Home Blog Page 114

Over 40 deaths in two bus fire incidents in a month: Read why luxury sleeper buses become death traps in case of an emergency

Raju Das
-
0
Over 40 deaths in two bus fire incidents in a month: Read why luxury sleeper buses become death traps in case of an emergency

In the early hours of October 23, 2025, a horrifying accident took place on National Highway 44 near Kurnool in Andhra Pradesh. A private sleeper bus traveling from Hyderabad to Bengaluru collided with a motorcycle, sparking a massive fire that claimed at least 25 lives. Charred bodies were pulled from the wreckage, and survivors described a frantic scramble for escape as flames engulfed the vehicle in minutes.

Just nine days earlier, on October 14, another similar tragedy struck near Jaisalmer in Rajasthan. A bus travelling from Jaisalmer to Jodhpur burst into flames, killing 22 passengers, many of whom were trapped inside due to a jammed emergency door. Both these incidents took place in just one month, and several such accidents of large number of causalities in bus fires have taken place in recent times.

While buses, like any other vehicles, do meet with accidents, it has been observed that casualty numbers are unusually high in case of night service luxury and sleeper buses, compared to day service buses. Common wisdom says that when fire starts in a bus, it will be immediately spotted, the vehicle will be stopped and the passengers will come out quickly. In fact, that is what happens with buses that run in the day, even though daytime buses carry more passengers as they often take standing passengers, but things get complicated with night service buses.

One of the obvious reason is the time, during the day, most people in a bus are awake, and therefore they are able to spot fire as soon as it starts, enabling fast evacuation. In contrast, as most passengers remain asleep in night service buses, it is often too late when the fire is spotted, resulting in higher number of deaths and injuries. However, that is not the only reason. There are some very important differences between luxury sleeper buses and the basis buses that run for shorter distances during the day, and these factors contribute to such higher casualties.

Fewer Escape Routes, Tight Spaces

The interiors of basic day-service buses often feel open and more spacious, while the sleeper and luxury buses feel like cramped in the inside, even though they are actually often taller and longer. In a standard day bus, there are two main doors for passengers, one at the front and one at the rear, apart from emergency exit doors. Standard non-luxury buses also have sliding windows, which can be easily opened, and can be used to evacuate in case of fire or other accidents. These buses are built for short daytime trips, therefore they have basic seats, making it simpler to stand and move.

But on the other hand, sleeper and luxury buses are designed for comfort, as they are made for longer overnight journeys. One big compromise in these buses is the lack of the back passenger door. These buses have just one passenger door at the front. They includea or two emergency exits in the back, but they are not easily accessible. In the Jaisalmer fire, that single emergency door was jammed, trapping dozens inside.

These buses also have fixed, sealed windows, meant to keep out dust and noise, and offer better climate control. However, in case of accidents, they become walls of glass. The glass needs to be broken in case of an emergency, but without something hard to hit them with, it is nearly impossible to break them with bare hands.

The openable windows in basic also play a vital role in letting the fume and smoke go out, allowing people to survive long enough to escape. In contrast, the closed nature of luxury buses traps smoke and fume, and people pass out quickly due to lack of oxygen, and then are engulfed in flames.

Another design difference is width of aisles. Luxury buses have wider recliner seats and bed bunks, leaving a narrow walkway. That space is wider in basic buses, as they feature standard seats. In case of a fire, this narrow aisle, and the lack of a backdoor, means there is a long queue to reach the front quickly. In a closed cabin filled with fume and smoke, people can’t survive long enough to cover that distance. The problem gets even more complicated for sleeper buses, as people in upper bunks need to come down evacuate, and they often can’t do it in time.

Luxury and sleeper buses are also darker inside compared to general buses, due to curtains and tinted windows, presence of sleeper bunks, and bigger seats. This makes evacuation a bigger challenge for the passengers.

Inaccessible emergency exits

Luxury buses comprise one or two emergency exits, and such exits on the right side become vital if the main door on the left side gets blocked or jammed. But these emergency exit doors are often located behind seats, and are hard to reach even in normal circumstances. Moreover, such emergency doors are often hidden behind curtains, and are not properly marked, making them difficult to locate.

