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‘One lakh fake forged birth certificates issued in two months through Central Registration System (CRS)’: All you need to know about Kirit Somaiya’s explosive claims

Senior BJP leader and former Member of Parliament Kirit Somaiya on Tuesday alleged the exposure of a massive fraud in the Civil Registration System (CRS) portal, claiming that over one lakh fake birth certificates were generated within a span of just two months, November and December 2025.

Addressing a press conference, Somaiya stated that the scam extended far beyond routine administrative corruption and posed a grave threat to national security.

Somaiya alleged that the fraud was executed by hacking into the Centre’s CRS portal and manipulating official records. Citing what he described as “shocking” data, he said irregularities had been detected in Maharashtra’s Jalgaon, Parola and Yavatmal districts, as well as in Rae Bareli and Aligarh in Uttar Pradesh. In several villages with populations ranging between 1,000 and 1,500, authorities reportedly found between 10,000 and 27,000 birth registrations. Notably, nearly 99 per cent of the entries were for individuals aged between 20 and 60 years, raising serious red flags.

Inter-state racket unearthed, arrests made

According to Somaiya, the investigation has so far led to the arrest of eight individuals linked to what he termed an inter-state racket. The prime accused, Avadhesh Kumar Dubey, allegedly carried out the manipulation using computer systems to falsify entries. Somaiya said he has already met Maharashtra Director General of Police Sadanand Date on the issue and plans to take the matter to the central government in New Delhi. He alleged that fake birth certificates were being used to “legitimise infiltrators” by granting them Indian identity documents.

Campaign against illegal Bangladeshi hawkers in Mumbai

Linking the alleged certificate scam to illegal immigration, Somaiya claimed that thousands of Bangladeshi nationals were operating as hawkers on Mumbai’s streets without legal authorisation. He said an intensified enforcement drive, undertaken with the support of the Mumbai Police Commissioner and the Municipal Commissioner, had led to the clearing of several encroachments, including around the Mulund railway station area.

During the press interaction, Somaiya also launched a political attack on Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray. He alleged that in constituencies with an overwhelmingly Muslim population, voters supported the MIM, while in areas with 15 to 20 per cent Muslim voters, electoral support shifted towards Thackeray’s party. Somaiya claimed that political leaders who allegedly treat illegal Bangladeshi migrants as a vote bank were attempting to obstruct enforcement action.

He further asserted that those advocating what he described as the “greening” of Mumbai would receive a “fitting reply” from the BJP under the leadership of Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis in 2026.

Donald Trump made himself richer by $1.4 billion after becoming President for second term, says report: Read details

Donald Trump has unabashedly been a megalomaniac, particularly after his second inauguration as the US President. After weaponising tariffs to arm-twist countries into signing pro-US trade deals, Trump claimed that America is becoming richer under his leadership, even as, in reality, it is American consumers paying nearly all of the price for Trump’s tariff war. An editorial review published by the New York Times on 20th January 2026, indicates that Trump, who gave the Make America Great Again slogan, is actually working avariciously on a ‘Make Trump Richer’ agenda, having amassed around $1.4 billion.

The NYT report titled “How Trump Has Used the Presidency to Make at Least $1.4 Billion” was published on 20th January, marking the first anniversary of Trump’s second presidential term. As per the report, Donald Trump has pocketed at least $1,408,500,000 since his January 2025 return to the White House, through an unprecedented exploitation of the office for his personal enrichment.

The figure NYT mentioned in its review is based on an analysis of various news reports. The report suggests that the $1.4 billion is a conservative underestimate due to undisclosed profits and ongoing revenue streams. This amount is equivalent to 16,822 times the US household income of $83,730.

As per the NYT, Donald Trump “poured his energy and creativity into the exploitation of the presidency,” allowing people, corporations, and foreign nations to funnel money into his personal pockets in exchange for US government favours. Unlike Harry Truman, who refused to commercialise his service, President Trump has qualms in indulging in massive moneymaking while in office.

From overseas licensing deals, Amazon documentary payment, to cryptocurrency ventures, and more: Trump’s ‘Make America Rich Again’ dream turns out to be ‘Make Trump Rich Again’ reality

Donald Trump pocketed at least $23 million from over 20 Trump-branded projects worldwide, including a hotel in Oman, an office tower in India, and a golf course in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. These projects often require foreign government approvals, and at times, the Trump administration extended policy favours for involved countries.

In August 2025, the Trump administration imposed 46% tariffs on Vietnam, which depends heavily on the US for its exports. However, the tariff was lowered 20%, hardly a month later. This came after the Trump Organisation broke ground for a $1.5 billion golf complex in Hanoi. The Vietnamese officials ignored their own laws to fast-track the Trump family’s project.

During the groundbreaking ceremony, Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh admitted that Eric Trump motivated him expedite the golf course project. It breezed through expedited permissions while, interestingly, Vietnam was negotiating a significant trade deal with Washington. The Vietnamese farmers who have been living and working on the land were instructed to leave their land with only $3,200 and provisions for rice in exchange.

The Trump family has also made over $90.5 million in total from companies like X, Meta, YouTube, Paramount, and ABC News. Trump raked in huge amounts from lawsuits he pursued from the Oval Office. Paramount paid $16 million over an alleged distorted edit of a 2024 Kamala Harris interview, which reportedly followed standard journalistic practice. Just three weeks later, the Federal Communications Commission “approved an $8 billion merger with Skydance,” the NYT reported.

In September 2025, YouTube agreed to pay $24.5m to settle a lawsuit over the suspension of Donald Trump’s channel over policy violation. Trump brought up a lawsuit against the Google subsidiary, accusing it of wrongly suspending his channel after the January 6 Capitol Hill attack. Trump had alleged that YouTube had “accumulated an unprecedented concentration of power, market share, and ability to dictate our nation’s public discourse”

Similarly, Facebook’s parent company, Meta, had settled a lawsuit with Trump in January 2025, after agreeing to pay $25 million. This amount went to Trump’s presidential library fund, while the $22 million from the YouTube lawsuit settlement went to restoration and preservation of the National Mall and supporting construction of the White House ballroom. The ballroom’s estimated cost was reported to be around $200 million.

The Trump family made around $28 million from Amazon for the rights to a documentary titled “Melania”, about the President’s wife, Melania Trump. This amount exceeded the next highest bidder and earlier similar deals, apparently linked to Amazon’s interest in antitrust regulations, defence contracts, and Jeff Bezos’s space company.

In May 2025, President Trump sparked controversy after agreeing to receive a $400 million luxury Boeing 747-8 aircraft, known as the ‘flying palace’, from the Qatar royal family as a ‘gift’. At home, Trump faced flak for accepting a luxurious gift from a foreign government. However, Trump defended his decision back then, saying that the US defended Qatar for many years, and that this is a gift to the United States Air Force/Department of Defence and not to him.

While the luxury aircraft was said to be used as a secondary Air Force One during Trump’s presidency, Trump has planned to retain it afterwards and transfer it to his library.

Besides, the Trump family’s cryptocurrency ventures have been the largest source of money for them. The Trump family have pocketed over $867 million via various cryptocurrencies, primarily from the family-linked World Liberty Financial (WLFI). These allow anonymous purchases by US and foreign investors, making pathways for influence. The UAE-backed firm announced a $2 billion investment in a Trump-linked company right after the US approved UAE access to advanced semiconductor chips.

In September 2025, World Liberty Financial launched a new digital currency called WLFI. Within hours of trading, the token had already created paper wealth worth as much as $5 billion for the president’s family. The Trumps collectively own just under a quarter of all WLFI tokens, instantly making it their single most valuable asset, even bigger than the family’s decades-old real estate empire.

