash Range. General Naravane asserts in the extracts released by The Caravan that he sought explicit political orders at crucial times when Chinese tanks were approaching Indian lines at Rechin La. After consulting with the Prime Minister, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh allegedly told him, ‘Jo uchit samjho, woh karo’ (Do whatever you feel proper). 

This phrase has been seized upon by the opposition, who saw it as the political leadership’s abdication of responsibility and a moment of hesitancy when the country needed clear directives. Rahul Gandhi tried to use this narrative yesterday to portray the government as weak and unsure of itself. But the defence minister himself spearheaded the government’s counteroffensive, which was grounded in both operational need and rigorous parliamentary decorum.

Members of the Lok Sabha are strictly prohibited from reading books, newspapers, or letters that are not directly related to the particular topic under discussion in the House, as per Rule 349. To put it another way, the purpose of this rule is to make sure that the floor of Parliament is used for official legislative work rather than for promoting unsubstantiated claims or private manuscripts that haven’t been legally placed on the table. 

Rajnath Singh’s argument was clear how can the sanctity of Parliament be compromised by citing from a book that is not officially in the public domain? The Ministry of Defence (MoD) is presently reviewing the manuscript as per rules, according to the government’s position. Contrary to what the opposition says, this is a standard, non negotiable protocol rather than censorship. Service chief memoirs must be sanitised for sensitive information that can jeopardize military strategies or intelligence sources, particularly those that deal with current and ongoing operational realities like the LAC standoff. The Opposition was essentially asking the House to circumvent national security procedures in order to make a political soundbite by trying to put these unverified passages into the parliamentary record. 

Furthermore, interpreting the order ‘Jo uchit samjho, woh karo’ as indecision is a serious misunderstanding of military command structures. Delegating operational flexibility to the commander on the field is frequently the highest form of political leadership during a tactical crisis. The political leadership was empowering, not deserting, the Army by granting General Naravane the carte blanche to do as deemed appropriate. The commanders were free to respond to the changing dynamics of the battlefield without being constrained by a distant bureaucracy in Delhi, as it was a mark of confidence in the military’s judgment. The narrative of the opposition deliberately overlooks the fact that this choice ultimately resulted in the successful occupation of the heights, compelling China to engage in negotiations. 

Xi’s greeting and the American anxiety

It is necessary to look outside the boundaries of Parliament and toward the diplomatic cables that were exchanged just last week in order to fully comprehend why this dispute has now emerged.

Something unexpected occurred on Republic Day, January 26, 2026. In contrast to the routine diplomatic correspondence of other years, Chinese President Xi Jinping sent President Droupadi Murmu a message. As ‘good neighbors, friends, and partners,’ Xi compared China and India to a ‘dragon and the elephant dancing together.’ This was a clear signal in the complex realm of Chinese diplomacy, not merely polite conversation. Beijing was indicating that it was prepared for a thaw after years of freezing after the Galwan conflict. 

The Atlanticist establishment’s worst-case scenario is the possible normalisation of relations between China and India, the two titans of Asia. India’s role as China’s long-term counterweight in the Indo-Pacific is crucial to the United States, which is currently preoccupied with its own internal changes and international obligations. The containment approach Washington has painstakingly developed over the past ten years would be undermined by a détente between Beijing and New Delhi.

In light of this, the abrupt appearance of the Naravane extracts in The Caravan, a newspaper renowned for its prejudiced stance on the current Indian regime and its frequent agreement with narratives popular in Western liberal circles, raises questions. The goal of the leak of the memoir passages at this particular time is to sabotage any quiet diplomatic progress with Beijing by rekindling domestic resentment against China and putting the Indian government in a difficult position where it must speak forcefully to defend its nationalist credentials.

Is it a coincidence that a 2020 problem is brought up to stoke popular anger at the same time that Xi Jinping is offering an olive branch? Here, the foreign hand might be a sophisticated information operation rather than the naked intrusion of the Cold War era. Interests supporting the American Deep State can successfully drive a wedge by using a domestic outlet and a willing opposition. They are aware that Prime Minister Modi’s administration will find it politically impossible to accept Beijing’s handshake if the Parliament is immobilized by charges of surrender to China. The dispute keeps India tightly bound to the US security framework by guaranteeing that the China threat will continue to be the most prevalent domestic narrative.

The hypocrisy of alleging censorship: A memory lapse?

When compared to historical events, the Congress party’s recent defense of freedom of expression with relation to military novels seems hollow. The Opposition seems to have forgotten its own history of stifling military voices that went against the Nehru-Gandhi heritage when it accused the government of gagging General Naravane. 

Brigadier J.P. Dalvi’s Himalayan Blunder was notably banned by the Congress government. That book revealed the negligence of the political leadership at the time and was a scathing first hand account of the 1962 fiasco. In a similar vein, Neville Maxwell’s book India’s China War, which questioned the official Indian account of the 1962 war, was threatened with legal action under the Official Secrets Act. Even Bertrand Russell’s Unarmed Victory, authored by one of the world’s most prominent philosophers, was banned in India because it criticized the government’s handling of the Sino Indian border issue.