As the emergency exits are not regularly opened, they often get jammed, and become difficult or impossible to open when it is needed. Unlike airlines, bus operators don’t have protocols requiring regular test to confirm that everything is working perfectly. Therefore, they find about a jammed emergency exit only in case of an emergency.

For most buses, the rear windshield is meant to be broken in case of an emergency. But the buses don’t carry hammer or such tools to break the glass. In most cases, it is the outsiders who are able to break the glass using rocks or bricks, as passengers often don’t have such hard objects.

Flammable Interiors: Curtains, Fabrics, and Fast-Spreading Fires

Luxury doesn’t always mean safer; it often means more fuel for the flames. Luxury and Sleeper buses are decked out with thick curtains to block light for sleeping, plush upholstery on seats, and thick foam mattresses on bunks for a “hotel-on-wheels” feel. These materials are often highly flammable and release toxic smoke when they burn, filling the cabin in seconds.

A spark in a sleeper bus can turn those cozy touches into a roaring blaze. Worse, the smoke isn’t just thick, it’s poisonous too. Burning plastics and foams produce cyanide-like gases that cause disorientation and unconsciousness. In day buses, open windows might vent some of it out, but sealed sleeper cabins trap it all inside.

In contrast, basic day buses stick to simpler vinyl seats and metal frames with fewer flammable soft furnishings, which means less fuel for a bad fire.

Customized Builds: Hidden Risks from Aftermarket Tweaks

There is another big difference, most basic buses today are fully built by the company in factories. They can be operated just after driving out of the dealerships, just like cars. They follow strict designs with tested wiring, fuel lines, and fire safety features baked in from the start.

On the other hand, most luxury and sleeper buses that operate in India are not factory built. They are actually custom-made coaches built on chassis bought from automobile dealerships. Bus operators purchase the basic chassis and then take it to a ‘body building workshops’ where the coach is built, including everything from the body to seats and bunks, and all other amenities.

This means drilling holes for AC units, adding bunk frames, and rerouting wires without proper checks. Faulty electrical work is a top fire starter, like short circuits from overloaded inverters, loose connections under seats, or sparks from modified exhausts. These modification to the chassis can weaken the structure too. A custom door might not seal right, or added weight could make the bus unstable, tilting it during a collision and blocking exits. Buses fully built in factories avoid this by sticking to proven blueprints.

Even though now automobile companies like Tata Motors, Ashok Leyland, Volvo, Bharat Benz etc offer fully built luxury buses, many operators still prefer the custom-built route.

Notably, till a couple of decades ago, all buses in India were such coaches made by local garages on chassis bought from companies. At that time, companies like Tata and Ashok Leyland didn’t offer fully built buses or trucks, they only sold chassis. In fact, for many decades they didn’t even make dedicated bus chassis, all of them were same truck chassis. Bus operators needed to purchase such truck chassis and get a bus coach or a truck bed built on them. This is the reason why bus journeys were not comfortable in the past, their suspension was not made for carrying people.

After opening up of the automobile sector and entry of foreign companies, automobile companies started to offer factory-built buses and trucks. Now companies like Tata Motors, Ashok Leyland, Volvo, Bharat Benz etc offer fully built luxury buses too, apart from bare chassis for buses and trucks. But despite this availability, many operators still prefer the custom-built route.

Such bus building work is done in workshops located in almost every part of the country. As this is an unorganised sector with no strict quality control, safety and quality of such custom-built buses remains a question, even though they look more luxurious and swankier. They feature additional lights and other electrical systems, putting more load on the electrical lines.

Such customised buses are also relatively taller, to fit double-decker bunks and more luggage space. If a bus tilts suddenly, reaching emergency exits or windows becomes difficult for passengers.

Countries like China banned double-decker sleepers years ago for these risks, but India still allows them with minimal checks.

These issues related to luxury sleeper buses point to one thing, there is requirement for drastic changes to their design and regulation. Instead of checking just the documents, the authorities need to check whether the buses comply with safety norms.

Regular safety audits for such buses, ensuring use of fire-proof materials by law, and heavy penalty on unauthorised modifications are required, bans on overcrowding. Rules must mandate easily breakable windows and better emergency exits, wider aisles, and mandatory installation of fire detection and fighting systems.