Interestingly, US President Donald Trump is listed as s a “Co-Founder Emeritus” of World Liberty, while his three sons are co-founders and active faces of the venture.

The Trump family’s crypto fortune was not merely a display of business acumen and timing, but also tied closely to legislation and policy decisions that he himself has pushed from the White House. In August 2025, Trump signed an executive order that could funnel trillions of dollars from American retirement accounts into cryptocurrencies and other alternative assets. The order allowed fund managers to include crypto, private equity, and even real estate investments in 401(k) retirement plans, something that wasn’t previously allowed.

This opened the door to a $12 trillion market of retirement funds, giving a massive potential boost to crypto projects like WLFI. For Trump, who is now both a policymaker and a crypto entrepreneur, the move could significantly enrich his own ventures.

Such is the US President’s avarice that in his second term, Trump ended up coddling the same Islamic terror-sponsoring Pakistan that he during his first presidential tenure despised and criticised for sucking billions from the US in the name of counterterrorism in Afghanistan. Rewarding a defeated in conflict against India and victorious in Trump sycophancy, Pakistan, with a massive crypto deal, the Trump-family-linked crypto venture World Liberty Financial signed a Rs 17,000 crore cryptocurrency deal with Pakistan. This move reinforced the perception that Trump’s newfound affection for Islamabad has less to do with strategy and more to do with private business interests. 

Not to forget, the $1.4 billion figure is a lower estimate, with probable additional hundreds of millions from crypto and other unaccounted elements. The NYT report says that Trump’s action not only raises concerns over corruption, but also risks leading to a “cynical spiral” where laws are used as tools for the wealthy.

Clearly, Trump is blending political power and business acumen to profit from policymaking. Donald Trump has turned the presidency into a personal revenue accelerator. Trump Organisation’s 17-fold income surge in 2025 alone raised concerns over alleged corruption and blurring of the lines between public duty and private gains.

FF BOT at armament depots: Indian Army signs ₹62 crore deal with Swadeshi Empresa for “Made in India” firefighting robots developed under iDEX initiative

The Indian Army has taken a landmark step towards enhancing safety at the most critical locations and signed a contract to procure 18 indigenously developed firefighting robots (FF BOT) to improve safety at ammunition depots and other high-risk military facilities. On 13th January (Tuesday), the Army’s Directorate of Capability Development and Gujarat’s Ahmedabad-based startup Swadeshi Empresa Private Limited inked the ₹62 crore agreement.

The company has developed the system under the Innovations for Defence Excellence (iDEX) program. During the Vijay Diwas celebrations in December of last year, the bot was on exhibit at Army House. The first week of April is expected to mark its induction, and it is scheduled to be installed in several cantonments of the country.

The robot was first created for the Indian Navy, but the Army has bought it for the first time owing to clauses that let services acquire iDEX products that have already undergone testing by another branch of the defence forces. It previously passed a Single Stage Composite Trial.

This cross-service strategy speeds up the adoption of tested local innovations and prevents duplication of development resources. The Design Bureau of the Army supported the project in line with its efforts to produce homegrown technology and support military businesses through the “Make in India” initiative.

A two-year warranty and five years of complete maintenance are provided by the supplier as part of the deal. There is also a seven-year guarantee for on-site service assistance.

What is the significance of FF BOT

The autonomous ground system is designed for greater protection when combating fires in areas where they can spread swiftly and endanger infrastructure and people. It is made to function in situations where human entry can often be dangerous, such as those involving explosions, poisonous fumes, intense heat and the possibility of building collapse. 

It is intended for application in industrial facilities, oil refineries, fuel storage regions, ammunition depots and weaponry storage places. Firefighters are able to control the robot remotely from a safe distance. The system has thermal and optical cameras that allow live video feeds to be transmitted in order to better manage the situation.

Hotspots and hidden flames that are hard to notice through smoke can be identified via thermal imaging. This aids in enhancing situational awareness while combating fires. This enables firefighters to monitor the fire’s spread, evaluate the situation and make well-informed decisions in smoke-filled and low-visibility situations.

The FF BOT has already been deployed in civilian firefighting activities like the Visakhapatnam refinery. The officials highlighted that this proved its utility outside of military locations. Officials added that the robot can also be used in crisis response scenarios where access for human firefighters is restricted or risky including power plants, airports and fuel storage sites.

According to officials, the FF BOT is meant to assist firefighters rather than take their place. It lowers worker risk and facilitates a faster and more secure response during fires in areas of concern by allowing unmanned devices to enter the most susceptible venues first.

The system’s features and its functions

For mobility on challenging terrain, the system has a six-wheel drive with suspension. It has enough strength to draw fire hoses full of water. It is capable of towing up to five-ton vehicles and can spin completely on the spot as well as run at different speeds.

The robot has a self-cooling mechanism to endure extreme heat and is constructed from corrosion-resistant stainless steel. It is comprised of a winch, integrated lighting, optical and thermal cameras, along with other features. A basic control station with a large touchscreen and a joystick is employed for operators to handle the bot.

The Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) for the system, which is the first iDEX Sprint venture under DISC-7, was given in 2023. Sprint stands for Supporting Pole-Vaulting in Research & Development through iDEX, Naval Innovation and Indigenisation Organisation (NIIO), alongside Technology Development Acceleration Cell (TDAC). Through the involvement of start-ups and private companies, it seeks to create an ecosystem for innovation in military and aerospace.

The fresh move is part of a larger worldwide trend towards robotic firefighting systems, especially at military bases, oil refineries, nuclear power plants and industrial complexes where fires can advance promptly and jeopardise lives or vital infrastructure. A small fire in a munitions storage could cause broad damage and subsequent explosions, which could interfere with operations and logistics.

India’s poorest households are consuming gutkha, other tobacco products at an alarming rate, spending more and more on it: Study reveals

The National Statistics Office (NSO) conducted a survey on Household Consumption Expenditure from August 2023 to July 2024. A striking aspect of the study was the surge in gutkha consumption within the country, a point also emphasised by Shamika Ravi, a member of the EAC-PM (Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister) and her colleague Partha Protim Barman in a recent article in the Indian Express.

Notably, NSO is a part of the Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation (MoSPI). It regularly undertakes research on household consumption expenditure to gather data on both food and non-food products. The recent analysis that was published in January underscored how the usage of Gutkha has turned into a norm across all demographics, particularly in the northern states of the country, though southern states too are showing a concerning surge in usage.

Ravi and Barman outlined that the use of tobacco is growing swiftly, becoming more prevalent and deeply ingrained in the lives of lower-class households, in the article in The Indian Express. This is occurring simultaneously with the state’s expansion of subsidised healthcare leading to a glaring contrast which has significant ramifications for social policies, health results and financial sustainability.

The per capita expenditure on tobacco rose dramatically between 2011-12 and 2023-2024, climbing by 58% in rural India and 77% in urban regions after accounting for inflation, the article states. Nearly 1.5% of the monthly per-capita consumer expenditure (MPCE) in rural areas and 1% in urban areas are currently attributed to tobacco. These shares might seem modest but it is concerning that the number of households using tobacco has skyrocketed.

Disturbing figures from rural and urban regions

Tobacco-using households in rural India surged from 9.9 crore (59.3% of all households) to 13.3 crore (68.6%). It is a remarkable 33% hike in less than a decade.