It is astoundingly hypocritical of a party that methodically repressed any military writers who dared to criticize the 1962 defeat to now claim censorship over a routine security evaluation of a contemporary book. The opposition naively ignores the fact that the current government is not outlawing books rather, it is making sure that operational details are kept secret.

The agnipath dimension and the attempt to divide the forces

The attempt to rekindle the wounds related to the Agnipath program through General Naravane’s memoir is another facet of this dispute. The Army was allegedly surprised by the scheme’s implementation, according to the leaked passages.

The Opposition wants to create a rift between the military and the political establishment by drawing attention to this. This is a risky game. Civil military interactions are sacred in a democracy. The civilian leadership is ultimately in charge of making decisions. They consult with the military but base their choices on a wider range of national considerations, such as long term strategy and economics. To imply that the Army was bypassed would encourage disobedience and distrust among the ranks.

Again, timing is critical in this situation. The initial groups of Agniveers have already been integrated into units as the Agnipath plan has stabilized. It is an attempt to undermine military unity at a time when the borders are still tense by bringing up this topic now. It fits in well with the goals of foreign enemies who stand to gain from an Indian military that is divided on the inside and wary of its political overlords.

The hypocrisy of citing ‘National Security‘

It was evident how ironic yesterday’s events were. Although Rahul Gandhi claimed to advocate for national security and the truth, in reality, he was using live television to expose the tactical specifics of a delicate border deployment and decision making process, curiously timed for a moment when China is extending a handshake. The passages describe the precise locations of commanders, the movement of tanks, and the time of calls.

The LAC is in a stable but precarious state in 2026. The PLA (People’s Liberation Army) gains vital information on India’s crisis response time and political command loops by disclosing the detailed decision matrix of 2020, including how long it took for orders to arrive and what the precise instructions were. The Opposition is unintentionally serving as an open source intelligence resource for the very enemy they allege the administration is mismanaging by advocating for the public release of these facts.

The government’s silence over the book’s specifics is a responsible state’s discipline rather than an admission of guilt. Post mortems of near war situations are not held in public squares by states when the neighbour is still observing from the ridgeline. In order to keep the Lok Sabha from becoming a weakness in India’s defense posture, the Defence Minister’s intervention served as a crucial firewall. 

Conclusion

It is critical that the Indian public grasp the bigger picture as the shouting match in Parliament comes to a close. The Naravane Controversy is not primarily about what transpired on the evening of August 31, 2020, nor is it particularly about a book. India triumphed that night because our political leadership trusted the Army to do its duty, our men secured the heights, and our tanks faced down the PLA. 

The true narrative of February 2, 2026, is about the precarious equilibrium of geopolitics in the twenty-first century. We are seeing a deliberate attempt to sabotage a possible normalisation of relations between China and India. To keep the Himalayan borders hot, the Western Lobby, with the help of a domestic media outlet and an opportunistic opposition, is using information warfare. The commotion in Parliament is an attempt to close the door that Xi Jinping’s Republic Day greeting opened. India’s strategic autonomy cannot be dictated by foreign interests or domestic sensationalism, as demonstrated by the government’s failure to respond to the leaked documents.

Who gains from portraying the Indian Army as leaderless and the government as weak? Not India and most definitely not the soldiers on duty at Rechin La. Only those who are afraid of an India that is confident and at peace with its neighbors stand to gain. 

NDTV and others peddle fake news about ‘dominant caste’ stopping Dalit man from sitting on a horse: Read how a personal dispute between Dalits and OBCs led to the clash

Rukma Rathore
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NDTV and others peddle fake news about ‘dominant caste’ stopping Dalit man from sitting on a horse: Read how a personal dispute between Dalits and OBCs led to the clash

A wedding ceremony turned violent when the groom was attacked during the festivities in Chadrumana hamlet of Patan district in Gujarat. The instance which unfolded on 1st February (Sunday) was characterised as an attack on the Dalit groom by members of the dominant caste for his act of mounting a horse. NDTV framed the entire occurrence with caste implications in its report, “Dalit Groom Attacked With Swords For Riding Horse In Gujarat.”

Zee 24 Kalak similarly presented the issue from a caste perspective.

Part-time radio jockey and full-time propagandist Sayema also seized the opportunity to attack the Hindu general category, mocking “But upper castes face discrimination na?”

Another notorious member of the secular-liberal cabal further propagated the falsehoods to exploit the caste fault lines and remarked, “Corrections: Dalit groom attacked by Upper caste for breaking the caste barrier.” He even used the same to advocate for the controversial University Grants Commission (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations, 2026 which have been stayed by the Supreme Court.

Varun Grover, the failed comedian, decided to ridicule the incident as a “representation of social unity.”

Sanjay Hegde, a lawyer and supporter of Congress, amplilied the lies by adding, “Caste is a British concept” and used “Hindu Khatre Mein Hain” hashtag to belittle the plight of the Hindu community, a global community that has been under attack not only in neighbouring Islamic countries but also domestically in regions like Jammu and Kashmir and West Bengal.

One more member of this group labeled the act of a Dalit person riding a horse as a “rebellion against the Hindu caste hierarchy” and made a desperate effort to connect it with reservation. He insinuated that the upper castes despise it out of their dislike for the SC and ST communities and went on to involve the apex court in his absurd argument. “They don’t have fear of SC/ST atrocity act. Why? Because of Supreme Court of India.They are trying to dilute SCST act in every way,” he wrote.