The Korean peninsula on a knife’s edge: What is really moving as ROK’s Gyeongju prepares to host both Trump and Xi Jinping at APEC

Divyansh Tiwari
-
0
The Korean peninsula on a knife’s edge: What is really moving as ROK’s Gyeongju prepares to host both Trump and Xi Jinping at APEC

The Korean Peninsula is once again the most closely watched flashpoint in the world as the leaders of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meet in the ancient city of Gyeongju, South Korea, from October 31 to November 1. Trade, supply networks, and technology appear to be on the agenda. But just underneath it is a complex network of signalling, counter-signaling, and low-key risk-reduction, much of which is intended to allow for high-level optics and, maybe, little steps back from the edge. 

After a pause of several months, North Korea resumed short-range missile testing. South Korea, meanwhile, is subtly changing its border arrangements. The situation is delicate because China’s leader Xi Jinping and US President Donald Trump are both scheduled to visit Gyeongju soon. China’s persistent presence, South Korea’s composed response, and North Korea’s military pressure have left the regional balance precarious.

A SUMMIT WITH HEAVY WEATHER

Let’s start with the fundamentals. In order to safeguard Gyeongju and surrounding venues for the APEC Leaders’ Meeting, South Korea has intensified a vast security operation that includes anti-drone jammers, helicopters, armored vehicles, and over 18,000 troops. The goal is to fortify the perimeter while maintaining the appearance of a well-run host economy that can bring adversaries together without any problems. The dates and venue are sealed. The guest list, significantly, includes both Trump and Xi. Because it is the first opportunity in years for the leaders of the two biggest economies in the world to exchange messages in Korea’s neighborhood.

Pyongyang’s reaction has been predictable and exact. The first of the missile launches in months occurred on October 22, when a series of short-range ballistic missiles headed east. Days prior to the leaders’ arrival, North Korea announced its veto over quiet, reminding all sides that any negotiations must go on Kim Jong Un’s terms. This timing is a typical example of pre-summit pressure. Analysts have warned of more attempts to shape headlines and extract leverage, and independent outlets and wire services have agreed on this assessment. The goal is to occupy APEC’s peripheries rather than to undermine it. 

SEOUL’S SILENT EDITS TO THE DEMILITARIZED ZONE STAGE

It’s easy to overlook, but equally significant, what South Korea has done. The new government shut down the banks of loudspeakers that were broadcasting K-pop and propaganda throughout the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) in late June. Despite Pyongyang’s animosity, the action was intended as a “goodwill” de-escalation and reversed the previous year’s approach. That choice was in line with a larger initiative to lessen “trip-wires,” which frequently lead to tit-for-tat escalations.

A recurrent issue that Pyongyang views as a security danger and a degrading affront to human dignity, Seoul has also increased enforcement against activist organizations who use balloons to carry USB sticks and pamphlets into the North. To prevent launches, police have been called in, “risk zones” have been marked along the border, and other authorized routes have been mentioned. Once more, removing the hair-trigger events that may escalate in minutes, exactly the kind of tensions a host country wants to eliminate weeks before a global summit is the goal, not caving in to the North’s demands.

The most significant change occurred in the Joint Security Area (JSA) within the DMZ, the congested collection of sky-blue structures in Panmunjom where Trump and Kim had a brief encounter on the border in 2019. During the APEC timeframe, from late October to early November, Seoul’s Unification Ministry has canceled field excursions to Panmunjom. For the same time frame, the United Nations Command, which is in charge of the southern portion of the JSA, has put a halt to its own visitation program. This is considered standard security cooperation. If choreography at the border is needed quickly, it unofficially clears the schedule. The stage has been swept whether or not a handshake occurs.

THE SHATTERED DÉTENTE AND ITS RELEVANCE TODAY  

The significance of these changes may be understood by keeping in mind that the 2018 inter-Korean military agreement, which was the finest attempt in years to reduce hazards along the border, has long ago fallen apart. Following a bleak 2024, South Korea terminated portions of the agreement and resumed the activities that the treaty had restricted. Pyongyang subsequently said that it was no longer obligated by the agreement and promised to resume the military actions that had been paused. A re-militarized border was the end outcome. Seoul has hinted at the possibility of reestablishing the deal in some capacity in 2025, but the North has not provided the reciprocal measures that would be necessary. This creates a void that can only be partially filled by tactical solutions like restricting leaflets or suppressing speakers.

