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Boost to Atmanirbhar Bharat: Gujarat to host India’s first private satellite plant in Sanand, Azista Space launches Electro-Optical Payload Factory

The history of Indian space exploration has always been linked to Gujarat. The dream envisioned by Dr Vikram Sarabhai from the land of Ahmedabad is now being realised in Khoraj, Sanand. Till now, the work of making satellites was solely the responsibility of the government organisation ISRO, but now, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi‘s ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ and ‘Make in India’ campaigns, the space sector has been opened for private participation.

At the centre of this revolution is currently Sanand in Ahemedabad district of Gujarat. The foundation stone of the country’s first integrated private satellite manufacturing plant was laid in Sanand on Thursday, 22nd January. Azista Space has laid the foundation stone of India’s ambitious ‘Electro-Optical Payload Factory’.

This state-of-the-art factory will be built in Khoraj Industrial Estate, Sanand. Science and Technology Minister Arjun Modhwadia completed the laying of the foundation stone and inauguration of this factory. Many things are associated with this plant, like the Central Government’s ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’, ‘Make in India‘ and the Gujarat Government’s vision of a developed Gujarat by 2047. Today, we will discuss this entire plant and the benefits it will bring to Gujarat and India in the future.

Image of Bhumi Puja (Source: Gujarati Jagran)

What is this project?

The name of this project is Electro-Optical Payload Factory, also known as the ‘Palmnaro’ plant in the company’s internal context. This is the first integrated satellite manufacturing unit of the private sector in India, where the complete end-to-end production of the satellite will take place – that is, design, engineering, component manufacturing, assembly, integration, testing and qualification – all work will be done at one place.

The plant will focus on advanced optical payloads such as high-resolution imaging, remote sensing and multispectral cameras, which are useful for both civil, i.e. agriculture, environment, disaster management and defence sectors. The plant will be set up in Khoraj Industrial Estate, Sanand, Ahmedabad, where the factory will be constructed in the area from plot number K-19 to K-24/1.

The foundation stone of this plant was laid by Gujarat Science and Technology Minister Arjun Modhwadia on Thursday, 22nd January. During this, MoUs worth over ₹500 crore have been signed with the Gujarat government for the development, infrastructure and technology transfer of this plant. Under these MoUs, the Gujarat government will provide land, incentives, and support to strengthen India’s private space ecosystem.

Azista details

Azista Space is an Indo-German joint venture, comprising Azista Industries Private Limited (India, Hyderabad-based) and Berlin Space Technologies GmbH (Germany). The company already has Asia’s first private satellite factory at Plot No. 16, Sarkhej-Sanand Road, Sanand GIDC, Ahmedabad, which is equipped with 30,000 sq ft of clean rooms, AIT (Assembly, Integration & Testing) lab and testing facilities. The existing factory has the capacity to manufacture 50 satellites annually, with a capacity expandable to 250, and 80%+ of the sub-systems, such as power system, communication, and control units, are manufactured in-house. This speeds up the build time by 250 times and reduces the cost by 40 times.

Azista’s factory in Sanand (Source: Azista website)

The aim of this new plant

The new plant is not just intended to manufacture spare parts or payloads, but to prepare for mass production. This will enable fast and cheap supply for mega-constellations (networks of thousands of satellites, such as Starlink). The main objective of this plant is to produce fully indigenous satellites and advanced optical payloads in India by the private sector.

It will be an end-to-end integrated facility, where everything from design to final production, testing and qualification will be done under a single roof. The plant will have state-of-the-art facilities, such as advanced clean rooms, calibration labs and R&D centres, thereby reducing dependence on imports and making Indian satellites competitive in the global market.

Azista’s main achievement

The company’s major achievement is the ABA First Runner (AFR) satellite. This satellite is the maiden (first) satellite of Azista BST Aerospace. It is the first such high-performance remote sensing satellite built by India’s private space sector, weighing 80 kg and designed for wide-swath medium-resolution optical imaging.

ABA First Runner (AFR) satellite (Source: Azista website)

It is worth noting that the satellite weighs only 80 kg – that is, it is as light as a large suitcase. Its size is about 60 cm x 60 cm x 40 cm. It has a special camera, which takes pictures of the Earth. This camera takes pictures from about 550 kilometres above, in which even objects like cars are clearly visible. This is called ‘4.6 meter resolution’ – that is, objects smaller than 4.6 meters are seen separately.

The camera can take images of land up to 60 kilometres wide at a time, called a ‘wide-swath’. It can take colour photos (in red, green, and blue) and special types of photos, such as infrared, to determine plant health. The satellite orbits the Earth in a sun-synchronous orbit – that is, it passes over the same place at the same time every day, so the photos are always taken in the same kind of light.

This satellite can be used for tasks like monitoring the condition of crops in agriculture, whether water is needed or not, monitoring forests, rivers, pollution in the environment, new constructions, roads, floods, and where help is needed in times of earthquakes, etc.

This satellite was launched from America on 13th June 2023 on SpaceX’s Falcon-9 rocket. It was a shared ride, meaning many small satellites went together. It has now been operating in space for more than 2 years. It has taken thousands of photos, sent a lot of data and photographed more than 10% of the Earth. It is still working well and is planned to last for another 3 years.

Accelerating ‘Make in India’ and ‘Self-reliant India’

Gujarat Science and Technology Minister Arjun Modhwadia, while laying the foundation stone of this plant, said, “This facility of Azista Space will play a significant role in furthering the vision of a self-reliant India, as the entire design, development and testing of the satellite will be done under a single umbrella using indigenous technology.” He further added, “This project will strengthen India’s national security and strategic preparedness.” This means that the satellites built by the plant will create self-reliance in defence, agriculture, disaster management and other sectors.

The satellite manufacturing unit set up by Azista BST in Sanand is not just a project for the ‘Make in India’ and ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ campaigns, but an entire ecosystem shift. Till now, India often relied on foreign technology or components for its sophisticated satellites for security and border surveillance.

But now the situation will change. Apart from this, when a satellite is made in India, its design and the data sent through it remain completely under Indian control. This ‘self-reliance’ is extremely important from the point of view of security. Apart from this, India will be able to make and launch small satellites on a rapid basis as per its requirement, which was not possible earlier.

Global Manufacturing Hub: Many companies around the world are now looking for alternatives to China. This plant in Sanand presents India as a strong alternative to China in the space sector. Azista’s plant can manufacture 36 satellites annually. This means that India is now becoming a ‘wholesaler’ of space technology from a ‘retailer’. Seeing such successful private ventures, other foreign aerospace companies will also be motivated to invest in India and set up factories here.

Development of the MSME sector: Making a satellite is not the job of a single company; it requires thousands of small spare parts. The coming up of the plant in Sanand will give orders to hundreds of small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) around it to make sensors, bolts, panels and wiring harnesses. Gujarat is already at the forefront of engineering and manufacturing. Now the industries here will acquire the skills to make ‘space-grade’ parts, which will be the biggest achievement of ‘Make in India’.

India’s share in the space economy: According to a report, India’s share in the global space economy is currently only 2%, or $8.4 billion. The Indian government wants to increase this share to more than 8%, or $44 billion, by 2033. This plant will make a significant contribution to this. 

Apart from this, ISRO will now be able to focus on big missions like Gaganyaan and Aditya L1, while private units like Sanand will take care of the work of building commercial satellites. This division will further boost ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’.

Stopping Brain Drain:Atmanirbhar Bharat‘ also means ‘Atmanirbhar Youth’. Till now, India’s best aerospace engineers used to go to America for NASA or SpaceX in search of opportunities. Now with such world-class factories on Indian soil and that too in a state like Gujarat, talented youth will stay in India and develop technology for the country.