Ali Shervani employed a gif of a man supporting a temple in hopes of exacerbating the caste divide and pit Hindu communities against each other in addition to deriding their faith.

However, the reality of the matter was soon revealed by the authorities who arrested 3 perpetrators and continue to search for the other 5. The conflict arose between members of the Dalit and Thakor communities. Notably, the latter is a part of the Koli caste in Gujarat and is classified as OBC (Other Backward Class). The Thakors are the largest among the state’s 146 recognised OBC castes. More importantly, the clash was sparked over DJ music during the wedding procession between the two sides who already have a “long-standing land dispute” and no casteist motive was found during the police inquiry.

The truth of the confrontation

A ras-garba event featuring the DJ music was held in the area close to the home of one of the accused, following the rituals. “During the investigation, we found that there was a death in the accused’s community and they had asked for the DJ to be stopped. The situation worsened as a result, and the two families came to a head. Three of the accused were found at the spot, and they have been detained,” informed Deputy Superintendent of Police (ST/SC Cell) Paresh J Renuka who is also an investigating officer in the case.

“When we inquired further, we found that there was no caste angle behind the incident. There is a long standing land dispute between the complainant and the accused. In 2022 also, a case under the Atrocities Act was registered following a clash between the same parties over land. Otherwise, wedding processions of Dalit community have been held peacefully in this village in the past too,” he highlighted.

The fresh heated argument turned into a physical altercation after which the groom’s father used the emergency number 112 to notify the authorities. A police squad arrived swifly at the location, managed the situation and dispersed the gathering. A complaint was submitted to the Patan Taluka Police Station in which Ganpatbhai Chavda mentioned that his son Vishal’s wedding procession arrived at the square of the Jogni Mataji temple in the village where garba was being played.

Afterwards, the armed offenders reached there and attacked him alongside hurling casteist slurs and intimidating him. A First Information Report (FIR) was filed against eight people under the applicable provisions of the Gujarat Police Act, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

According to the police, three individuals, Bakuji Thakor, Jivanji Thakor and a minor have been taken into custody while “the remaining five accused are absconding, and dedicated teams have been formed to trace and arrest them at the earliest.” They all are from the same family.

Meanwhile, more cops have been stationed in the area to prevent further escalation and impose law and order. Officials added, “The situation is under control and the investigation is ongoing from all angles.”

Conclusion

The news report published by NDTV was rife with inaccuracies and was soon exploited by the usual culprits to attack the Hindu community under the pretext of caste justice. The Dalit groom was subjected to an attack, but the fact is that it was not neither due to his caste nor carried out by general category Hindus. It was a matter of personal enmity as confirmed by the police.

Nevertheless, these anti-Hindu elements have consistently prevented the truth from taking precedence over their agenda and they will not allow it to do so at this time either. Every such episode presents a golden opportunity for them to not only promote their sinister narrative but also to create distrust and strife within Hindu society.

‘They preach democracy, they practise violence’: BJP MP Sadanandan Master recalls how CPI(M) cadres chopped off his legs for ideological defiance

Shraddha Pandey
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‘They preach democracy, they practise violence’: BJP MP Sadanandan Master recalls how CPI(M) cadres chopped off his legs for ideological defiance

The leftist political parties take delight in sermonising their ideological opponents about democracy, freedom of speech, and tolerance; however, they often do not practice what they preach. During his speech in the Rajya Sabha on 2nd February 2026, BJP MP Sadanandan Master narrated how the very Communist Party of India (Marxist) that blows the trumpet of democracy and tolerance, resorted to chopping off his legs three decades ago for his political ideology.

Displaying his artificial limbs before the parliament, MP Sadanandan Master said, “This is my two legs. I was a person with strong two legs, but below the knee, nowadays, I’m using artificial limbs. Why? Because the democracy, every time I’m hearing from the House, democracy, democracy, democracy. But those who are roaring about democracy, they committed an attack upon me 31 years ago.”

“In Kerala, CPIM leaders…according to their advice, the workers of CPIM, I was on the way to my home after the marriage of my sister was fixed. After discussing about the marriage of my sister, I was returning to my home, that time, in a bazaar, organised criminals caught me immediately after I get down from the bus. They (CPIM workers) caught my backside and put me down on the road, cut off my two legs. They were shouting Inquilaab Zindabaad. They were shouting about democracy,” added.

Calling out the CPIM’s hypocrisy, the Rajya Sabha MP continued, “Why I show this (artificial limbs) here is we had…you are intolerant…I want to show before the nation. I want to show to the people, I want to show to the members of parliament…what is democracy. You (CPIM) are always telling about democracy, you are always telling about tolerance, you are always telling about humanity but your commitment is based on political violence. Political violence is not good for democracy.”

CPIM MP John Brittas fumed over Sadanandan Master displaying his prosthetics inside the parliament, and raised a point of order, citing House rules prohibiting the bringing in of certain objects. However, the chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, told the CPIM leader that similar strictness should be applied when his party MPs display placards.