HUMANITARIAN THREADS: FAMILY REUNIONS AND POLITICAL SIGNALING

President Lee Jae Myung has highlighted a humanitarian road amid the missile theater and high security. He openly asked Pyongyang to think about resuming reunions for families who have been separated since the 1950–53 conflict at the beginning of October. This is one of the few morally significant problems that does not directly relate to nuclear negotiating. When they do happen, these reunions are short, painfully formal, and quite popular in the South. Most importantly, they provide North Korea with a gesture that it can accept without compromising its deterrence. Seoul’s message is clear: this is low-hanging fruit if Pyongyang seeks a minor victory that enhances the mood at the summit and softens South Korean public sentiment.

UNDER THE RADAR

When you combine these elements, a pattern becomes apparent. The speaker switch-off, the balloon crackdown, and the tour freeze at the JSA are all minor script changes. During leaders’ week, each lessens the likelihood of an incident that would cause everyone to cancel the picture opportunities or, worse, set off an escalating cycle. If the principals desire it, Seoul is essentially opening the way for political drama to take place. Although Washington officials have floated the possibility of a Trump-Kim meeting, reliable reports indicate that no official agreements are in place, and previous attempts at outreach were met with a lack of interest. The network of signals supports a realistic assessment: a DMZ ‘HELLO’ is still feasible under extreme circumstances, but it is unlikely. The more likely scenario is that Pyongyang pushes provocations to the limit without overthrowing the set, South Korea demonstrates competence and hospitality, and Trump meets Xi. 

Map of the DMZ between North and South Korea, image via Visit Korea

BEIJING’S SHADOW AND THE RUSSIA VARIABLE   

China’s involvement is crucial as the North Korea’s political backer and economic lifeline, not as a mediator who can bring about disarmament. Kim and Xi have officially promised “deeper ties” in recent weeks, and their foreign ministries met to denounce “hegemonism,” a diplomatic jargon that often refers to Washington. Mainstream think tank analysts point out that stability and leverage, not mediation for its own sake, are China’s top priorities. In that regard, Xi’s presence in Korea focuses attention, Beijing has the option to lower the temperature if it so chooses, or it may let the pressure cook, say, in order to maintain influence over Seoul and Washington. Since there is no indication that Beijing will request that Pyongyang divorce its increasing military ties with Moscow, the default assumption from serious analysis is that China will exert mild pressure on Kim at most.

The largest structural shift since Trump’s initial DMZ tour is this closeness to Russia. This isn’t conjecture. According to many intelligence-supported reports and assessments of war debris, Russia had deployed North Korean short-range ballistic missiles in Ukraine by early 2025, and Pyongyang’s assistance had grown from shells to rockets to personnel. Open-source catalogs have identified the components, friendly nations have sanctioned facilitators, and Kyiv and Washington have made proof public. While Seoul’s defense minister recently issued a warning about probable Russian technological inputs into North Korea’s submarine programs, South Korean briefings and Reuters’ in-depth research indicate a growing pipeline of military collaboration. In summary, Kim is less motivated to make hasty concessions from the United States or South Korea, especially on his nuclear deterrence, because he has more outside backing and a wider range of allies than he had during the 2018–2019 talks.

MARKETS ARE READING THE TEA LEAVES

The rumor cycle has already been noted by Korean equities markets, which have a tendency to lead geopolitical narratives. In response to speculation about potential Trump-Kim optics, the “inter-Korean” basket, consumer, construction, transport, and logistics names that often pop on peace signals, has witnessed rash, rumor driven actions. This is a sentiment barometer, not a prediction machine. In effect, traders are pricing in a higher likelihood of headline level de-escalation, which may lower volatility but would not change fundamentals, and a smaller likelihood of a DMZ cameo.