Ravi and Barman noted that the figure obtained from the increase in urban India is much more astounding. The number of households utilising tobacco jumped from 2.8 crore (34.9%) to 4.7 crore (45.6%). The troubling fact is that tobacco consumption is progressively getting mainstreamed in both urban and rural regions. It is no longer limited to specific groups or populations.

Leaf tobacco and gutkha is behind the spike in rural parts. The percentage of rural households that consume gutkha went up from 5.3% to 30.4%, a roughly sixfold leap conveying the survey’s most startling finding. Gutkha is presently the most valuable tobacco product accounting for 41% of all tobacco spending in these locations.

On the other hand, gutkha followed the sudden rise in cigarette consumption in urban areas which are considered to be more health-conscious. 18.1% of urban households smoke cigarettes making them the most popular tobacco product there while gutkha consumption stood at 16.8% which demonstrated how far it has crept into city markets.

Gutkha consumption rampant in the central belt

Ravi and Barman stated that Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan contribute significantly higher to gutkha consumption than the country’s rural average of approximately 30%. Over 6 in 10 of households (60%) in the rural territories of Madhya Pradesh consume gutkha and Uttar Pradesh already surpassed 50% mark. Problematically, urban trends have begun to resemble rural ones.

Gutkha is consumed by around half of Madhya Pradesh’s urban households as the figures recorded in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan are even higher than one-third. Gutkha consumption in both rural and urban regions has been shown to be greater than the national average in several Northeastern states as well, as per the article. The usage is generally lower in Southern India but the results are disturbing. The consumption of gutkha by one in four rural households in Karnataka serves as an example.

The class divide

Tobacco use happens to be more common in lower-class homes. More than 70% of rural households in the lowest 40% of the income distribution utilise tobacco. This percentage is higher than 85% in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Compared to the top 20% (1.2%), poorer rural households devote a higher percentage of their MPCE (1.7%) on tobacco.

According to Ravi and Barman, the class disparity in urban India is considerably more pronounced. While less than 37% of households in the top 20% use tobacco, more than half of those in the bottom 40% consume it. The poor spend almost twice as much of their MPCE as the wealthy on tobacco consumption, a disturbing trend. The use of tobacco remains most common for the poorest and the lowest among the wealthy in both rural and urban places.

Gutkha use is widespread in rural India, reflecting an unnerving normalisation. All income classes have seen a bump in consumption, with the rate of the top 20% and bottom 40% of households exhibiting almost similar results. However, inequality is evident in urban areas as fewer than one in ten households in the top 20% consume gutkha while more than one in five households in the bottom 40% do the same.

The disastrous impact of gutkha consumption on health and finances

The rise in gutkha consumption has prominent and detrimental health consequences. The article then threw light on the estimates from the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, which revealed that tobacco smoking causes around 13 lakh fatalities in India each year. It is one of the main risk factors for non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as cancer, heart disease, respiratory conditions and hypertension. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), NCDs are responsible for 63% of all deaths in the nation.

It was pointed out that the relationship between escalating tobacco use and increasing public healthcare coverage has made the current situation especially critical. Ayushman Bharat was created to protect vulnerable households from unmanageable medical costs. Around 12 crore families had received over 42 crore Ayushman cards as of October 2025. Households have already saved an estimated Rs 1.52 lakh crore in out-of-pocket medical expenses because of the program.

Government health spending shot up from 29% to 48% of overall expenditure concerning the sector while out-of-pocket expenses dropped sharply between FY (fiscal year)2015 and FY2022.

The nation bears a greater portion of the costs when tobacco use which thrives in lower-income households causes chronic illness. The long-term financial viability of publicly supported healthcare programs could be gravely compromised in the absence of remedial measures. Likewise, weak fiscal offsets exacerbate this danger. Only 2.4% of gross tax revenue came from tobacco goods in FY23.

The household finances paint the clearest image. The poorest 40% of households in rural India spend only 2.5% of their MPCE on education, compared to 4% on alcohol, tobacco and intoxicants. The article asserted that a welfare state cannot legitimately support the development of human capital while permitting addictive objects to supplant investments in health, nutrition and education.

The writers argued that an unregulated increase in tobacco usage is incompatible with the government’s commitment to social protection and universal health coverage. It is noteworthy that the HCES (Household Consumption Expenditure Survey) data have been described as a policy alarm bell as well as a statistical warning.

What is the way forward

Ravi and Barman also offered suggestions to tackle the sensitive matter and expressed that adding more tax on chewing tobacco alone won’t be enough, even though the Central Excise (Amendment) Bill 2025 calls for it. Thus, strengthening regulatory control is necessary and the actions of leading Bollywood celebrities who are employing surrogate advertising to promote pan masala and gutkha under the fig leaf of “silver-coated cardamom” should not be accepted.

The aforementioned report gathered information on approximately 405 food and non-food items that households utilise such as cereals, pulses, milk, vegetables, meat, eggs, fuel and light, education, medical along with pan, tobacco and intoxicants, among others.

‘Isko batana hai… anjaam kya hota hai’: Bombay HC denies bail to Yusuf Khan, accused in Umesh Kolhe’s murder, says killing was ‘meant to strike terror’

On 20th January, the Bombay High Court denied bail to Yusuf Khan, the veterinary doctor accused of killing Amravati-based chemist Umesh Kolhe in 2022. Kolhe was killed for posting a message on WhatsApp in support of former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) spokesperson Nupur Sharma. While denying bail, the court stated that prima facie the accused had formed a terrorist gang to avenge what they perceived as dishonour to their faith, following the statement of Nupur Sharma, and to instil fear among the general public.

A division bench comprising Justice A S Gadkari and Justice Shyam C Chandak held that the materials placed by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) demonstrated more than a mere criminal conspiracy or an isolated act of violence. The court observed that the nature of the offence, the manner in which it was planned, and the intent behind the murder go to the very core of social order and collective conscience. Thus, the continued detention of the accused was legally justified under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).

Khan’s advocate argued that his actions were limited to a business dispute. However, the court rejected the argument and noted that the alleged conduct, when read in its entirety, showed deliberate instigation, calculated exposure of the victim, and participation in a chain of events that resulted in a brutal murder designed to send a wider message of fear.

The murder of Umesh Kolhe and the context of the social media post

Umesh Kolhe was a veterinary medical shop owner in Amravati, Maharashtra. He was murdered on the night of 21st June 2022 while returning home after closing his shop. Kolhe was killed in the backdrop of violence led by Islamists over Sharma’s remarks during a debate on New Channel, which she made in response to derogatory remarks by Muslim panellist Tasleem Rehmani against Hindu Gods.

According to the prosecution, Kolhe had shared a photograph of Sharma along with a message supporting her remarks in a WhatsApp group on 14th June 2022. He was among a small group of individuals who publicly expressed support for Sharma. Others were threatened and pressured to issue an apology.

The court noted that several individuals who had posted similar messages were coerced into apologising. Kolhe, however, was not asked to retract or apologise. Instead, the court found that he was specifically selected as a target. This was a factor that weighed heavily in assessing the motive and intent behind the crime.

The prosecution argued that the murder was not a spontaneous act, but the outcome of an escalating reaction to Kolhe’s social media activity in an already volatile environment.

Yusuf Khan’s role and why the court rejected the ‘business rivalry’ defence

The court did not treat Yusuf Khan as a peripheral or accidental link in the chain of events that led to Kolhe’s murder. Khan, who is a veterinary doctor, was personally acquainted with Kolhe and regularly purchased medicines from his shop. Both were members of a WhatsApp group named Black Freedom that included veterinary chemists and medical representatives. Khan was the only Muslim member in that group.