A shift from Communist to RSS ideology and the brutal price Sadanandan Master paid

Back in 1994, C Sadanandan Master was 30 years old, working as a teacher at the government-aided Kuzhikkal Lower Primary School at Perinchery, Mattanur municipality. Sadanandan, popularly known as “Maash” (Master), emerged as a Sangh among Communists, as he hailed from a family of Communists. Sadanandan Master’s father was an active member of the CPM while his elder brother was the in-charge of the student wing at the Zilla level.

Sadanandan himself was an active member of the Student Federation of India (SFI) till 1984, although he was involved in Sangh activities till school days. While Sadanandan became inclined towards communist ideology during his graduation days, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s idea of cultural nationalism stayed with him. What triggered his complete shift to RSS ideology was the ‘Bharata Dharshanangal’ article by Malayalam poet Akkitham. In 1984, Sadanandan Master joined the RSS.

However, Sadanandan Master’s drift from Communist ideology to that of the Sangh did not sit well with the leftists, who preach tolerance to others but resort to violence against ideological opponents. Initially, the CPIM workers tried to persuade Sadanandan Master to sever ties with the Sangh and return to the Communist fold; however, when he refused to do so, the CPIM workers stooped to their violent tactics.

On 25th January 1994, Sadanandan Master was returning from his uncle’s house in the evening after discussing the arrangements for his sister’s wedding, which was to take place on 6th February. As he got down from the bus and started walking towards his home, some people grabbed him from behind, pinned him to the ground and started beating him. They were CPI(M) goons who not only brutally beat him up but also chopped off both his legs. This monstrosity was committed against Sadanandan not only to teach him a ‘lesson’ for ditching the Communist ideology but also as a warning-cum-threat to all those contemplating quitting the Communist fold.

However, Sadanandan Master braved the Communist brutality and, instead of leaving RSS or returning to the Communist ideological fold, Master devoted his life to the Sangh and national service.

In 2016, Sadanandan contested the assembly election on the BJP ticket from the Koothuparamba constituency, which is infamous for political murders against the LDF leader K K Shailja. At that time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had saluted Sadanandan Master for his courage and ideological commitment.

Sadananda also served as the state vice-president of the National Teachers Union in Kerala. He also edits the magazine Deshiya Adhyapaka Vartha and is part of the Bharatiya Vichara Kendram, an RSS-affiliated intellectual group. 

In July 2025, President Droupadi Murmu nominated C Sadanandan Master to the Rajya Sabha. From contributing to public life and education, from Kerala’s Thrissur to the Rajya Sabha, Sadanandan Master continues to epitomise courage and serve as a living example of how leftist-communist intolerance cripples not only political opponents but democracy itself.

The Communists not only commit political violence but also elevate the perpetrators of such crimes to the status of ‘heroes’. In August 2025, the CPIM organised a celebratory farewell for eight party workers convicted for attacking BJP Rajya Sabha MP Sadanandan Master.

Visuals of CPIM workers raising party slogans, cheering cadres, and offering garlands to the convicts outside the Thalassery sessions court and later in Mattannur, Kannur, stirred outrage back then. This blatant display of moral bankruptcy and celebration of violence took place in the presence of Mattanur MLA and former Health Minister KK Shailaja.

While C Sadanandan Master survived to tell the Communist brutality he was subjected to, the CPIM has a history of violently silencing political rivals and deserters. Over the last few decades, numerous BJP-RSS workers and leaders have been killed in political violence committed by Communist cadres in Kerala.

The cost of mixing life insurance and investment in India

OpIndia Staff
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The cost of mixing life insurance and investment in India


In India, life insurance products are often expected to perform dual roles, providing financial protection while also generating long-term returns. This has led to the popularity of combo products such as endowment plans and unit-linked insurance plans, which combine life insurance with an investment component. These products typically involve multiple cost elements, including mortality charges, fund management charges, allocation charges, and commissions. Because of this layered cost structure, keeping protection and investment separate is widely recognised as a more cost-efficient approach, especially when the objective is pure risk cover.

Life Insurance and Investment operate on different financial principles

Life​‍​‌‍​‍‌ insurance helps dependents to be safe from the financial consequences of an unexpected loss of income. The effectiveness of the insurance lies in the certainty of a defined payout for a defined risk period. On the other hand, investment products are centred on growth, compounding, and performance over time.

The fact that these objectives are governed by different financial rules means that there are often compromises when they are combined in a single product. Insurance-linked investments focus on guarantees and stability, whereas standalone investments focus on capital growth and efficiency. When these objectives are brought together, the outcomes for each function may differ from what they achieve when addressed separately.

Cost components in Life Insurance products with Investments

Information provided in insurer benefit illustrations and regulated product brochures shows that life insurance products with an investment component typically involve multiple cost layers.

Allocation charges in early years

In several life insurance products with savings or investment components, especially ULIPs, a portion of premiums in the early years may be absorbed by acquisition and distribution-related costs. 

Mortality charges deducted periodically

In life insurance products that include a savings or investment component, part of the premium is used to cover life risk. As this cost generally increases with age, the portion available for savings or investment may reduce over time.

Fund management and administrative charges

In market-linked products, ongoing fund management and policy administration charges are applied, which can reduce the final returns over time.