Imports will decrease, and employment will increase: More than 80% of the sub-systems, like power system, communication, and control units in this plant, will be made in India. This will reduce imports, reduce costs and speed up the build time. The plant is ready for mass production, so that India can come forward in projects like mega-constellations of thousands of satellites. This project will make Gujarat a national leader in space technology and high-tech manufacturing and will create large-scale employment for the youth in fields like electronics, mechanical engineering, and remote sensing.

Gujarat: From research to global hub of space manufacturing

The most important thing is that Gujarat’s connection with space began with India’s independence. In 1947, Dr Vikram Sarabhai established PRL in Ahmedabad. It is called the ‘cradle of Indian space science’. It was from here that the initial scientific foundations of India’s space program were laid. Then, as a result of the tireless efforts of Indian scientists, ISRO was established in 1969, in which Dr Sarabhai’s contribution was major.

Apart from this, the Space Application Centre-SAC located in Ahmedabad is considered the heart of ISRO. SAC specialises in making remote sensing, communication and navigation payloads (the main equipment of satellites). 11 important instruments used in the Chandrayaan-3 mission, such as lander camera, altimeter and radar, etc., were prepared by the SAC centre in Ahmedabad. 80% of the landing site selection was also processed here.

Moving beyond research, Gujarat is now making waves globally in ‘satellite manufacturing’. Azista BTS Aerospace is Asia’s first private factory capable of ‘satellite mass production’. This plant has the capacity to manufacture 2 satellites per week, or about 100 microsatellites per year.

The government’s plan is not to limit Sanand to just one factory, but to make it a hub where everything from satellite design to testing can be done in one place. Apart from Azista, the process of setting up other supporting industries in Sanand is also underway. This cluster of Sanand is going to become a ‘satellite manufacturing capital’ not only for Gujarat, but for the entire South Asia. Looking at the government’s policies and the enthusiasm of the private sector, it seems that the next decade will be of ‘Made in Gujarat’ satellites.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Gujarati.)

Ujjain: Muslim mob targets Hindu houses in Tarana after Friday namaz, several vehicles damaged, curfew imposed in area

In the Tarana town of Madhya Pradesh’s Ujjain district, violence erupted on 22nd January 2026, following an attack by Muslim youths on the local Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Gau Seva Prakoshtha head, Sohail Thakur Bundela. What began as a minor dispute soon escalated into a Muslim mob attack, leading to arson, stone pelting, and vandalism.

The ruckus intensified on Friday after Jummah Namaz. In the incidents of violence, Muslim rioters torched over 11 buses, damaged shops, and injured several people. The police-imposed Section 144 to control violence, made multiple arrests, and deployed heavy police forces; however, the situation remains tense.

Muslim youth attack VHP activist Sohail Thakur on 22nd January

The tensions first flared up on Thursday night after VHP’s Sohail Thakur Bundela was assaulted by Muslim youths, including one Ishaan Mirza. A verbal argument started over Bundela staring and standing in the same spot in Shukla Gali/Shukla Mohalla, opposite the Bade Ram Mandir. The argument over the VHP leader led to a fight and assault, and Bundela sustained multiple injuries. Sohail’s associate, Rajat Thakur, also suffered injuries. Both are receiving treatment at a hospital, and their condition is reported to be stable.

Some media reports cite unconfirmed sources to say that the Muslim attackers threatened the VHP activists not to work for cow protection.

In no time, a Muslim mob and supporters of the VHP activist took to the streets. A Muslim mob began pelting stones at Hindus and damaged over two dozen vehicles, including 11 buses parked near the local bus stand.

Police registered a case of attempted murder against Sappan Mirza, Ishaan Mirza, Shadab alias Idli, Salman Mirza, Rizwan Mirza, and Naved. Five of them have been arrested, while one remains at large.

Meanwhile, Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Vishnu Patidar alleged that the absconding Muslim youth is the main accused, who allegedly inflicted the head injury.

Hindus stage protest outside Tarana Police Station on 23rd January, Muslim mob launches another attack

On Friday morning, activists from the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal surrounded the Tarana police station, raising slogans and demanding the arrest of the accused and the demolition of their homes.

The police tried to persuade them; however, the activists refused. Eventually, they sat on a sit-in protest in front of the police station and began reciting the Hanuman Chalisa. 

While tensions simmered overnight after police intervention, unrest returned in Tarana after Friday (Jummah) Namaz at the Takiya Mosque in Khedi Mohalla. After the Namaz, a large number of masked protesters took to the streets. Muslim rioters allegedly set one or two buses on fire, in addition to two-wheelers and cars. They also resumed stone pelting and targeted four to six houses. Reports say that the fire department was rushed in to control the blazes.

Rioters set fire to the land located at Khankhaniya Bheru Maharaj, behind the agricultural market in Tarana. Upon receiving information about the fire, a fire brigade arrived at the scene and brought it under control.

Meanwhile, stone-pelting broke out at Imli Bada at 9 pm on Friday. The police teams were immediately dispatched, and mild force was used by the police to disperse the mob.

In the second wave of Islamist violence, over 15 vehicles were damaged. Several videos showing flames engulfing buses and crowds dispersing amidst police presence have surfaced online.

Reports say that Muslim rioters armed with swords, rods, and lathis barged into Hindu localities to pelt stones and attack their houses in a targeted manner. Window panes were broken due to stone pelting. It is even being alleged that the rioters who wreaked havoc after Jummah Namaz also attacked a Hindu temple, although no major damage was reported. Women alleged that, in addition to trying to enter homes, the Muslim rioters were hurling abuses.

Rioters vandalising a Hindu temple in Tarana on Friday after Jummah Namaz (Image via Dainik Bhaskar)

Speaking to TimesNow Navbharat, a local said that stone pelting was also being done from a local mosque, and that glass bottles were hurled at Hindu houses by Muslim rioters.

So far, over 15 arrests have been made, and Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNSS), equivalent to Section 144 of the CrPC, remains imposed in Tarana.

Speaking about the action taken by the police in the matter, IG (law and order) at the Madhya Pradesh Police headquarters, Anshuman Singh, said that five men have been arrested in connection with the violence on Thursday, while 15 to 20 have been detained for their alleged role in the violence on Thursday and Friday.

Additional police forces were called in from 5-10 police stations in the district on Friday. Drone surveillance is underway, and a flag march has been conducted. The police said that CCTV footage and social media videos are being examined to identify other rioters.

Meanwhile, Ujjain district Superintendent of Police Pradip Sharma said, “We have already detained 15-20 men found involved in the violence. CCTV footage and video clips are being scanned to identify more rioters who engaged in violence.”

The police have appealed to the local people to refrain from peddling and falling for rumours, stating that strict action will be taken against anyone attempting to disrupt law and order. A heavy police force remains deployed in the unrest-hit Tarana.

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Mohan Yadav has assured that stringent action will be taken against those behind disrupting law and order.

UP Police attach assets worth ₹28.5 crore belonging to Bhola Prasad Jaiswal, the main accused in the codeine cough syrup smuggling case

On Friday (23rd January), the Uttar Pradesh Police initiated the process of attaching assets worth Rs 28 crores, belonging to Bhola Prasad Jaiswal, the main accused in the codeine-based cough syrup smuggling case. The police action follows the court order.

The attachment proceedings were conducted at three locations in Varanasi. Currently, Bhola Prasad is lodged in Sonbhadra district jail.