The court noted that Khan claimed to have been offended by Kolhe’s post, which he published in favour of Nupur Sharma. His defence was that he merely intended to persuade others to stop doing business with Kolhe so that his earnings would be affected. However, after examining the material that was placed on record, the High Court rejected the claim as implausible and inconsistent with Khan’s conduct.

The court noted that if the intention was just to boycott his business, the message would have been drafted and circulated only among Kolhe’s customers. However, Khan circulated the post widely, including in other WhatsApp groups and to individuals who had no business relationship with the deceased. The court held that his actions demonstrated that the objective was not limited to economic pressure but to provocation and exposure, designed to trigger anger and retaliation against Kolhe.

The court also noted that Khan was a literate and professionally qualified individual who was fully capable of understanding the fragile social atmosphere that was prevailing in the country at that time. Despite this, Khan chose to circulate an instigating message rather than deescalating the situation. It was Khan’s conscious choice, which weighed heavily against him at the stage of bail.

The WhatsApp message, altered phone number, and how intent was inferred

One of the most critical aspects of the judgment relates to the WhatsApp messages circulated by Khan after Kolhe shared the post. The court noted that before taking the screenshot of the message that Kolhe posted, Khan deliberately altered the second last digit of Kolhe’s mobile number in his contact list and then resaved it. This ensured that Kolhe’s identity and contact details were exposed to a wider audience.

Khan then added an instigating message in Hindi urging recipients to show Kolhe the consequences of “betraying those who gave him business” and to forward the message as widely as possible across groups. The message read, “Amit Medical Prabhat Takiz Tehsil ke Samane isko batana hain ke jin logon ke bharose kamai ki unse hi dushmani ka anjam kya hota hai, is message ko zyada se zyada group or gore walo ko send kare.”

The court stated that the wording of the message was crafted to provoke anger and immediate action. The court rejected the argument that the phraseology merely indicated a boycott and observed that references to groups and wide circulation pointed towards an intent to incite retaliation rather than commercial pressure.

The court further noted that Khan did not merely forward the message once. He circulated it across platforms and followed it up by meeting another accused shortly thereafter. According to the court, this sequence showed a clear progression from instigation to conspiracy, rather than an isolated emotional reaction.

The judgment further records that Khan did not merely forward the message once. He circulated it across platforms and followed it up by meeting another accused, identified as Accused No 5, shortly thereafter. This sequence, according to the court, showed a clear progression from instigation to conspiracy, rather than an isolated emotional reaction.

Phone records, meetings, and the court’s finding of covert participation

A decisive factor in the court’s refusal to grant bail was the pattern of communication between Yusuf Khan and Accused No 5. The court noted that they exchanged 25 phone calls before and after Kolhe’s murder. These calls, when read alongside witness statements and location data, were treated as strong circumstantial evidence that Khan was involved in the conspiracy to kill Kolhe.

The prosecution argued that Accused No 5 acted as a conduit between Khan and the other accused. While Khan was not physically present at every meeting where the murder was planned, such absence does not absolve a conspirator of liability. The bench observed that direct participation at every stage is neither necessary nor expected.

The court further noted that Khan’s mobile location placed him near Roshan Hall on 9th June 2022. A meeting was held at that location to discuss filing an FIR against Sharma’s remarks. This, coupled with the timing of his communications and subsequent meetings involving co-accused, reinforced the inference that Khan was part of the larger plan from its early stages.

The bench remarked that Khan appeared to have deliberately distanced himself from the execution phase of the crime after igniting the anger through his message. The court said his actions suggested that he remained “quietly active behind the curtain” and ensured that the conspiracy progressed while attempting to insulate himself from direct involvement in the murder.

How the conspiracy was judicially reconstructed

The conspiracy was reconstructed through a sequence of events rather than isolated incidents. According to the prosecution, prima facie Khan’s instigating message marked the starting point. Soon after, he met Accused No 5, who was equally offended by Kolhe’s post.

After the meeting, Accused No 5 met other accused persons at Gausiya Hall. At that meeting, the issue of Umesh Kolhe’s social media post was discussed in detail. The court noted that on 19th June 2022, a meeting involving Accused Nos 4, 5, 7, and 11 led to a decision that Kolhe should be killed as punishment for allegedly dishonouring their faith. The manner of the murder, by targeting the neck with a sharp weapon, was also discussed.

An initial attempt to carry out the murder on 20th June failed because Kolhe’s shop was closed. The following night, after a recce was conducted by other accused, Kolhe was intercepted while returning home and stabbed in the neck, resulting in his death.

The High Court emphasised that conspiracy need not be proved through direct evidence. What is required is a meeting of minds, which can be inferred from conduct, communication patterns, and surrounding circumstances. In Khan’s case, the court held that the cumulative material on record was sufficient to establish such a meeting of minds at the prima facie stage.

‘Terrorist gang’ and why UAPA was upheld

The High Court’s characterisation of the accused group as a terrorist gang is one of the most consequential findings. The bench held that the murder of Kolhe was not confined to personal revenge or a localised dispute. It was intended to strike terror in the hearts and minds of the general public, irrespective of whether they supported Sharma’s remarks or not.

The court said, “Considering the material on record, prima facie it appears that a terrorist gang was formed by the accused persons under the leadership of A-7 to avenge the alleged dishonour of their faith by the deceased, by brutally killing him and to strike terror into the hearts and minds of general public irrespective of whether they supported the spokesperson’s comment or not.”

The court observed that the killing was designed to send a message that public support for certain views would invite violent retribution. This wider objective, it held, brought the offence squarely within the ambit of Sections 16, 18, and 20 of UAPA.

While rejecting the defence argument that UAPA was being misapplied, the court reiterated that at the stage of bail, the court is required to examine whether the accusations are prima facie true, not whether they will ultimately result in conviction. The court held that the materials placed by the NIA established reasonable grounds to believe that Khan was involved in a terrorist conspiracy. The court said that the seriousness of the offence and its impact on societal security outweighed arguments relating to prolonged incarceration or delay in trial.

Why the court refused to extend Article 21 relief at the bail stage

Khan’s counsel argued that his continued incarceration for over 3.5 years amounted to pre-trial punishment, which violates Article 21 of the Constitution of India. Though the court acknowledged the general principle that prolonged detention can justify bail, it held that this safeguard cannot be mechanically applied in cases involving terror offences supported by strong prima facie material.

The court distinguished cases where bail was granted due to weak probative value of evidence and held that the present case was supported by consistent, corroborative material independent of extra judicial confessions. The court concluded that releasing Khan at this stage would be contrary to the statutory mandate under UAPA and the broader interest of public safety.

Conclusion

In its order dismissing Yusuf Khan’s bail, the Bombay High Court sent a strong message on how ideologically motivated violence, even when triggered through digital instigation, will be judicially assessed. The court made it clear that targeted killings carried out to punish speech and to intimidate society at large cannot be diluted into claims of personal grievance or business rivalry.

The court held that conspiracies need not be loud or visible at every stage. Participation, the bench held, can be covert, calculated, and deliberately distanced from the final act, without losing criminal liability.

Furthermore, the judgment reinforced that when violence is intended to create fear beyond the immediate victim and to silence others through terror, the threshold of the UAPA is crossed. The refusal of Khan’s bail was not punitive but a necessary consequence of the gravity of the offence and the prima facie material on record.