Surrender penalties and lock-in periods

There are policies that, when exited within the first 5–7 years, might charge you a surrender fee; thus the payout could be less than the total premiums ​‍​‌‍​‍‌deposited.

How separating Protection and Investment changes the outcome

The main advantage of using term insurance purely for life cover is that the cost of protection is significantly lower. For many working professionals, it is possible to secure a high level of life cover through a term plan at a much lower cost compared to combination policies that offer the same coverage along with savings or investment features.

Such a cost-effective situation offers the possibility of the remaining savings being invested in growth-oriented investment options independently. If the periods are long enough, even under conservative return assumptions, the greater investable portion and the compounding effect would go on to generate significantly larger results.

Apart from this, such a split also makes it easier to understand, as insurance performance is not mixed up with investment performance.

Why some still choose combination products

Even​‍​‌‍​‍‌ though there is a cost difference, combination products are still preferred for behavioural reasons:

  • Preference for forced savings structures
  • Aversion to market-linked volatility
  • Desire for a single-product solution

These reasons may align with some risk preferences, but they can come with differences in long-term financial efficiency.

Why Term Insurance is often used only for Protection

Term insurance is often used only for protection because it is designed to stay simple and focused. Its purpose is clear: to provide financial support to a family if the earning member is no longer around, without combining protection with savings or investment features.

By keeping protection unmixed, term insurance avoids added complexity and higher costs. Premiums go entirely toward life cover, making it possible to secure higher coverage at more affordable rates. The benefits are also clearly defined, which helps families understand what support is available and rely on it when needed.

This clarity and focus are what make term insurance a widely preferred tool for pure financial protection.

Conclusion

Mixing​‍​‌‍​‍‌ life insurance and investment in India usually results in tangible costs such as higher charges, lower investible allocation, and potentially lower long-term returns after accounting for charges, compared to equivalent standalone investment instruments. Life insurance is a protective tool against financial loss. Investments are geared towards capital growth. Employing Term Insurance solely for protection and using independent instruments for growth enables each objective to be met in its own way, without ​‍​‌‍​‍‌compromise.

Modi govt boosts Defence sector spending by 15% after successful execution of Operation Sindoor, Intelligence Bureau budget increased by over 50%

Shraddha Pandey
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Modi govt boosts Defence sector spending by 15% after successful execution of Operation Sindoor, Intelligence Bureau budget increased by over 50%

The Modi government presented the Union Budget for the fiscal year 2026-27 on 1st February 2026, with Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announcing a massive hike in defence spending. India’s successful military action, Operation Sindoor, against Pakistan in May 2025, shaped national security priorities. Building on the success of Operation Sindoor, the Modi government allocated an all-time high of Rs 7.85 lakh crore for the defence sector, marking a historic 15% hike.

Success of Operation Sindoor, defence budget increase and a renewed resolve to strengthen national security

In the four-day military action in May 2025, in response to the Pakistan-sponsored Islamic terror attack in Pahalgam, Indian forces dismantled terror infrastructure deep inside Pakistan, rendered several of their airbases defunct, destroyed Pakistan’s Chinese air defence systems, and inflicted massive damage. When Pakistan dared to strike back, India’s indigenous air defence systems effectively thwarted the hostile neighbour’s drones and missiles. Operation Sindoor not only demonstrated the effectiveness of indigenous systems but also helped India further bolster its military readiness by filling the gaps.

For the financial year 2026-27, the Modi government presented the highest-ever defence budget. The defence allocation stood at ₹7.85 lakh crore (approximately $86 billion), marking a 15.9% increase over the 2025-26 budget estimates of ₹6.81 lakh crore.  This accounts for about 2% of India’s estimated GDP for the year and around 14.67% of the Central government’s total expenditure. This year, defence received the largest budget allocation among all ministries, reflecting the Modi government’s focus on bolstering national security and defence in a volatile world and rising regional threats.

Modernisation of the Indian Armed Forces remains a central focus of the Defence Ministry. The Central government says that in the current geo-political scenario, a quantum jump in the modernisation budget is a “strategic imperative”. 

If we look at the capital outlay breakdown, of the ₹2.19 lakh crore, ₹1.85 lakh crore is allocated for capital acquisition, marking a 24% hike, focusing on new lethal weapons, aircraft, aero engines, ships, submarines, missiles, drones, artillery, and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), etc.

The Central government has consistently been working for the modernisation of the armed forces, and during FY 2025-26, up to 3rd quarter, the Defence Ministry concluded contracts worth ₹2.10 lakh crore. In addition, the MoD also gave Acceptance of Necessity approval for more than ₹3.50 lakh crore. 

In a major boost to the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative, about 75% of this amount is earmarked for domestic procurement.

Out of the total allocation made to the Ministry of Defence (MoD), a share of 27.95% is for capital expenditure, 20.17% for revenue expenditure on sustenance and operational preparedness, 26.40% for revenue expenditure on pay and allowances, 21.84% for Defence Pensions and 3.64% for civil organisations.

“Through such earmarking of funds, domestic players have been reassured about their investment and their increasingly greater role in capability development of the Armed Forces. Enhanced allocation for Capital Acquisition, especially for domestic industries, will have long term positive impact on the national economy and will lead to the development of many ancillary industries, creating job opportunities in the country,” the MoD said.