Giving details of the attachment proceedings, Sonbhadra Superintendent of Police (SP) Abhishek Verma said that the Special Investigation Team found during its probe that Bhola Prasad was running an organised syndicate. Prasad had amassed assets worth about Rs 28.50 crore through the illegal business.

The police then identified the properties and submitted their report before the court to seek attachment under Section 107 (attachment, forfeiture, or restoration of property derived from criminal activity) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS).

Taking note of the evidence furnished, the court issued attachment orders on Thursday (22nd January). Consequently, a police team was deployed to Varanasi, and the assets attachment process was initiated.

Among the assets attached, there were two fixed deposit receipts worth Rs 1,13,93,276 in Indian Bank’s Sampurnanand Sanskrit University branch in Varanasi. In addition, two other bank accounts with a balance of Rs 6,89,607 were debit-frozen.

Moreover, the authorities also attached a Mercedes-Benz car worth approximately Rs 1.22 crore and two residential houses in Varanasi bought in February 2023 for Rs 3.03 crore in the name of Bhola Prasad’s wife, Sharda Jaiswal. Besides, a building worth Rs 23 crore bought by Prasad in his wife’s name was also attached. This building is in Varanasi’s Bhelpur area.

Uttar Pradesh codeine cough syrup case

The case revolves around an organised criminal racket involved in the illegal stocking, sale, and trafficking of prescription-only cough syrups containing codeine, an opioid drug.

Notably, Codeine is a derivative of opium. It is commonly used in cough syrups and can cause mind-numbing effects if taken in excessive amounts. Long-term use of codeine has the potential to cause addiction, similar to heroin or opium. In recent years, its use as a soft drug has increased.

These medicines, which cannot be sold without a doctor’s prescription, were being illegally sold using fake documents and forged records to justify massive overstocking. The syrups were then routed through shell companies and smuggled across states.

Investigations revealed that the network extended beyond Uttar Pradesh to Kashmir and West Bengal, and even across the border into Bangladesh. Acting on intelligence inputs, the Uttar Pradesh STF conducted a raid in Lucknow, which exposed the entire operation.

While selling Codeine is not illegal, it is an opioid that is legally sold only in prescribed quantities via regulated sellers. The syndicate, the UP Police, is cracking down on stockpiled codeine and smuggling it illegally to be used as an addiction-inducing drug.

The probe against this network began in 2024, and by 2025, over 128 FIRs were filed, 280 drug licenses were cancelled, over 3.5 lakh vials were seized, and more than 32 arrests were made. This illegal codeine drug smuggling syndicate is worth Rs 428 crore, extending from 28 districts of Uttar Pradesh to Nepal, Bangladesh, Dubai, and Pakistan.

The probe into the syndicate intensified in October 2025, after a truck was seized in Sonbhadra district carrying cartons of chips (snacks), which, upon checking, turned out to be a huge cache of bottles of cough syrup containing codeine. The estimated cost of the drugs seized was Rs 3 crore. The police arrested three smugglers, Hemant Pal, Brijmohan Shivhare, and Ramgopal Dhakad, from Madhya Pradesh.

During the investigation, the name of one Shubham Jaiswal emerged, who is originally from Varanasi but resides in Dubai. In November 2025, the UP Special Task Force (STF) arrested a Lucknow resident, Amit Kumar Sing,h from Gomti Nagar’s Vibhuti Khand. During questioning, Singh revealed that he was operating the codeine drug smuggling syndicate at Shubham Jaiswal’s behest.

Further investigation revealed that Shubham Jaiswal is the son of Bhola Prasad, whose assets worth Rs 28 crore have now been attached by the authorities. Prasad was arrested at Kolkata airport while trying to flee to Thailand, fearing action by the UP STF.

Alcohol is haram, codeine is not: Muslims bought codeine-containing cough syrup at an inflated price as an alternative intoxicant

A question that stunned everyone was why a Rs 120 cough syrup is being sold at Rs 1500. This question has a ‘Halal’ answer. In Muslim-majority countries like Bangladesh and in Indian regions with a high Muslim population, including parts of Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal, Assam, Tripura, and Sikkim, this cough syrup is being used as an alternative intoxicant.

As alcohol is prohibited (haram) in Islam, codeine-based cough syrup has emerged as a perceived “halal” substitute for intoxication. As a result, a bottle priced between Rs 120 and Rs 160 in legal markets is being sold illegally for Rs 1,200 to Rs 1,500.

Washington Post publishes leaked audio clip showing US diplomats wanting to be friends with Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami: Read how US is warming up to perpetrators of genocide

Ahead of the federal elections in Bangladesh, it has come to light that US diplomats are actively engaging with the radical Islamist political party, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami.

The revelations were made by The Washington Post in a report (archive) published on Thursday (22nd January). The American newspaper had also shared a leaked audio clip of a closed-door media interaction between a US diplomat and some female Bangladeshi journalists, which occurred on 1st December last year at the US embassy in Dhaka.

According to the report, the United States is warming up to Jamaat-e-Islami in anticipation of the latter’s victory in Bangladesh’s upcoming federal election. In the audio recording, the unnamed US diplomat could be heard conceding that Bangladesh has ‘shifted Islamic’ and that it was in the best interests of the US to be friends with the radical Islamist party.

“We want them to be our friends,” he was heard saying in the leaked audio clip that has now gone viral on social media. The diplomat also downplayed the threat posed by Jamaat-e-Islami to Bangladeshi society. “I simply do not believe that Jamaat can impose sharia,” he claimed to justify the renewed interests of the USinh in the party designed to come to power.

In the audio recording, the unnamed US diplomat conceded that the trial against former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was not free and fair. He, however, lauded her conviction by a kangaroo court of Bangladesh and dubbed the move as ‘political genius’ and ‘impressive.’

In true American fashion, as the judge, jury, and executioner of international affairs, the US diplomat declared Hasina ‘guilty’ during the closed-door meeting.

When the Washington Post sought a response from the US embassy spokesperson in Dhaka, Monica Shie, she claimed, “The United States does not favour one political party over another and plans to work with whichever government is elected by the Bangladeshi people.”

This is, however, not true. In November 2023, OpIndia had reported how the United States government, its agencies and the embedded media were orchestrating a ‘regime change operation’ in Bangladesh to topple Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

Attempts were made to distort the public perception of the Awami League leader and present her as an ‘autocratic leader.’ The US government interfered in the 2024 election process of Bangladesh under the pretext of ‘saving democracy’ and conducting ‘free and fair elections’.

Despite its all-out efforts, Sheikh Hasina returned to power with a strong mandate. However, the US deep State soon began working on its nefarious agenda.

6 months later, Hasina was removed as Prime Minister in a carefully orchestrated regime change operation. The task to pacify the Islamist forces and work as an asset to the US was given to none other than Muhammad Yunus.

Operation Searchlight, 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and the role of Jamaat-e-Islami

In the General elections held in December 1970, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of the Awami League secured a huge majority (167 seats) in the provincial legislature in East Pakistan.

With constant interference in the affairs of East Pakistan by its Islamic counterpart, Rahman had begun demanding greater regional autonomy.

This was just within 13 years of the Partition of the Indian subcontinent, when Muslims sought a separate country of their own.

Although united by the common Faith, the resentment between West and East Pakistan towards each other continued to grow.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), who won the most seats in West Pakistan in 1970 elections, was opposed to the demands of Rahman. He had threatened to boycott the Assembld sought the dissolution of the provincial legislature in East Pakistan if the PPP was not included in the government.

Miffed over the denial of power and autonomy to East Pakistan, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called civil disobedience movement on March 7, 1971. Bhutto feared civil war, and President Yahya Khan, therefore, declared martial law and ordered the arrest of Rahman and other leaders.