Uttar Pradesh: 10 illegal mazars on Suheldev Medical College land in Bahraich finally bulldozed by administration after years of legal battle

On 19th January (Monday), 10 illegally built mazars or dargahs were demolished in the Bahraich district of Uttar Pradesh. These structures, situated in and around the Maharaja Suheldev Medical College of the Kotwali Dehat area, were deemed illegal, after which the district administration proceeded with the demolition on the ruling of the City Magistrate. Thousands of square feet of land were under illegal occupation by these mazars.

The action transpired after the institution’s principal Sanjay Khatri wrote a letter to the district administration and submitted that the studies of the students were being hindered by the visitors to the shrines. He mentioned that the “Astana Rasool Shah” dargah which housed 10 structures was directly across the campus.

It drew many people each day and the heavy pedestrian traffic disturbed the pupils. A boundary wall had also been installed around it. The complaint was taken seriously and management committee of the shrines was told to remove them.

On the other hand, the land documents for the college, provided by the Revenue Department in 2016 which included the land survey records (Khasra-Khatauni), map and other paperwork did not mention the Islamic buildings. Afterwards, the Divisional Commissioner of Devipatan was approached regarding the case who earlier ruled that the structures were illegal excluding those recorded with the Waqf Board and should be razed.

Protests started against the demolition action which led to a tense atmosphere in the area, however, several cops were deployed from multiple police stations at the scene to maintain law and order. The district administration informed that the mazars were rendered unlawful by both court and administrative decisions.

People involved with the management of the illegal mazars opposed the move, but the large force of police personnel brought the situation under control as the agitators were pacified through dialogue, as per reports.

Legal battle since 2002

Interestingly, initiatives to construct and take down the illegal mazars had been in progress since 2002 when the Bahraich District Magistrate pronounced them unauthorised and illegal. The management committee contested the verdict in the district court, but their petition was dismissed in 2004. However, the matter continued to be the subject of a drawn-out conflict. The committee appealed to the Divisional Commissioner in 2019 after exhausting all other avenues.

However, an order was eventually issued that declared the mazars which were located close to the district magistrate’s office as illicit and instructed their demolition. Notably, there were only two structures at the site at first but several more mushroomed around them over time after which the administration repeatedly warned that these were illegal.

According to Waqf Board documents, only two of the mazars were officially registered. However, those who managed them erected 10 more in their vicinity. They were not registered and neither the Waqf Board nor any relevant authority was notified about the development. Moreover, they fell within the boundaries of Maharaja Suheldev Medical College’s campus following its establishment in 2023.

City Magistrate Rajesh Prasad highlighted, “The buildings were not destroyed in spite of the directives issued since 2002. These individuals gradually constructed 10 to 12 shrines without permission and subsequently extended them. They have encroached upon an estimated 2,000 square feet of land with these unlawful structures. The encroachments are going to be removed in the presence of police and administrative officials.”

He mentioned that on 10th January, notices were sent out requesting a voluntary elimination of the shrines by 17th January. The notice made it very clear that noncompliance would result in enforced demolition on 19th January and the expenses would be recouped as land revenue. Furthermore, the medical college also filed a complaint with the district administration, charging that the management committee continuously expanded the mazars while encroaching on further government land.

Prasad expressed that the mazars were already found to be illegal by judgments released in 2002, 2004, and later upheld by the commissioner in 2019. However, they were not taken down willingly, despite repeated assurances. Hence, the action had to be completed on the district magistrate’s direction and under appropriate police supervision. He emphasised that the two mazars registered with the Waqf Board remained untouched.

Maneka Gandhi’s remarks irresponsible and should invite contempt: Read what SC said on callous statements by former minister over stray dogs issue

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On 20th January, the Supreme Court of India came down heavily on former Union Minister and controversial animal activist Maneka Gandhi for her remarks against the court’s orders on stray dogs. The court observed that her remarks amounted to “contempt of court”.

In a sharp rebuke, the bench remarked that even Ajmal Kasab, the terrorist involved in the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack, “did not commit contempt”, unlike Gandhi. Notably, senior advocate Raju Ramachandran, who appeared for Gandhi, argued that he had appeared for Kasab as well, a comment that led to the sharp rebuke by the court. The court, however, refrained from initiating contempt proceedings against her due to its “magnanimity”.

The three judge bench comprising Justice Vikram Nath, Justice Sandeep Mehta and Justice N V Anjaria was hearing a suo motu case on the stray dog issue and public safety concerns.

Court defends its earlier oral observations

At the beginning of the hearing, advocate Prashant Bhushan objected to oral remarks made by the bench during the previous proceedings, including remarks where the court said it would impose fines on dog feeders for dog bite cases. Bhushan stated that such comments often get “misinterpreted” once reported. Justice Mehta responded that the observations were made in response to what the court described as “unrealistic arguments” advanced on behalf of dog lovers.

When Bhushan suggested that the court’s remark about holding dog feeders responsible was sarcastic, Justice Mehta firmly denied it, stating that the bench was “serious” and not being sarcastic at all.

‘Have you seen what your client has been saying?’

Ramachandran, while arguing the matter, said that since proceedings were televised, both the Bar and the Bench had a duty to remain circumspect. This prompted Justice Vikram Nath to ask whether he had examined the nature of statements made by his client outside court. “Your client has committed contempt. We have not taken action, that is our magnanimity. Have you seen what she says, her body language?” Justice Nath remarked.

When Ramachandran stated that he had previously appeared for Ajmal Kasab as amicus curiae, the bench responded sharply. “Ajmal Kasab did not commit contempt of court, but your client has,” Justice Nath said.

Questions over policy, funding, and accountability

During submissions, Ramachandran argued that effective implementation of the Animal Birth Control Rules and the National Action Plan for Rabies Elimination was crucial to resolving the stray dog problem. He pointed out that while NAPRE clearly identified hurdles and assigned responsibilities, over 30 states had failed to formulate their mandated action plans.

The bench, however, questioned why Gandhi’s application was silent on budgetary allocation. Justice Mehta asked what contribution Gandhi had made towards funding or implementing these policies during her tenure as a Union Minister and animal rights advocate. Ramachandran replied that he could not provide an oral answer to the query.

Comments by Maneka Gandhi

The court’s observations stem from Maneka Gandhi’s earlier public criticism of Supreme Court directions ordering the removal of stray dogs from sensitive locations such as schools, hospitals, and bus and railway stations. She had termed the orders “impractical”, questioned their feasibility, and criticised what she described as a lack of coordination and infrastructure.

While the bench did not specify which of Gandhi’s remarks amounted to contempt, it made clear that public comments undermining the authority of the court would not be tolerated, even as it chose restraint for now.

Parents of deceased minor allege hospital negligence, court bars speculation on cause of death

During the hearing, the parents of the six year old girl whose death led the Supreme Court to take suo motu cognisance of the stray dog menace also made submissions. Advocate Jasdeep Dhillon appeared for the parents. He informed the court that multiple hospitals were guilty of negligence as they refused timely treatment to the child.

He submitted that while the child received three doses of the rabies vaccine at Ambedkar Hospital in Rohini, she was referred from one hospital to another for treatment for her injuries, including Safdarjung Hospital, Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital, and Lady Hardinge Hospital. All of them, according to Dhillon, refused to treat her citing one reason or another.

Dhillon further told the court that the stray dog which attacked the child had previously bitten at least four other people in the area, yet no remedial action was taken by the authorities. Responding to a query from the bench on the cause of death, he stated that it was a case of acute viral illness following a dog bite.

After Dhillon completed his submissions, some counsels appearing for the dog lovers attempted to contest the cause of death. They argued that the post mortem report was not conclusive and that rabies could only be confirmed through brain tissue analysis. One counsel even claimed that the child was eating and drinking in her final days, which, according to her, was inconsistent with rabies.