HOW TO READ THE SIGNALING

The best approach to interpret the upcoming two weeks is to view restraint and pressure as complimentary strategies. The goal of North Korea’s testing is to strengthen its negotiating position and maintain the nuclear status quo. Silencing speakers, restricting pamphlets, and halting JSA visits are all examples of South Korea’s calm restraint, which lowers friction and maintains a path for optics that may, if only momentarily, temper the mood. China, on the other hand, is in an ideal position, close enough to Pyongyang to influence the atmosphere, but far enough away to avoid responsibility for the outcome. Furthermore, Kim may play for time, extract military and economic value, and wait for better conditions before considering anything that appears to be a restraint thanks to Russia’s growing support for North Korea.

THE BOTTOM LINE: CALIBERATED THEATER

The most likely scenario for APEC’s opening is a well-balanced theater that avoids a crisis and highlights South Korea’s capacity as both the host and a middle power. There will be strict upfront security. The main concerns of supply chains, tariffs, and chips will probably remain parked at “frameworks” and “working groups” when Trump and Xi meet and exchange jabs shrouded in diplomatic jargon. Pyongyang will keep showcasing its capabilities without resorting to a red-line reaction. Every rumor of a border cameo will cause the markets to fluctuate. Seoul will also record little victories, such as a clean summit, a few technical deliverables, and, with luck, a humanitarian foundation that it can grow into something more. 

Gen Z rising or BBC itching for riots? How the western media is yearning for India to burn like Nepal

Jinit Jain
-
0
Gen Z rising or BBC itching for riots? How the western media is yearning for India to burn like Nepal

Every few months, BBC India publishes a piece that blurs the line between journalism and psychological warfare. Recently, it published an essay titled “Gen Z rising? Why young Indians aren’t taking to the streets”, the latest addition to this tradition of subtle sabotage.

At first glance, the article poses a harmless sociological question: why is India’s Gen Z, despite being vast, restless, and hyper-connected, not staging revolutions like their peers in Nepal or Bangladesh? Scratch the surface, and the essay reads less like an analysis and more like an incitement, an open call for Indian youth to “rise up” in rebel and imitate the chaos unfolding across the border.

For a platform that insists on its neutrality, the BBC’s romanticisation of violent uprisings is striking. Its tone suggests disappointment, not relief, that Indian students haven’t yet taken to arson, vandalism, and regime change. And this isn’t merely a colonial hangover yearning to see a former subject in disarray for moral sermonising from afar, it’s something far more deliberate, ideological, and deeply political.

A masterclass in subtle agitation

The structure of the BBC’s essay is textbook propaganda. It begins by admiring Asia’s “restless” Gen Z, those brave young souls who “brought down governments in 48 hours” as if the collapse of institutions were a badge of progress.

Then comes the inevitable comparison: India’s youth are “fragmented”, “afraid”, and “detached”. The implication is clear: they are failing their generational duty by not rioting.

The framing is psychological, not analytical. Words like “fear of being branded anti-national” and “government demonising protest” are planted to stir guilt, not introspection. This is not journalism seeking to understand why Indian youth are calm. It is agitation disguised as analysis, a suggestion that calmness equals cowardice and restraint equals repression.

The Nepal Template: BBC’s new obsession

The piece finds its inspiration in neighbouring Nepal, where a supposed “Gen Z revolution” toppled the KP Oli government in September 2025. BBC describes it with almost cinematic flair as if watching a historic moment of youthful heroism.

But behind the glamour lies a gruesome truth. The Nepal uprising left nearly 20 dead, homes of former prime ministers burnt, ministers assaulted, and heritage sites like the Singha Durbar complex vandalised. The army had to impose curfew, and the country now teeters on military rule.

BBC, however, cherry-picks this chaos as a success story, a “template” India’s youth should supposedly emulate. What the article doesn’t tell you is that even Nepali protestors themselves distanced themselves from the violence, insisting that infiltrators had hijacked their movement.

But why would the BBC mention that? Because the purpose is not to inform. The purpose is to seed an idea that India’s “restless” Gen Z should follow the “heroic” footsteps of Nepal’s rioters.

Selective amnesia: When protests turn bloody

Notice how the BBC recalls India’s past street movements from the Anna Hazare agitation to the CAA protests with nostalgia, as though they were the golden age of dissent. Yet, when it comes to the blood, destruction, and communal fractures those protests left behind, the BBC goes conveniently silent.