In order to contain the civil and political unrest, the Pakistan army launched Operation Searchlight on March 26, 1971. Rahman, disillusioned by the high-handedness of West Pakistan, had already called for independence from West Pakistan.

The Pakistani soldiers launched their attack on the Bengali population in Rajararbagh and the Peelkhana area. They put Mujibur Rahman behind bars and ambushed theUniversityversity, resulting in the death of 9 teachers and 200 students in Iqbal Hal.

Similarly, the Pakistan army continued with its barbaric attacks on civilians in Old Dhaka, Tejgaon, Indira Road, Mirpur, Kalabagan and other places.

On the same night, several people in Chittagong were shot dead by the army personnel. National newspapers, including Daily Ittefaq, the Daily Sangbad,ily Sangbad, were shut down, and their offices were set ablaze, resulting in the death of several media personnel. Mass graves were dug out and hastily bulldozed.

An estimated 700 people were burnt to death in Dhaka. Similarly, they set fire to the houses of slum dwellers, fired bullets at those running away to save their lives, razed a Kali Mandir and also destroyed the Central Shaheed Minar.

It is believed that around 10,000-35,000 Bengalis were killed by the Pakistan army under the Operation Searchlight, while the death toll increased to over 3 lacs in the months to follow.

“Thanks to God that Pakistan could have been saved,” Bhutto had famously remarked.

The genocide against the Bengali population intensified. In the months to follow, around 4 lac Bengali women were raped by the Pakistan army, with a majority of the victims being Hindus.

All these atrocities and crimes against humanity, committed by the Pakis,tani Army were made possible by members of Jamaat-e-Islami, which operated 3 armed outfits named ‘Al Badr’, ‘Al Shams’ and ‘Razakars’.

The situation worsened, forcing neighbouring India to step in to prevent the further continuation of genocide. In 14 days, Pakistani forces under AK Niazi signed the Instrument of Surrender, and thu,s a new nation of Bangladesh was born on 16th December 1971.

The International Crimes Tribunal (Bangladesh), established in 2010, found 10 extremists associated with Jamaat-e-Islami ‘complicit’ in the 1971 genocide.

These include

  1. Abdul Kader Mullah (executed in December 2013)
  2. Ghulam Azam
  3. Muhammad Kamaruzzaman (executed in April 2015)
  4. Delwar Hossain Sayeedi
  5. Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mujahid (executed in November 2015)
  6. Abul Kalam Azad
  7. Motiur Rahman Nizami (executed in May 2016)
  8. Mir Quasem Ali (executed in September 2016)
  9. Abul Kalam Muhammad Yusuf
  10. Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin

Ghulam Azam and Abul KaMuhammadma d Yusuf di, ed in 2014, while Delwar Hossain Sayeedi expired in 2023 of natural causes. Abul Kalam Azad remains absconding to date. Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin is now a British citizen and has not been arrested.

5 extremists associated with ‘Jamaat-e-Islami’ Bangladesh were hanged to death between December 2013 and September 2016.

Targeted violence against Hindus by Jamaat-e-Islami after the 1971 genocide

On 6th December 1992, a strong mob of 5000 Muslim men, armed with bamboo sticks and rods, tried to storm a cricket match played between India and Bangladesh at the Dhaka National Stadium.

Screengrab of the 1992 news report by United Press International

Their attempts were foiled by the police, who fired tear gas and rubber bullets at the frenzied mob. As per a report by United Press International, a mob of 1000 Muslim men barged into the Hindu Shiva temple in the Thatari Bazar district of Dhaka and razed it to the ground.

Islamists also attacked a Hindu temple in the Narinda district and gravely injured an 88-year-old Hindu priest in a bomb attack. The Muslim mob also tried to break into the Dhakeswari Mandir in Dhaka.

They also looted shops belonging to the Hindus and smashed the cars of the minority community with sticks and iron bars.

According to the Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM), the pogrom was executed by the radical Islamist outfit Jamaat-e-Islami, which was an alliance partner of the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

The riots were not spontaneous but rather well-planned. An estimated 2400 Hindu women were gang raped, and 3500 temples and religious establishments were destroyed by frenzied Muslim mobs.

Over 28000 homes and 2500 commercial buildings belonging to the Hindu community were razed. An estimated 700 Hindus were killed in the carnage. The numbers were conservative, as acknowledged by several prominent politicians at that time.

Screengrab of the BBC report

After Jamaat-e-Islami won the 2001 Bangladesh election alongside its ally BNP, unspeakable atrocities were committed on the Hindu community. Many Bangladeshi Hindus were forced to flee the country after the planned carnage.

“Hindu leaders said there were a series of attacks against them, including murder, looting and rap,e which began as the results were announced. They said Islamist parties and the BNP targeted them because they supported the rival Awami League political party in those elections,” a report by BBC stated.

Hindu temple vandalised in 2013 attack

In February 2013, Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing ‘Islami Chhatra Shibir’ attacked over 50 Hindu temples and targeted more than 1,500 houses and businesses of the persecuted minority community. They carried out arson in several districts of Bangladesh, such as Gaibandha, Chittagong, Rangpur, Sylhet, Bogra, etc.

A year later, in February 2014, BNP members and Jamaat-e-Islami extremists launched 160 attacks on the Hindu community.

On 12th February this year, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) published a 104-page report [pdf] detailing atrocities committed against vulnerable Hindu minorities in Bangladesh.

The report is titled ‘Human Rights Violations and Abuses related to the Protests of July and August 2024 in Bangladesh.’ 

It found that a majority of attacks on the Hindu community took place during ‘victory processions’ of individuals, celebrating the ouster of former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

OHCHR noted that the attackers were local supporters of the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami. Page 62 of the report stated –

Some local members and supporters of the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami opposition parties bear responsibility for human rights abuses committed during revenge attacks, including against members of the Hindu community

In September 2024, human rights activist and exiled Bangladeshi blogger Asad Noor revealed that Hindus were being forced to join the ‘Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.’

Noor informed that members of the radical Islamist outfit visited Kalmati Ward No.2 in Khuniagach Union of Lalmonirhat Sadar Upazila. They preyed upon 27 poor, destitute Hindus and forced them to join ‘Jamaat-e-Islami.’

According to Asad Noor, the radicals threatened to kill the victims and remove them from the nation. Forced by circumstances, the impoverished Hindus had to comply with their diktat. The Jamaat-e-Islami members coerced them into signing some forms and gave them Islamic books to brainwash them into changing their Hindu Faith.

Hafiz Mohammed Shah Alam, the Assistant Secretary of the Jamaat-e-Islami (Lalmonirhat Branch), was present during the forced induction of Hindus into the radical outfit.

Conclusion

As the world’s oldest democracy, the United States takes a keen interest in the smooth functioning of other nations but often topples democratically elected governments to bring regimes to power that are sympathetic to its cause.

The regime change operation in August 2024 in Bangladesh and the subsequent empowerment of radical Islamists is an example of one such abuse of power.

While the US claims to be the ‘land of the free’, the nation is ever happy to uplift regimes and groups that curtail the freedom of women, religious and ethnic minorities, as long as it serves its sinister purpose.

Nothing else explains why the United States is warming up to Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, which has a proven track record of oppressing women, committing genocide and perpetrating atrocities on Hindus and other minorities.

The potential rise of this radical Islamist outfit to the power corridors of Bangladesh is a blow to the harmony and societal fabric of the nation that believes in the essence of democracy. This is besides threats of imminent regional instability, terrorism and innumerable security challenges.