The bench reacted strongly to these submissions. “You are trying to suggest her death was due to natural causes?” Justice Sandeep Mehta remarked, before prohibiting any further arguments or speculation on the child’s death. Both Justice Vikram Nath and Justice Mehta directed counsels to refrain from commenting on the facts of the case.

Furthermore, another counsel appearing for a victim of a dog attack pointed out that there is no mechanism to fix responsibility when a stray dog repeatedly bites people. He further argued that since animals are slaughtered for human consumption, violent stray dogs should also be firmly dealt with in the interest of public safety.

Stray dog menace in India

The ongoing proceedings have brought the issue of the stray dog menace into the limelight since the hearing began in August last year. The stray dog issue is not a peripheral civic concern but a nationwide public safety crisis that the system has repeatedly failed to confront properly.

Since the Animal Birth Control Rules came into effect in 2001, the stray dog population and dog bite incidents have sharply increased across the country. Though there was a dip in stray dog bite cases in 2020 and the following years, this can be attributed to the COVID 19 pandemic, as the nation was under strict lockdown.

When the lockdown was lifted, stray dog bite incidents began to rise again and, over the years, have increased sharply in number. Altercations between dog lovers and the general public have also increased due to safety concerns. The Supreme Court took cognisance of the matter after a six year old child died of rabies. Several orders have since been passed by the court, including the removal of dogs from public and private institutions such as colleges, hospitals, schools, railway stations, and bus stands.

Years of policy paralysis, selective activism, weak enforcement of existing rules, and the absence of accountability have ensured that responsibility is endlessly deflected while victims, often children and the elderly, pay the price. Now, as the apex court is hearing the matter to bring a balance between compassion and public safety, the larger question remains unresolved, whether human life will finally be placed above ideological posturing, and whether governments and institutions will be compelled to act decisively rather than hide behind frameworks that exist largely on paper.

The hearing will continue on 28th January at 2 pm, with the court set to hear further submissions from the amicus curiae, and states and UTs.

OpIndia is doing a series on Stray Dog Menace that can be checked here.

‘Udhayanidhi Stalin made hate speech against Hindus’: Madras HC quashes FIR against BJP IT Cell head Amit Malviya, says DMK has a history of attacking Sanatan Dharma

On 20th January, the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court quashed an FIR filed against BJP IT Cell head Amit Malviya in 2023, stating that the speech delivered by DMK leader Udhayanidhi Stalin at the “Sanatana Abolition Conference” was a “hate speech” against the Hindu community.

Justice S Srimathy stated that there have been constant attacks on Hinduism over the last 100 years, first by Dravida Kazhagam and later by Dravida Munetra Kazhagam (DMK).

Regarding Udhayanidhi Stalin’s remarks against Sanatan Dharma, the judge said, “The minister’s remarks amount to hate speech.”

Justice S Srimathy noted that while those who reacted to the Tamil Nadu deputy chief minister’s anti-Hindu hate speech were booked, the law was not put into motion against the one who initiated the hate speech. It must be recalled that an FIR was lodged by the Tiruchy Police in 2023, accusing Amit Malviya of misrepresenting Udhayanidhi Stalin’s ‘eradicate Sanatan Dharma’ remark.

“The courts are questioning the persons who reacted, but are not putting the law in motion against the person who initiated the hate speech. In the present case, no case has been filed against the minister for his hate speech in TN, but some cases have been filed in other states,” she said.

Udhayanidhi Stalin’s speech was “totally against 80% Hindus”

The court took note of the submissions made by Amit Malviya’s counsel, highlighting how DMK has consistently been attacking Sanatan Dharma. Referring to these submissions, Justice S Srimathy said, “There is a clear attack on Hinduism by the Dravida Kazhagam, and subsequently, along with the DMK, for the past 100 years, to which the minister belongs. While considering the overall circumstances, it is seen that the petitioner had questioned the hidden meaning of the minister’s speech.”

The court further noted that Udhayanidhi Stalin’s remarks amounted to hate speech and that Amit Malviya, being a Sanatani, was a victim who only defended Sanatan Dharma against the DMK leader’s verbal attack.

“The speech of the minister would clearly indicate that it is totally against 80% Hindus, which comes within the mischief of hate speech. The petitioner, who is a Sanatani, is a victim of such hate speech and has only defended the Sanatana Dharma from hate speech. When the minister utters a hate speech, the petitioner’s (act of) opposing the said hate speech cannot be considered as a crime,” the court said.

Justice Srimathy further noted that the BJP leader did not incite violence against Stalin or his party. He also did not refer to two competing communities, to get booked under Sections 153 and 153A of the IPC. Noting that there was no mens rea on the part of the BJP leader, the court decided to quash the FIR against him.

‘Sanatan Ozhippu’: Madras HC dissects Udhayanidhi Stalin’s ‘Eradicate Sanatan’ hate speech

The court highlighted a specific term used by Udhayanidhi Stalin in his hate speech back in 2023. Justice S Srimathy said that Stalin used the word ‘Ozhippu’, which means ‘abolish’, ‘eradicate’ or ‘eliminate’. The judge deduced that in the context of Stalin’s speech, ‘ozhippu’ would mean the abolishment of Sanatan Dharma, and for it to not be there, Sanatanis should not be there.

“The word ‘abolish’ would indicate that some existing thing should not be there. If it is applied to the present case, if Sanatana Dharma should not be there, then the people following Sanatana Dharma should not be there. It means suppression of activities that do not conform to the destroyer’s notion,” the court said.

“To consider the issue [at hand], the alleged speech of the Minister ought to be seen, wherein he said ‘Sanatana Dharma should not be resisted or opposed, but has to be abolished/eradicated’. In Tamil, it is stated not as Sanatana ethirppu (opposing Sanatana), but Sanatana ozhippu (eradicating Sanatana),” the court said.

Thus, the judge stated that ‘Sanatan ozhippu’ means genocide or culturicide of Sanatanis, that is, Hindus. The court decided that Amit Malviya’s questioning of Udhayanidhi Stalin’s ‘Sanatan ozhippu’ remarks did not amount to hate speech.

“The entire case is on the word ozhippu, which is crucial. The word ‘abolish’ would indicate that some existing thing should not be there. If it is applied to the present case, if Sanatana Dharma should not be there, then the people following Sanatana Dharma should not be there. If a group of people following Sanatana Dharma should not be there, then the appropriate word is ‘genocide’. If Sanatana Dharma is a religion, then it is ‘Religicide’. It also means to eradicate the people by following any methods or various methods with diverse attacks on ecocide, factocide, culturicide [cultural genocide]. Therefore, the Tamil phrase Sanatana ozhippu would clearly mean genocide or culturicide. In such circumstances, the post of the petitioner questioning the Minister’s speech would not amount to hate speech,” the judge stated.

The Madras High Court judge also quoted the previous March 2024 high court order, which already deemed Stalin’s anti-Sanatan remarks as “hate speech”. During the hearing on Tuesday (20th January), Justice Srimathy quoted the March 2024 ruling, which stated that the DMK leader’s statement “spew hate against a particular community, the Hindus, and constitute disinformation and hate”.

Furthermore, the court rebuked the Investigating Officer for a statement in the court affidavit in favour of the DMK leader. In the statement, the IO said, “The Governor and BJP can speak about Sanathan, then why cannot the Minister speak about Sanathan?”