The Defence Budget 2026-27 has provided for ₹3,65,478.98 crore for spending under revenue heads, marking a 17.24% increase from the allocation for Budgetary Estimates 2025-26.

Of the ₹3,65,478.98, ₹1,58,296.98 crore has been allocated for operation and sustenance-related expenditure, and the remaining for salary and allowances. This is meant to facilitate procurement of operationally important stores, spare parts, etc., in addition to ensuring maintenance of vital platforms and catering for their day-to-day requirements.

The Central government has also focused on the development of border areas. To provide better infrastructure in border areas, the Modi government has made a higher allocation to the Border Roads Organisation (BRO). The budgetary allocation to BRO under Capital for BE 2026-27 has been enhanced to ₹7,394 crore from ₹7,146.50 crore for FY 2025-26. 

Besides weapons procurement and immediate modernisation of the armed forces, the Central government has also prioritised Research and Development (R&D). In this direction, the budgetary allocation to the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has been increased to Rs 29,100.25 crore in FY 2026-27 from Rs 26,816.82 crore in FY 2025-26. Out of this allocation, a major share of Rs. 17,250.25 crore is allocated for capital expenditure.

It must be recalled that India is proceeding towards a ₹3.25 lakh crore worth mega deal with France for the procurement of 114 Rafale jets. If the deal is cleared, under a government-to-government agreement, most of the jets would be manufactured in India, with 30% Indian content. This percentage is likely to rise up to 60% during production. The proposal also includes the provision of 12 to 18 Rafale jets in fly-away condition to meet India’s immediate operational requirement since the indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) is still in the developmental stage.

If all goes well, this deal would take the number of Rafales in the Indian services to 176, including the 36 fighter jets already inducted by the IAF, and the 26 Rafale-Marine jets ordered for the Indian Navy. India’s trust in French Rafales stems from the fighter jets’ effective performance during Operation Sindoor.

Besides Rafale, India is also in advanced technical talks with Russia for a potential licensed production of fifth-generation Su-57 stealth fighter jets in India, and obtaining technology inputs for AMCA. In addition, India is focusing on indigenous avionics as 180 LCA-Tejas Mk-1A have been contracted, with deliveries ongoing and emphasis on faster production.

In the long run, the IAF’s fighter fleet is likely to comprise an expanded fleet of Rafales, Su-39 MKI upgrades, LCA-Mk1A, and the indigenous AMCA (after 2035), with the 2026-27 defence budget being a decisive factor in turning this vision into reality.`

Other than aircraft, India is also working on empowering itself with advanced missile and air defence systems. Surface-to-air missiles, particularly medium and short-range SAMs, QRAD systems remain in special focus to counter drones, cruise missiles and saturation attacks.

If we talk about precision-guided munitions, India is laying emphasis on domestic production of Beyond-Visual-Range (BVR) air-to-air missiles and stand-off weapons. In this direction, key projects include the Safran-BEL joint venture to produce HAMMER missiles, the 100 km range Smart Anti-Airfield Weapon (SAAW), and the Brahmos supersonic cruise missiles.

As drones have become a key focus in modern warfare, India has expedited procurement of UAVs and ISR drones across all services, and is focusing on long-endurance platforms, secure datalinks and autonomous operations. India is also obtaining weaponised unmanned surface vessels for the navy and has contracted 12 autonomous fast interceptor crafts, with the induction of the first batch. India is also expediting the induction of counter-drone systems for borders, air bases, and naval installations.

For the Indian Navy, a contract is likely to be signed in March 2026, with Germany’s ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) and Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd (MDL) for the procurement of six Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) diesel-electric submarines worth ₹70,000-72,000 ($8 billion). India is also set to procure large amphibious warships and upgrade naval fleets with shipborne missiles, sensors, combat management systems, etc.

In addition, induction of Light Combat Helicopters (LCH) for the Army and the IAF is being prioritised. In December 2025, India signed a $946 million sustainment deal with the US for its fleet of 24 MH-60R “Seahawk” naval helicopters. This will help with squadron expansion and bolstering anti-submarine warfare (ASW) and maritime surveillance.

Besides, the purchase of small arms like assault rifles, LMGs from domestic manufacturers, in addition to high-mobility vehicles, protected troop carriers is also on the cards.

Centre raises budget for the Intelligence Bureau by 50% after the Pahalgam and Red Fort Islamic terror attacks

In a significant budget increase for the Intelligence Bureau (IB), the Modi government has allocated ₹6,782.43 crore, marking a 63% increased over the Revised Estimate (RE) of ₹4,159 crore for 2025-26. This represents a massive 74% surge compared to the Budget Estimate of ₹3,893 crore for 2025-26.

The biggest jump is in capital expenditure, which is meant for infrastructure, technology, surveillance, cyber capabilities, data analytics, etc. This has surged from nearly ₹230-257 crore in 2025-26 (RE) to ₹2,549.54 crore, marking an approximate 892% growth in capex. This makes the Intelligence Bureau one of the biggest gainers within the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Meanwhile, revenue expenditure makes up the rest, backing overall administrative and intelligence functions.