Vasant Panchami is not the beginning of Vasant Ritu: Read how most wishes and posts on Saraswati Puja have this common misconception

This year, India is celebrating Vasant Panchami on 23rd January. Vasant Panchami is a Hindu festival of honouring Maa Saraswati, the deity of knowledge and wisdom. In the posts and wishes, many people on social media are mistakenly claiming that Vasant Panchami marks the change in Ritu or season.

In this vein, one X user wrote, “Welcome the spring season with happiness and excitement. May the bright hues of Vasant Panchami fill your life with warmth and positivity. Cherish the wonderful renewal that nature brings.”

Another one posted, “Vasant Panchami’s speciality lies in celebrating the arrival of spring (Vasant Ritu) and honouring Goddess Saraswati, the deity of knowledge, music, and arts, marked by wearing yellow.”

Similarly, another X user wrote, “Basant Panchami (also known as Vasant Panchami or Saraswati Puja) is a beautiful Hindu festival celebrated to welcome the arrival of spring (Vasant Ritu) and to honour Goddess Saraswati, the deity of knowledge, wisdom, music, arts, and learning.”

Another X user called Vasant Panchami as the occasion of the arrival of ‘Rituraj Vasant’ or the king of all seasons.

Why is Vasant Panchami celebrated?

Vasant Panchami is celebrated to mark the Prakatya or manifestation of Maa Saraswati. In her four-armed form, the deity carries a Veena, a book symbolising the Vedas and wisdom, a Jaap Mala or rosary, and a lotus. Vasant Panchami falls on the Shukla Paksha or the bright half of the lunar month of Magha.

As per the Puranic texts, when Lord Brahma created the universe, the visible world existed, but it lacked sound, communication, and expression. Silence and stillness pervaded all around. Brahma was dissatisfied with this imperfection.

With Lord Vishnu’s permission, Brahma sprinkled water from his kamandalu. As the water fell on the earth, it vibrated, and a divine power manifested. This power was Goddess Saraswati, who held a veena, a book, a garland, and a boon gesture in her hands.

It is believed that when Maa Saraswati played the Veena, the universe gained speech. Animals, birds, humans, water, and air, all were imbued with sound and consciousness. This day was celebrated as Vasant Panchami and is celebrated as Saraswati Jayanti.

In the Rig Veda, the oldest and authoritative text of the Hindu Dharma, Maa Saraswati is glorified in Mandala 6 (Suktam 61) and & 7 as “purifying water of knowledge”.

The Rig Veda describes Saraswati as the best of the mothers (Ambitame), rivers (naditame), and goddesses (devitame).

अम्बि॑तमे॒ नदी॑तमे॒ देवि॑तमे॒ सर॑स्वति । अ॒प्र॒श॒स्ता इ॑व स्मसि॒ प्रश॑स्तिमम्ब नस्कृधि ॥
अम्बितमे नदीतमे देवितमे सरस्वति । अप्रशस्ता इव स्मसि प्रशस्तिमम्ब नस्कृधि ॥ (2.41.16)

As Maa Saraswati is revered as the divine giver of knowledge and wisdom, students, teachers, writers, poets, artists, and musicians especially worship Saraswati on this auspicious day. 

As Vasant Panchami comes weeks after Makar Sankranti, when the sun enters the northern hemisphere, Vasant Panchami has associations with anticipation or preparation for the arrival of Vasant Ritu, or Spring, which marks the end of winter’s chill; it does not mark the change in Ritu.

Vasant Panchami is an auspicious occasion of worship of Maa Sharda (another name of Maa Saraswati, to seek the divine’s blessings for knowledge, intellect, and auspicious activities like marriage, etc.

Vasant Panchami or Basant Panchami is celebrated in different forms across India. In West Bengal, and Odisha it is a major festival celebrating Saraswati Pooja in homes and educational institutions. In Rajasthan, Mathura, and Vrindavan, cultural festivals are celebrated with fervour. In Punjab, the festival is celebrated with kite flying, mustard fields, and folk songs.

Vasant Panchami does not mark the arrival of Vasant Ritu

In Hindu tradition, a year is divided into six Ritus: Shishir (late winter), Vasant (spring), Grishma (summer), Varsha (monsoon), Sharad (autumn), and Hemant (early winter). These Ritus are grouped into northern or Uttarayana and southern or Dakshinayana solstices.

Contrary to the prevalent misconception, Vasant Panchami is not a celebration of the arrival of Vasant Ritu. This is because Vasant Panchami falls within the Shishir Ritu. Vasant Panchami falls within the month of Magha, which is a part of Shishir Ritu or the winter season. This spans roughly mid-January to mid-March, corresponding to the months of Magha and Phalguna.

Vasant Ritu, or the spring season, begins much later than Vasant Panchami. The Vasant Ritu starts in the months of Chaitra and Vaishakha, which is around mid-March to mid-May. It aligns with the vernal equinox and warmer blooming weather conditions.

Simply put, Vasant Panchami’s name may evoke anticipation of spring, although it is just a misnomer; the actual seasonal shift is based on solar movements and astronomical alignments, and not the lunar date of the pooja. As per Vedic astronomical calculations, Spring or Vasant starts with the sun in Pisces-Aries or Meena-Mesha, after Shishir.

In 2026, Vasant Ritu will begin on February 18th and end on April 20th.

EGI, Press Club outrage after police summon ‘journalists’ who spread propaganda against terror financing linked to mosques and madrasas? Here’s what we know so far

A fresh political and media storm has erupted in Jammu and Kashmir after the police summoned several journalists for reports that questioned a security-driven exercise to collect information on mosques and madrasas in the Valley. While media bodies and regional political actors have portrayed the move as an assault on press freedom, the episode has once again revealed how influential institutions are quick to delegitimise counter-terror measures and transparency seeking efforts in one of India’s most volatile regions, often at the cost of obscuring long-established terror financing networks and shielding frameworks that have been at the forefront of terror-related incidents in Kashmir.

Jammu and Kashmir shares a highly sensitive boundary with Pakistan, a country repeatedly flagged by global watchdogs, including the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), for sponsoring terrorism. Against this backdrop, India’s security establishment has increasingly focused on choking terror funding, widely acknowledged as the lifeline of militancy in the Valley.

Police drive aligned with the Centre’s focus on terror finance

The current police exercise, described by some reports as “profiling” of mosques, cannot be viewed in isolation to the broader framework of the Modi government’s policy to strike at the root cause of terrorism: financing.

Security agencies have consistently maintained that while mosques and madrasas are legitimate religious institutions, a fraction of them have historically been misused as conduits for raising and laundering funds for extremist organisations, often under the garb of charity, donations, or religious collections. Back in 1990s, it was reported that mosque speakers were used by terrorists to threaten Kashmiri Pandits to abandon their homes and leave the valley.

With this precedent, seeking basic information such as contact details, sect affiliation, and financial records of clerics is standard counter-terror financing practice, especially in regions vulnerable to radicalisation and foreign-backed militancy, especially one that shares a long Line of Actual control with an enemy nation that routinely sends terrorists across to destabilise India.

The Jammu and Kashmir Police’s drive is not an isolated action but a continuation of a strategy that has already demonstrated tangible results.

Lessons from the past: choking funds, ending street violence

One of the most visible successes of India’s crackdown on terror financing came after agencies such as the National Investigation Agency (NIA) began systematically targeting hawala networks, separatist funding channels, and Pakistan-linked handlers operating through NGOs and religious fronts.

This financial squeeze led to a dramatic reduction in stone-pelting incidents across the Valley, once a near-daily occurrence that paralysed civilian life and served as a pressure tactic for terror groups. Investigations revealed that many of these protests were not spontaneous but were funded through organised channels, with money distributed to youths for orchestrated violence.