Emphasising that the court is “pained” due to the IO’s statement, Justice Srimathy said, “The above would clearly indicate the counter has political colour, but unfortunately it is filed by the investigating officer. The officials ought to be apolitical, and taking sides with a political party is reprimandable.”

Anti-Hindu hate speech by Udhayanidhi Stalin and the FIR against BJP’s Amit Malviya

It all started on 2nd September 2023, when the then Minister for Youth Welfare and Sports Development of Tamil Nadu, Udhayanidhi Stalin, while addressing a Sanatana Abolition Conference, equated Sanatan Dharma or Hinduism with mosquitoes, dengue, malaria, corona and that it should be eradicated.

“Mosquitoes, dengue, flu, malaria, corona – we should not oppose these things. They have to be eradicated completely. The same is the case with Santanam (Hinduism). Our first work should be to abolish/eradicate Sanatanam instead of opposing it. So, my appreciation to you all for giving an apt title to the meeting,” Stalin said at the event organised by the Tamil Nadu Progressive Writers Forum.

Later, he went on a tirade against the Hindu civilisational religious philosophy on social media. While taking to X (formerly Twitter), Udhayanidhi Stalin wrote, “Sanatan Dharma is a principle that divides people in the name of caste and religion.”

“Uprooting Sanatan Dharma is upholding humanity and human equality…I spoke on behalf of the oppressed & marginalized, who suffer due to the Sanatan Dharma. I spoke on behalf of the oppressed & marginalized, who suffer due to the Sanatan Dharma,” he reiterated his sinister plan.

The Tamil Nadu Police showed more dexterity in silencing those questioning Stalin than the initiator of the anti-Hindu hate speech. On 6th September 2023, the Tiruchirappalli police stated that they have filed an FIR against BJP’s Amit Malviya for ‘distorting’ the remarks made by Udhayanidhi Stalin.

What triggered the FIR was an X post by Amit Malviya in which he said, “Udhayanidhi Stalin, son of Tamilnadu CM MK Stalin, and a minister in the DMK Govt, has linked Sanatana Dharma to malaria and dengue… He is of the opinion that it must be eradicated and not merely opposed. In short, he is calling for the genocide of 80% population of Bharat, who follow Sanatan Dharma. DMK is a prominent member of the Opposition block and a long standing ally of the Congress. Is this what was agreed in the Mumbai meet?”

Rs 8031.56 crores saved, lakhs of fraudulent transactions stopped: Read how Centre’s Suspect Registry is helping India combat cyber frauds

In a major step towards combating cyber fraud, the Ministry of Home Affairs had launched a national cybercrime ‘Suspect Registry’ in September 2024. The Suspect Registry was launched as a part of a broader imperative to enhance cybersecurity and prevent online scams. Since its official launch, the Registry has helped save thousands of crores of rupees by declining lakhs of fraudulent transactions.

National Cybercrime Suspect Registry and how it works

The Suspect Registry was launched on 10th September 2024 by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. This registry was formed to bolster cybersecurity and prevent online scams by aggregating and sharing data on known cybercriminals. The initiative is managed by the Home Ministry’s Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre (I4C). The Suspect Registry was developed based on inputs from the National Cybercrime Reporting Portal (NCRP), where citizens report cybercrimes.

The Suspect Registry is aimed at creating a cyber shield by identifying and flagging suspected cybercriminals. The Registry addresses the surging tide of online scams in the country, where cyber fraudsters use myriad tactics, including phishing links, fake applications, and mule accounts to siphon money.

Pertinently, the cybercrime Suspect Registry aids in real-time prevention of online scams rather than just the conventional post-incident investigation. Reports say that the Registry launched by the Central government contains data on over 1.4 million cybercriminals linked to fiscal fraud and other forms of cyber offences. This data comprises phone numbers, email addresses, and bank details, in addition to other identifiers connected with suspicious activities.

However, this Registry is not related to GST fraud detection, and specifically targets cyber-enabled financial crimes like phishing, fraudulent transactions, and identity theft, etc. For GST-related fraud detection, there are separate mechanisms in place.

In addition to aggregating data from the NCRP, the Suspect Registry gathers inputs from various law enforcement agencies, intelligence units, and police departments in states and union territories. The goal has been to create a database of suspects, be it individuals or entities, flagged for suspected role in cybercrimes.

The Suspect Registry is accessible to federal probe agencies like the Enforcement Directorate, and Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), etc, and state and UT police forces, alongside financial institutions like banks and payment gateways. To ensure widespread adoption, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has mandated all banks to integrate with the Suspect Registry.

The I4C-managed Suspect Registry has a robust fraud detection mechanism in place. When a transaction is initiated through UPI, net banking, or other apps, banks and financial platforms cross-reference the relevant details, including phone numbers or account numbers, against the Suspect Registry.

If a match is found indicating a connection to a known cybercriminal, the transaction is flagged and declined in real-time. By preventing the money from being transferred to fraudulent accounts, online scams are stopped at the source.

The Suspect Registry has integrated AI-driven tools for data analysis and pattern recognition. To make the registry dynamic, it is continuously updated with new reports and data.

Notably, the Suspect Registry operates under the Information Technology Act, 2000, and in alignment with the Personal Data Protection Act for handling sensitive data, to ensure privacy while prioritising national security.

Suspect Registry and its massive impact

Within months of its launch in September 2024, the Suspect Registry proved to be a game-changer in combating cybercrimes. In the first 90 days after its launch, the registry helped decline over 6.10 lakh fraudulent transactions. The Suspect Registry prevented victim losses estimated at Rs 1,800 crore. Beyond financial savings, it led to quicker arrests and probes.

By mid-2025, the cybercrime Suspect Registry had its impact expanded, with the blocking of over 13 lakh fraudulent transactions. With this, the Registry helped save victim losses up to Rs 5,100 crore.

As per a December 2025 press release issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs, more than 18.43 lakh suspect identifier data received from Banks and 24.67 lakh Layer 1 mule accounts were shared with the participating entities of Suspect Registry and declined transactions worth Rs. 8031.56 crores.

Interestingly, the Suspect Registry is also being used by the I4C for proactive prevention against cyber fraud. Recently, a massive job scam was unearthed in Cambodia. Eight fraudsters have been arrested for operating an interstate investment fraud conspiracy. These fraudsters embezzled around Rs 4 crore through mule bank accounts in just 14 days. This cybercrime ring had connections to handlers in Cambodia.

Further investigation by the Indian probe agencies traced a Pakistani link to the fraud network. Over 5,000 Indians have been found to be stranded in Cambodia after they were duped into engaging in cybercrime through phoney job opportunities. 

Some of the victims saved and brought back have revealed to central agencies that they were recruited by Pakistani agents. Digital footprints, including IP logs from recruitment calls and chats, were used in forensic analysis, and they outlined the presence of operatives in Pakistan. These Pakistani handlers were running a coordinated network that preyed on vulnerable jobseekers from places like Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Mumbai, Telangana and Kerala.” While the central probe agencies, including the CBI and NIA, continue investigation into the syndicate, all the IP addresses traced to Pakistan in this case, have been entered in the Suspect Registry. The flagged IPs would now trigger real-time alerts or blocks during suspected fraudulent transactions or communications, disrupting cybercrime in real-time.

Shimjitha Musthafa booked after a man commits suicide following sexual harassment allegations: Kerala tragedy exposes dangers of social media vigilantism

The suicide of a 40-year-old man named Deepak U has sparked a national debate over whether it was a case of real sexual harassment by the man or the woman, Shimjitha Musthafa, filming the incident, stooped too low for view farming. Amidst the outrage, the woman who accused Deepak of sexually harassing her during a bus ride in Kerala’s Kozhikode has been booked by the police on 20th January, over the allegations of abetment to suicide.