Overall, the Modi government has demonstrated its security-first approach in the 2026-27 budget, balancing financial priorities with enhanced capabilities for not only military but also intelligence domains. The defence budget indicates a post-Sindoor pivot towards a more dominant, assertive, self-sufficient military posture, although its success remains contingent on efficient and timely execution in an increasingly volatile security landscape.

Modi govt’s big boost to data centres in Budget 2026: Read how global cloud giants are being welcomed to invest in India, and why some domestic players are concerned

Anurag
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Modi govt’s big boost to data centres in Budget 2026: Read how global cloud giants are being welcomed to invest in India, and why some domestic players are concerned

On 1st February, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced the Union Budget 2026, which introduced a decisive policy shift aimed at accelerating India’s rise as a global hub for data centres, cloud computing and AI infrastructure. At the heart of the announcement made by the Modi government is a long-term tax holiday framework designed to attract foreign investment while preserving India’s domestic tax base.

Foreign companies that procure data centre services from specified data centres located in India will be exempt from paying tax in India on income earned from serving customers outside the country until 31st March 2047. Revenue earned from Indian users, however, must be routed through an Indian reseller entity and taxed domestically.

The Budget also introduced a 15% safe harbour margin on costs for related party data centre services. This move is intended to reduce transfer pricing disputes and offer predictability to multinational companies planning large-scale infrastructure investments in India.

Most importantly, the framework addresses a long-standing concern among foreign companies, the risk that hosting workloads in India could create a taxable permanent establishment. With the announcement, the government has removed a major hurdle to FDI in the sector.

Why the move matters for foreign companies and FDI

Data centres are capital-intensive assets with long gestation periods. For companies dealing in cloud services, hyperscaling and artificial intelligence, policy certainty often outweighs short-term tax incentives.

As the Indian government has extended the tax holiday up to 2047, it has effectively invited global technology firms to treat India as a long-term infrastructure base rather than a short-term outsourcing destination. This move has come at a time when AI workloads are expanding rapidly and are expected to account for a substantial share of global data centre capacity over the next decade.

Notably, India is already generating around 20% of the world’s data but hosts only a fraction of global data centre capacity. Lower build costs, a large pool of technical talent, and improving power and connectivity infrastructure make India commercially attractive.

Along with this, the new tax framework removes backend tax friction while ensuring that domestic consumption remains within the Indian tax net through the reseller requirement.

From a policy perspective, the move balances investment attraction with fiscal prudence, a key reason why it has been welcomed by global investors and industry observers.

The government’s strategic intent

The Economic Survey for 2025–26 clearly stated that India’s future competitiveness in information technology depends on how effectively it integrates AI development, cloud infrastructure and digital trade into its growth strategy.

When viewed in this context, the data centre tax framework is not a standalone concession. It is part of a broader attempt to reposition India within global digital supply chains, moving from being a major data generator to a serious infrastructure provider.

The requirement that specified data centres must be owned and operated by Indian entities and notified by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology ensures that physical infrastructure control remains within the country, even as global workloads flow in.

Why Indian innovators are raising concerns

While the policy’s intent is clear, it has triggered concerns among sections of India’s domestic cloud and data centre ecosystem, particularly homegrown providers who have been investing for years without similar fiscal incentives.

Speaking to OpIndia, Manoj Dhanda, Founder and CTO of Utho Cloud, acknowledged that foreign investment will raise infrastructure standards and bring capital into the ecosystem. However, he pointed out that Indian data centres and cloud companies have been operating under the existing tax regime for years, investing in infrastructure, research and platform development without comparable support from the government.

Dhanda argued that mandating foreign companies to serve Indian customers only through Indian resellers risks reinforcing a model where Indian firms remain intermediaries, while core technology, intellectual property and strategic control continue to sit overseas.

In his view, India has spent the last decade and a half reselling global digital services such as email platforms, cloud and AI tools. According to him, the Budget does little to break that pattern, even as the government increasingly emphasises building and innovating within India.

Speaking to OpIndia, Vinay Murarka, Founder of V2Technosys and a long-time industry observer, expressed similar reservations, albeit from a policy design standpoint rather than opposition to foreign investment itself.

While Murarka supported the government’s push to attract global data centre capacity and recognised the importance of tax certainty in drawing hyperscalers and international cloud players to India, he believes the framework stopped short of addressing the asymmetry between foreign platforms and domestic innovators.

According to his assessment, while foreign companies benefit from long-term tax exemptions and reduced compliance risk, Indian cloud and data centre providers receive no parallel incentive, despite the fact that they have been bearing higher market risk and have invested early in building domestic capacity. He argued that this could unintentionally tilt the competitive landscape further in favour of established global players.

He also raised concerns that without targeted encouragement for Indian enterprises to host workloads on Indian cloud platforms, the policy may deepen India’s dependence on foreign-owned technology stacks, even if the physical infrastructure sits on Indian soil.

The opportunity the Budget did not seize

Both Dhanda and Murarka point to a missed opportunity. They argue that the government could have complemented its foreign investment push with time-bound incentives for Indian businesses that choose domestic cloud providers.

Even limited benefits for three to five years, they suggest, could have nudged enterprises to migrate workloads locally, bringing data control, platform development and intellectual property creation within India. Such an approach would not have diluted foreign investment but strengthened the domestic ecosystem alongside it.