Once the funding dried up, the so-called claims of seeking ‘azaadi’ collapsed.

High-profile terror financing convictions

The Modi government’s resolve to dismantle terror ecosystems was further underlined by decisive action against prominent separatist leaders.

Asiya Andrabi, head of the banned Dukhtaran-e-Millat, was arrested and convicted in terror financing cases for raising funds to fuel separatism and violence in Kashmir.

More significantly, Yasin Malik, the chief of the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and long projected by sympathetic sections of the media as a “peaceful separatist,” was arrested by the NIA and later convicted in a major terror financing case. In 2022, a special court sentenced Malik to life imprisonment for illegally raising funds, criminal conspiracy, and maintaining links with terrorist organisations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).

The case decisively punctured the myth that separatist violence in Kashmir was organic or leaderless, instead exposing a structured funding apparatus backed by Pakistan and its proxies.

Journalists summoned after narratives questioned police intent

It was after reports framed the current police exercise as “surveillance” or “profiling” that journalists from national newspapers were summoned for questioning. The Indian Express confirmed that its Assistant Editor in Kashmir, Basharat Masood, was asked to sign a bond stating that he would not engage in activities that could “disturb the peace.”

Other reporters were also called to Srinagar’s Cyber Police Station regarding their coverage. While the police have yet to issue a public statement, reports indicate that the questioning related to how the exercise was portrayed, especially when ‘journalists’ in Kashmir are notorious for peddling narratives that could inflame tensions or misrepresent counter-terror measures as communal targeting.

Media bodies protest, sidestep terror finance reality

The Editors Guild of India (EGI) and the Press Club of India (PCI) swiftly accused the police of intimidation and coercion, warning of an atmosphere of fear. International advocacy groups such as the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and Digipub News India Foundation followed suit.

What these statements conspicuously avoid addressing is the core security concern: terror financing through religious and charitable fronts is not a hypothetical threat but a documented reality in Kashmir. Global counter-terror frameworks, from FATF to UN resolutions, explicitly mandate financial scrutiny of institutions vulnerable to misuse.

By framing any inquiry into mosque finances as repression, these bodies and those questioning the police drive not only pressurise the police officials serving their duty but also risk insulating precisely those spaces that extremist networks have historically exploited.

Political outrage and selective silence

Regional political leaders, including Mehbooba Mufti, objected to mosques being “singled out,” arguing that other religious institutions should also be scrutinised. However, past terror investigations have overwhelmingly linked militant funding in Kashmir to Islamist networks, not Hindu or other religious bodies.

The ruling National Conference condemned the summoning of journalists but shifted responsibility to Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha, while also distancing itself from the police action. Congress leaders echoed concerns about shrinking press freedom, largely ignoring how terror financing methods have evolved since the 1990s and early 2000s.

The uncomfortable truth

At its core, the outrage over police summons diverts attention from a fundamental question: should security agencies hesitate to follow financial trails in a terror-affected region simply because religious institutions are involved?

The Modi government’s approach, targeting money flows, dismantling hawala networks, prosecuting high-profile terror financiers, and enforcing transparency, has already delivered measurable security gains in Jammu and Kashmir. The current police drive fits squarely within that framework.

By casting aspersions on such efforts and reframing them as authoritarian overreach, the media bodies and politicians with vested interests may be unintentionally, or deliberately, shielding the very mechanisms that sustain terrorism in the Valley.

In a region scarred by decades of Pakistan-sponsored violence, the choice before the Jammu and Kashmir police is stark: be weighed down by the fake moral outrage of media bodies and opportunist politicians or perform their duty conscientiously and confront the financial lifelines of terror head-on.

Pak-linked LeT recruitment and radicalisation case in West Bengal: NIA special court in Kolkata sentences Syed M Idris to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment; read what judgment says

On 21st January, a special court of the National Investigation Agency (NIA) sentenced Syed M Idris to 10 years of rigorous imprisonment. Idris pleaded guilty to his role in a Pakistan-linked conspiracy involving the recruitment and radicalisation of Muslim youths in West Bengal for the banned terrorist organisation Lashkar-e-Taiba. The court also imposed a total fine of Rs 70,000. The sentence was pronounced by Chief Judge Sukumar Ray. OpIndia accessed court documents related to sentencing.

On 20th January, the court formally accepted Idris’s voluntary plea of guilt in the long-running terror conspiracy case registered by the NIA as RC-20/2020/NIA/DLI. While Idris has been sentenced to 10 years in prison, further hearings in the case are underway against accused Tania Parveen and two Pakistan-based accused.

Court delivered sentence after guilty plea

Though the trial in the matter had already commenced, Idris expressed his desire to plead guilty before the court on 20th January. After informing him about the consequences of his guilty plea, the court found that the plea was made voluntarily, unambiguously, and with full awareness of its legal aspects.

The court then heard submissions from both the prosecution and the defence. It noted that the gravity of the offences, which included terrorism-related activities and conspiracy to wage war against the Government of India, demanded a rigorous sentence. The court observed that the accused had expressed repentance. However, deterrence and correction remained central to sentencing in such cases, the court said.

Case background and FIR details

The case against Idris stemmed from an FIR registered at Baduria Police Station in North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal on 18th March 2020. The West Bengal Police had received specific intelligence inputs regarding online radicalisation activities linked to LeT operatives.

The FIR was registered under Sections 121A, 124A, 120B, 419 and 420 of the Indian Penal Code, multiple sections of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, and Section 66F of the Information Technology Act, 2000.

As the case was related to cross-border terror activities, on 3rd April 2020, the Ministry of Home Affairs directed the NIA to take over the probe. Accordingly, the NIA re-registered the case on 5th April 2020 as RC-20/2020/NIA/DLI.

Nature of the LeT conspiracy unearthed by investigators

Investigation into the matter revealed the existence of a covert LeT recruitment and radicalisation module operating in West Bengal. The module comprised around 20 to 25 individuals. It was working under the ideological and operational guidance of Pakistan-based handlers. Their objective was to carry out activities prejudicial to the sovereignty, integrity, and security of India.

The conspiracy involved systematic use of social media platforms and encrypted messaging applications to propagate extremist ideology, glorify jihad, and identify impressionable youths for recruitment. According to the prosecution, the module sought to exploit communal fault lines, disseminate secessionist propaganda, and prepare the group for further terror activities in the country.

Role attributed to the convicted accused

According to the investigating agency, Idris, a resident of Uttara Kannada in Karnataka, was not a peripheral participant but an active cadre of LeT who had been involved in the larger conspiracy since at least 2014 or earlier.

Source: Calcutta District Court

The court noted that Idris had actively abetted, advised, and incited individuals across India and abroad through cyberspace to further the unlawful activities of LeT. He was found to have participated in online propaganda, coordination, and recruitment efforts aimed at waging war against the Government of India.

The prosecution case established that Idris had conspired to overawe the Central and State Governments by criminal force and had attempted to mobilise support for terrorist objectives through digital means. These acts exposed him to prosecution under Sections 121A, 122 and 120B of the IPC, as well as Sections 13, 20, 38 and 39 of the UAPA.

Links to other accused and Pakistan-based handlers

Investigators found that Idris acted in concert with Tania Parveen, who was identified as the principal conspirator in the West Bengal module. He was also in contact with Altaf Ahmed Rather of Jammu and Kashmir. Tania Parveen was arrested by the Special Task Force (STF) of the West Bengal Police during a search operation at Baduria in March 2020, during which jihadi literature and other incriminating materials were seized.