This comes after the deceased man’s mother, Kanyaka, filed a complaint against Shimjitha Musthafa. The case has been registered under Section 108 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023.

The Kozhikode Medical College Police have already recorded the statement of the accused, Shimjitha Musthafa, and further action will be taken in the matter after preliminary investigation.

Meanwhile, the Kerala Human Rights Commission has ordered an investigation, and the incident has sparked discussion on mental health, false accusations, and the detrimental outcomes of desperation for followers and views farming by content creators.

Deepak U committed suicide after a sexual harassment claim triggered trolling and backlash against him

On 16th January, Deepak U, a resident of Kozhikode’s Govindapuram area, had taken a KSRTC bus, where Shimjitha Musthafa was also travelling. During the crowded bus journey, Shimjitha Musthafa recorded and shared a video claiming that Deepak inappropriately touched her.

The viral video shows Deepak standing away from the woman, trying to balance himself by holding the upper part of a seat as the bus shook and rolled on. For the first few seconds, the video was shot with the woman showing Deepak, who was standing a couple of feet away from her. The next part of the video shows the woman from another angle, where she is standing closer to Deepak, and pointing the camera at how his elbow is moving. Deepak, apparently unaware that a video is being made, continues his position. At one instance, his elbow touches the woman’s chest, who was then standing very close to him.

The video went viral and sparked sharp reactions. Soon after, Shimjitha published another video doubling down on her allegations against Deepak, saying that he deliberately touched her without consent and violated her sexual boundaries. She further claimed that it was a deliberate act stemming from the belief that he would not have to face any consequences for it.

“Yesterday, I shared a video from a public bus where a man deliberately touched me without my consent. This was not an accident or a misunderstanding. It was a clear violation of my sexual boundaries. I began recording after noticing a woman in front of me was uncomfortable. Despite knowing he was being recorded, the man still went ahead and touched me. This shows a deliberate act, a lack of empathy and the belief that he would face no consequences,” Shimjitha Musthafa said.

After the video went viral, Deepak was reportedly distressed and told his family and relatives that he had no wrong intentions and that his hand touched the woman inadvertently. On the morning of Sunday (18th January), Deepak’s parents tried to knock on his door. After there was no response, the family called neighbours to gain entry into the room. Deepak was found hanging.

Deepak’s devastated mother said that the deceased man was deeply stressed after the video Shimjitha shared on social media and levelled grave accusations against him, which went viral. Deepak’s mother said, “My child could not bear it. He has not been accused of anything wrong ever.”

In no time, social media pivoted from criticising, trolling, and rushing to judge Deepak to pointing out that Deepak was innocent and the woman intentionally set him up, to gain social media attention.

Memes showing men using cardboard boxes to avoid getting falsely accused of sexual harassment

The disturbing incident has triggered a wave of memes and satirical content on social media, particularly centred on the men’s apprehensions of false accusations in public spaces like buses.

Several videos and memes show men employing exaggerated protective measures, including cardboard boxes, to avoid any accidental contact with women, which may spark any baseless claim of harassment. Call it dark humour or a unique protest, such content is gaining widespread support on social media.

In one of the viral videos, a man in a crowded Kerala bus is seen wearing an oversized cardboard box covering his upper body, arms outstretched, holding the overhead bar. The box features text in Malayalam, which roughly translates to “Protection from false allegations”.

Sharing video of some men wearing cardboard boxes and saying that they are wearing them to save themselves from getting falsely accused of touching women in public spaces inappropriately, an X user wrote, “From now on, the new tactic that men have come up with to save their lives from those reel-obsessed girls who travel together in buses.”

Sharing another such video, an X user wrote, “After this incident in Kerala, many men are feeling scared & insecure. Now, some men are getting on the bus with ‘sharp sticks’ or rods on their shoulders so that no woman can use the excuse of a push to record a video of them.

In another video, a man is seen placing a cardboard as a partition on a bus seat before sitting next to a female passenger. Sharing the video, an X user wrote, “Men can travel by bus in Kerala from today.”

Another X user shared an AI-generated picture, showing a man wearing multiple bodycams while travelling in a crowded bus. Sharing the image, an X user wrote, “How to travel by bus in India if you’re a male.”

A key takeaway of the entire episode is that social media could be a double-edged sword. While it is a tool that can bring social change, it can also devastate lives. Deepak could not bear the mental toll of the social media trial based on the claim Shimjitha Musthafa associated with the video she uploaded.

While Musthafa justified her actions, many questioned whether she was so sure that Deepak inappropriately touched her and violated her sexual boundaries; why did she not file a police complaint against him instead of uploading the video on social media and leaving it at that?

This question lends credence to the allegations that Shimjitha may have recorded and wrongly passed off the inadvertent touching as deliberate harassment, for follower and views farming, not realising that Deepak would take the extreme step.

IUML leader to YouTuber: Who is Shimjitha Musthafa?

Shimjitha Musthafa is originally from Vatakara (also spelt Vadakara) in Kerala’s Kozhikode district. She shifted to Velleri after her marriage 16 years ago. While married Muslim women pursuing higher education is relatively rare, Shimjitha completed her graduation and post-graduation in commerce. She obtained a BEd degree.

Media reports confirm that Shimjitha Musthafa has been affiliated with the Islamist political party, Indian Union Muslim League (IUML).

In the year 2020, Shimjitha Musthafa contested panchayat elections from Velleri ward of Areekode Grama Panchayat on the ticket of IUML. Shimjitha won the election with a margin of 588 votes.

Notably, IUML is an offshoot of Pakistan’s founder and Islamist Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s All India Muslim League (AIML). The birth of the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) in December 1947 was a part of the intention to keep the spirit of the All-India Muslim League. The IUML advocated Sharia law for Indian Muslims in the Constituent Assembly after India’s independence. The party was found involved in the planning as well as the execution of the brutal Marad massacre in Kerala in 2003.

Its leaders, P.P. Moideen Koya and Moyeen Haji, have previously been accused of funding, conspiring and executing the riots. In 2023, the IUML had declared support to Palestinian Islamic terror outfit Hamas even as the latter was killing and raping Israeli people. In 2023, the IUML leaders raised anti-Hindu slogans, including those threatening to hang them (Hindus) in front of Temples and burn them alive, during Kerala’s Kasargod during a protest over Manipur unrest.

A Manorama report says that Musthafa’s family has been sympathetic to the IUML. She remained active as a panchayat member, but later, she travelled to Dubai with her husband, and eventually began working as an accountant. During her time in Dubai, Shimjitha developed an interest in vlogging.

Ummer Velleri, IUML secretary of Areekode Grama Panchayat, said, “Shimjitha was not very well known among local people then. But we decided to field her because she is well-educated. We wanted to groom a woman leader for the party. As a postgraduate, she was an apt candidate, with the potential to rise even to the post of panchayat president. Her victory by a huge margin surprised even party cadres. Her manners and attitude attracted voters.”

Shimjitha, who during her college days was overtly religious, faced criticism with her party, IUML, after she began uploading social media content without a hijab and wearing a Bindi. The IUML soon asked her to resign from her position as the panchayat leader, and the rift since then only widened.

For the last six months, Shimjitha Musthafa has been residing in Kozhikode’s Vatakara and has taken social media influencing as a career. Currently, her whereabouts remain undisclosed, with some reports claiming that she is absconding.