A balanced reading of the policy

The data centre framework in Budget 2026 is neither anti-domestic industry nor uncritical globalisation. It is a calculated attempt to close India’s infrastructure gap and position the country as a serious player in the global AI and cloud economy.

At the same time, the concerns raised by Indian innovators are not ideological objections but structural questions about long-term value creation and technological sovereignty.

The real test of the policy will lie in its implementation and in whether future measures address these domestic gaps. If India can attract foreign capital while simultaneously nurturing homegrown cloud and data centre platforms, the country can move beyond being a hosting destination to becoming a true digital infrastructure power.

Union Budget 2026: Allocation for the Healthcare sector gets a hike of 10% as the central government aims to enhance access and affordability

Aditi
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Union Budget 2026: Allocation for the Healthcare sector gets a hike of 10% as the central government aims to enhance access and affordability

Healthcare has received special attention under the Union Budget 2026 announced by Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman on Sunday (1st February) in the Parliament. The budget aims to strengthen access, affordability, mental health infrastructure and domestic capacity across the domestic and biopharma sectors.

“To give a fillip to our commitment to mental health and trauma care, and to ease the financial burden of medical emergencies on families, particularly the poor and vulnerable, we are undertaking targeted interventions across institutions, infrastructure and workforce,” the Union Finance Minister said, presenting the budget.

The healthcare allocation under the Union Budget increased by 10% compared to FY25. The Union Finance Minister allocated ₹1,06,530.42 crore to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, accompanied by the central government’s proposal of a scheme to support states in establishing five regional medical hubs, NIMHANS and others.

Establishment of NIMHANS 2.0

One of the healthcare highlights of the budget is the decision to establish a national institute for mental healthcare in Ranchi, Jharkhand, called the National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences (NIMHANS 2.0). Sitharaman said that the institute will come up in North India as the region lacks a premier national mental health institution. The first NIMHANS was established in Bengaluru, Karnataka. “There are no national institutes for mental healthcare in North India. We will therefore set up a NIMHANS 2.0 and also upgrade National Mental Health Institutes in Ranchi and Tezpur as regional apex institutions,” she said, presenting her 9th consecutive budget.

In addition to that, the budget provides a 50% expansion in emergency and trauma care capacity in district hospitals across the country. The move is aimed at reducing excessive expenditure during medical emergencies.

Crucial drugs made more affordable

As a measure to enhance the affordability of the healthcare system, the budget plans to make medicines for 17 types of cancer and seven rare diseases more affordable by expanding domestic biopharma manufacturing through the ₹10,000-crore Biopharma SHAKTI mission, and upgrading healthcare infrastructure. The Biopharma SHAKTI mission aims to promote domestic production of biologics and biosimilars and address non-communicable diseases like cancer and autoimmune disorders.

Besides, medicines for 7 additional rare diseases have been included for customs duty exemption on personal imports of drugs, medicines and food for special medical purposes (FSMP). “To provide relief to patients, particularly those suffering from cancer, I propose to exempt basic customs duty on 17 drugs or medicines,” Sitharaman said.

Traditional medicine and AYUSH institutions

With enhanced emphasis on traditional medicine in the budget, the Union Finance Minister announced the establishment of three new All India Institute of Ayurveda institutions to meet the increasing global demand for Ayurvedic healthcare. Sitharaman highlighted the acceptance of Ayurveda across the world, particularly following the COVID-19 pandemic. She added that the exports of high-quality Ayurvedic products would boost the incomes of farmers through the cultivation of medicinal herbs. The Union Finance Minister also proposed to upgrade AYUSH pharmacies, drug testing laboratories and the WHO Global Traditional Medicine Centre in Jamnagar to improve quality standards and availability of skilled personnel.

Adding more caregivers to the healthcare system

In a step towards creating employment opportunities and skill development in the healthcare sector, the budget envisions a large-scale expansion of allied health education. The existing institutions for allied health professionals (AHPs) will be upgraded, and new AHPs will be set up in the private as well as the government sectors.

Moreover, the government plans to add 1 lakh allied health professionals over the next five years across disciplines such as optometry, radiology, anaesthesia, OT technology, applied psychology and behavioural health. Additionally, over the next five years, 1.5 lakh caregivers will be trained under the National Skills Qualification Framework (NSQF)-aligned programmes, focused on geriatric care, wellness, yoga and the operation of medical assistive devices.

Long-term capacity building in the healthcare system

The budget outlines the government’s long-term vision for the healthcare and biopharma sectors. It focuses on domestic manufacturing, advanced technology and capacity building. The Union Finance Minister noted that healthcare was no longer merely a social sector but a strategic pillar of economic growth.

The government has increased healthcare spending over the past few years. The government earmarked ₹99,859 crore for the health sector in FY25, which was an upgrade of 10–11% from FY24. A large part of this amount was directed towards Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY). The allocation for PM-JAY increased to ₹9,406 crore in FY26 after the coverage for senior citizens, ASHA and Anganwadi workers, and gig workers was expanded. In addition to that, investment under the PM-Ayushman Bharat Health Infrastructure Mission (PM-ABHIM) also increased significantly.

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