The investigation further revealed that Tania Parveen was a college student and had been radicalised online by Pakistan-based LeT operatives. She became part of numerous extremist social media groups propagating terrorist ideology. She played a central role in recruiting local youths and maintaining contact with handlers across the border.

The NIA also identified two Pakistan-based absconders, Ayesha alias Ayesha Burhan alias Ayesha Siddiqi alias Syed Ayesha, and Bilal alias Bilal Durani, as part of the wider conspiracy.

Guilty plea and court’s ruling

During the course of the trial, Idris informed the court on 20th January that he wished to plead guilty. The court engaged in a detailed interaction with the accused and informed him of the consequences of such a plea. After recording that the plea was clear, unambiguous, and informed, the court accepted it, referring to Supreme Court precedents to underline that a guilty plea can be accepted even after the framing of charges, provided adequate judicial caution is exercised.

Sentencing hearing and submissions

On 21st January, during sentencing, Idris informed the court about his dependent family, including his wife, child, and ailing parents. He pleaded for leniency on the grounds of repentance. He further claimed that he wanted to return to mainstream society. Notably, when Idris was arrested from Uttara Kannada, he was 28 years old and living with his brother.

While acknowledging his expression of remorse, the prosecution pressed for maximum punishment, as the matter was related to terrorist activities and their long-term impact on national security. The court considered both Idris’s and the prosecution’s positions and concluded that probation or undue leniency would not be appropriate in a case involving conspiracy to wage war against India and support a banned terrorist organisation.

Detailed sentence awarded by the court

The court sentenced Syed M Idris to 10 years of rigorous imprisonment with a fine of Rs 10,000 under Sections 121A, 122 and 120B of the IPC. Furthermore, he has been sentenced to five years of rigorous imprisonment with a fine of Rs 10,000 under Sections 13, 20, 38 and 39 of the UAPA.

Source: Calcutta District Court

All sentences will run concurrently. The period already spent in custody during investigation and trial will be set off against the sentence as per law.

Status of trial against remaining accused

Though Idris has been convicted and sentenced based on his guilty plea, the trial in the matter will continue against Tania Parveen and Altaf Ahmed Rather. Both accused are currently in judicial custody. Furthermore, the NIA has secured Red and Blue Corner Notices against Pakistan-based absconders, namely Ayesha and Bilal.

Landmark step towards Viksit Bharat: Modi govt approves ₹5,000 crore equity infusion into SIDBI to enhance MSME credit, create job opportunities for youth

The central government has made a significant decision to enhance the MSME sector. On 21st January (Wednesday), an equity infusion of ₹5,000 crore into the Small Industries Development Bank of India (SIDBI) was sanctioned, intending to bolster its financial standing. The move will also enable easier alongside more affordable access to credit for micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) throughout the nation with the aim to generate new job opportunities.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi also took to social media to inform about the pivotal decision and remarked, “Today’s cabinet decision relating to providing equity support to Small Industries Development Bank of India (SIDBI) will benefit countless MSMEs thus contributing to a Viksit Bharat.”

The massive investment is going to transpire in three separate phases. The initial phase will see an investment of ₹3,000 crore in FY (Fiscal Year) 2025-26 followed by two subsequent phases, each contributing ₹1,000 crore in 2026-27 and 2027-28. The infusion of this capital will be determined by SIDBI’s book value, thereby increasing the bank’s equity and equipping it to address future requirements.

The MSME sector will be the primary beneficiary of this equity support. A notable rise in the number of MSMEs receiving monetary aid from SIDBI is anticipated in the upcoming years. This figure stands at approximately 7.5 crore at present but it is projected to grow by over 25 lakh new MSMEs by 2027-28. This development will further improve access to formal banking and financial services for small entrepreneurs.

The MSME sector is recognised as the largest job provider in the nation. Statistics indicated that it usually employs between four and five individuals. Hence, it is expected that the inclusion of around 25.74 lakh new MSME beneficiaries could result in the creation of approximately 1.12 crore new jobs. This implies that this program could create new job offers for millions of young individuals.

SIDBI’s loan portfolio will likely expand substantially in the forthcoming years, particularly due to targeted lending, digital loans and venture loans given to startups. This growth will also contribute to a spike in risk-weighted assets. Therefore, it is essential to uphold a robust Capital-to-Risk Weighted Assets Ratio (CRAR). The additional equity capital will assist SIDBI in addressing this challenge.

The decision will strengthen SIDBI’s credit rating, making it easier for the institution to raise funds from the market at lower interest rates. This will directly benefit MSMEs as they will also be able to access loans at reduced interest rates. The government believes that this phased equity investment will enable SIDBI to maintain its capital adequacy ratio above safe levels for the next three years even under stressful conditions.

Overall, this ₹5,000 crore equity infusion into SIDBI is part of the government’s larger strategy to make the MSME sector a strong pillar of India’s economic growth. This decision will not only empower industries but also accelerate progress towards the goal of a “Developed India” through job creation.

11 years of Beti Bachao Beti Padhao: Read how the scheme helped curb female foeticide and improved the male-female ratio

The punya (virtue) of raising ten sons is achieved by raising just one daughter. As the Central government’s flagship scheme completes 11 years, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on 22nd January, that India’s daughters are creating new records in every field.

In an X post, PM Modi shared a shloka from the Skand Puran, which says that a daughter is equal to ten sons. Whatever fruit a mortal obtains from ten sons, that same fruit is obtained from a single daughter.

“In our country, where daughters are considered equal to Goddess Lakshmi, the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao campaign was launched exactly 11 years ago on this very day. It is a matter of immense pride that today India’s daughters are creating new records every day in every field. दशपुत्रसमा कन्या दशपुत्रान् प्रवर्धयन्। यत् फलम् लभते मर्त्यस्तल्लभ्यं कन्ययैकया॥,” PM Modi posted.

Beti Bachao Beti Padhao: Beyond a slogan, how this initiative is creating a massive social impact

Ever since its launch on 22nd January 2015, the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao initiative has played a significant role in addressing the decline of the child sex ratio (CSR), preventing gender-biased sex-selective elimination, including female foeticide and infanticide, and promoting the protection and education of girl children.

The Beti Bachao Beti Padhao campaign operates as a tri-ministerial initiative involving the Ministry of Women and Child Development, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, and the Ministry of Education. It focuses on multi-sectoral interventions, including awareness drives, law enforcement against prenatal sex determination, as well as incentives for education and empowerment of girls.

 This initiative has significantly contributed in bringing a shift toward valuing girls, challenging the regressive norms and gender biases ingrained in society. Through means like school programs, media outreach,  and broader campaigns, the BBBP initiative has led to increased awareness about the significance of girls’ rights, education, and health, emphasising how girls play a crucial role in nation-building. The Beti Bachao Beti Padhao initiative has contributed to encouraging families, especially in rural areas, to invest in their daughters’ education and promoted the economic participation of women.

This initiative has been integrated with other programs like Mission Shakti to improve women’s safety and empowerment, leading to a noticeable behavioural change as reflected in higher reporting of gender-based violations and increased community involvement in girl child welfare.

The BBBP initiative has boosted institutional deliveries and antenatal care, indirectly aiding in the lowering of maternal and infant mortality rates by ensuring safer childbirths. Data shows that the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao initiative has empowered millions of girls in the country, with more than 8.69 crore beneficiaries under various nutrition and welfare schemes.

The national sex ratio at birth (SRB) has increased from 918 girls per 1,000 boys in 2014-15 to 930 in 2023-24. This increase showcases the collective impact of BBBP in raising awareness around the gender-biased practices that negatively affect the sex ratio.

In addition, in 2014-15, 75.51% of girls were enrolled in secondary education. The numbers witnessed a substantial boost, with the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) increasing from 75.51% in 2014-15 to 79.4% in 2021-22. Educational initiatives under BBBP have been instrumental in this progress.

As per the government data, girls’ enrolment in secondary education or Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) increased from 75.51% in 2014-15 to 78% in 2023-24. Meanwhile, institutional deliveries surged dramatically from 61-87% in 2014-15 to 94-97.3% by 2019-2020.

By 2025, the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao initiative expanded to all 755 districts, and funding was prioritised to districts with SRB below 918 receiving Rs 40 lakh annually. More than 4.1 crore Sukanya Samriddhi Yojana accounts were opened by November 2024 for the financial security of girls.

What makes the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao initiative a game-changer is its role as a catalyst for gender equality in sections of the society where daughters were deemed a burden, son preference was the norm, and female infanticide a riddance, not a crime. The BBBP initiative has contributed to preventing numerous sex-selective abortions by enhancing the SRB by an average of 2 points annually in targeted areas, helping improve demographic balance.

Higher education and improved health for girls translate into a skilled workforce. The partial economic impact of the BBBP can be noted as female labour force participation increased to 41.7% by 2023-24.

In Uttar Pradesh, SRB improved from 925 in 2015-16 to 939 by 2019-21, with incremental gains into 2025.

A major success of the BBBP initiative resulted in the reduction of female foeticide and improvement in the male-female ratio in states like Haryana. The BBBP combated female foeticide by ensuring strict enforcement of the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act (PCPNDT), raids on illegal clinics, and broader awareness campaigns against sex determination.

In 2014-15, Haryana was among the states with the lowest SRBs of 871-876; however, with the Modi government’s efforts, the state saw a dramatic jump to 923 in 2025, recoding highest figures in five years, going up by 13 points from 910 in 2024. The credit goes to stricter law enforcement, hundreds of annual community events promoting girl births, among other efforts. The Panchkula district led with SRB 971, followed by Fatehabad (961) and Panipat (951).

In Haryana, over 65,000 girls have been saved from being killed due to foeticide. Between the years 2015 and 2025, more than 1,375 FIRs were registered under the PNDT (Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques) and MTP (Medical Termination of Pregnancy) Acts. These cases were registered against medical practitioners and ultrasound centre owners, with official records indicating a sustained campaign even in the year 2020, when Covid pandemic was at its peak.

In 2025, the police conducted 218 inter-state PNDT raids in Uttar Pradesh, the highest, 89 in Delhi, 83 in Punjab and 26 in Rajasthan.

In Uttar Pradesh, SRB surged from 879-925 pre-2020 to 903-939 by mid-2020s as the BBBP initiative expanded to all 75 districts. Overall, 115 districts across the country showed a positive child sex ratio by 2022-23, with low-SRB states like Punjab and Rajasthan registering similar upticks.

While regional gaps and cultural biases may not have ended entirely, the success of the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao scheme shows that consistent efforts can bring real and positive change on the ground.

Punjab: Amritsar police arrest Sikh man for desecrating Hindu deity images, Hindu activist flags rising attacks; Exclusive details

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On 21 January, Amritsar Police arrested a Sikh man for desecrating images of Hindu deities. The accused, identified as Rajinder Singh, was seen in a viral video stepping on a banner with images of Hindu deities. Following a complaint filed by the National President of the All India Hindu Sangharsh Committee, Sachin Mehra, an FIR was registered at the Division D Police Station of Amritsar under Section 298 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). OpIndia accessed a copy of the FIR and spoke to the complainant, who detailed how the incident came to light and how police acted in the matter swiftly.

Background of the case

According to media reports, two separate videos from Amritsar surfaced on social media showing a man desecrating images of Hindu deities. In the first video, which was around 52 seconds long, the accused, wearing a jacket and a turban, was seen standing in the rear portion of a residential premises.

The video was recorded from a nearby rooftop, capturing him picking up a broom and then stepping onto banners bearing images of Hindu gods and goddesses. He was seen repeatedly kicking the images with his shoes, wiping the soles of his footwear on them, and then spitting on the posters. At one point, he also looked in the direction from where the video was being recorded.

Later, a second video, which was around two minutes long, went viral on social media. In this video, a youth who identified himself as Naman Kapoor, district general secretary of the Congress Committee, confronted the accused at his residence in Gadda Wali Gali.

Kapoor stated that the viral video of the accused desecrating Hindu deities was recorded in the same locality. He was then seen slapping the accused and reprimanding him for his actions. After that, the accused was seen holding his ears, folding his hands, and repeatedly apologising.

He admitted to the mistake and sought forgiveness. Several people present at the spot scolded him for provoking religious tensions. During the exchange, some individuals were also heard disputing the accused’s religious identity, while others accused him of deliberately trying to instigate communal discord.

The videos triggered sharp reactions from Hindu organisations. They warned the police against diluting the seriousness of the incident by labelling the accused as mentally unstable. Amritsar police confirmed that a case was registered for hurting religious sentiments and that the accused has been taken into custody for further investigation.

What the FIR says

The FIR has been registered at the Division D Police Station, Amritsar, under Section 298 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, which pertains to deliberate acts intended to wound religious sentiments.

Source: Sachin Mehra

According to the complaint filed by Sachin Mehra, he came across the viral video on 19 January in which a man was seen placing posters of Hindu deities on the ground and stamping on them. Mehra said the accused committed acts of desecration. Subsequent inquiries about the video revealed that the incident happened in Gadda Wali Gali, Namak Mandi, Amritsar.

As per the FIR, the complainant, Sachin Mehra, Pradhan of the All India Hindu Sangharsh Committee, stated that on 19 January 2026 he came across a video on social media in which a man was seen placing posters of Hindu deities on the ground and stamping on them, thereby committing acts of desecration. Subsequent inquiries revealed that the incident took place in Gadda Wali Gali, Namak Mandi, Amritsar.

Source: Sachin Mehra

The accused was identified as Rajinder Singh alias Raju alias Guddu, a resident of the same locality. The FIR noted that such acts caused deep hurt to the religious sentiments of the Hindu community. Following verification, the police found a prima facie case under Section 298 BNS and initiated legal proceedings.

Rising cases of attack on Hindu religions symbols, what complainant told OpIndia

Speaking to OpIndia, Mehra confirmed that the accused has been arrested and sent to jail after being presented in court. He said that he had noticed the video circulating on social media and immediately sought details of the accused. Once the identity and location were confirmed, a complaint was filed at the Division D Police Station, following which the police acted promptly and arrested the accused.

Mehra told OpIndia that this was not an isolated incident and that he had previously filed multiple complaints related to the desecration of Hindu religious symbols, including cases in Ludhiana. He expressed concern that while Hindu organisations consistently take the lead in pursuing legal action, broader moral support from the Hindu community often remains limited.

He also highlighted the role of fake social media identities and WhatsApp groups that circulate abusive content targeting Hindu beliefs. According to Mehra, while arrests are possible when the offender is clearly identified, it becomes difficult for the police to act proactively in cases involving anonymous online abuse without sustained pressure and cooperation.

Conclusion

The incident has once again brought focus on repeated cases of desecration of Hindu religious symbols not only in Punjab but across the country. In this particular case, the swift registration of an FIR under Section 298 of the BNS and the arrest of the accused have temporarily calmed tensions. However, as highlighted by the complainant, the broader issue of organised online abuse, fake identities, and the lack of consistent community backing pose challenges in addressing such incidents.