In the CAA protests, mobs burnt public property, blocked roads, and in Delhi, communal violence erupted, leaving over 50 people dead. The “student leaders” the BBC now romanticises were not Gandhian satyagrahis but radical organisers accused of fomenting riots.

By portraying such movements as “noble” while lamenting today’s absence of similar uprisings, the BBC is essentially mourning the loss of chaos. It misses the era when India could be portrayed as “unstable” and “oppressive”, headlines that sell better in London newsrooms than “India growing at 8%.”

The ‘anti-national’ smokescreen

A key rhetorical device in the article is the term “anti-national.” According to the BBC’s framing, the fear of being labelled anti-national has paralysed young Indians from taking to the streets. It’s a clever trick, equating national pride with authoritarianism and dissent with heroism.

But the reality is that Indians have simply matured. They’ve seen how “activism” can be weaponised by vested interests. From Shaheen Bagh’s organised blockades to foreign-funded NGOs masquerading as student movements, Gen Z is not silent because it is scared; it is silent because it has grown wiser.

They’ve realised that burning buses doesn’t create jobs, pelting stones doesn’t fix corruption, and toppling governments doesn’t guarantee a better tomorrow. India’s Gen Z is building startups, writing code, making films, and exploring the world, not wasting its energy on political theatre staged by external puppeteers.

The Ghost of 2019: BBC’s nostalgia for street anarchy

When the BBC invokes Umar Khalid’s incarceration and Jamia clashes, it’s not as an academic reference; it’s an emotional trigger. It wants to rekindle the memory of “brutal state suppression” and reframe 2019 as unfinished business.

The subtext is unmistakable: “You saw what happened to your seniors. Don’t you want to fight back?” This is not journalism, it’s emotional manipulation.

The BBC pretends to mourn the “loss of university protest culture” but what it’s really mourning is the Modi government’s success in restoring campus discipline and stopping educational institutions from being hijacked by political outfits.

India’s campuses have evolved from battlegrounds of ideological indoctrination to hubs of innovation. That transformation, of course, is intolerable to the BBC, which prefers its Indian youth angry, aimless, and anti-establishment.

Fragmented or free? BBC’s doublethink

Throughout the article, the BBC presents India’s diversity as a weakness, stating that the country’s youth cannot unite because they’re divided by caste, language, and region. But the same diversity is celebrated as “vibrant multiculturalism” when convenient.

In Nepal or Bangladesh, homogeneity makes mass mobilisation easy. But in India, decentralisation is the soul of democracy. The BBC calls this “fragmentation.” Indians call it federalism.

BBC’s yearning for a “unified national youth uprising” betrays its colonial mindset, an obsession with singularity, uniformity, and chaos that can be broadcast as crisis.

The West’s problem: India’s stability

The BBC’s disappointment is not with India’s youth, it’s with India’s stability. Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka are useful examples for Western media precisely because they remain unstable enough to be studied as “exotic democracies.” But India, with its 370 million Gen Z citizens and yet an unbroken constitutional order, spoils that narrative.

Every election, including 2024, proves that young Indians are not disillusioned but discerning. The BJP continues to command strong youth support, not through coercion, but through performance, infrastructure, welfare, nationalism, and digital empowermentThis is why BBC’s claim that youth “avoid politics” rings hollow.

Young Indians have simply migrated from street activism to digital and electoral activism where their voice matters more and their protest doesn’t get hijacked by professional anarchists.

BBC’s hidden despair: The Modi factor

At the heart of the BBC’s lament is not sociology but politics. The Western establishment, led by outlets like BBC, The Guardian, and The New York Times, has never forgiven Narendra Modi for two things: First, for unapologetically asserting India’s Hindu civilisational identity; and second, for doing so democratically, through the ballot, not the bullet.

When Modi consecrated the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya, it wasn’t merely a religious ceremony; it was a civilisational correction. It signalled to the world that India will no longer apologise for its faith, nor define secularism as the absence of Hindu identity. For the BBC’s worldview, this was blasphemy.

It thrives on binaries: majority equals oppressor, nationalism equals fascism, stability equals authoritarianism. So when India’s youth reject these binaries and choose progress over protest, the BBC’s ideological ecosystem panics.

The Western media’s revolt fetish

There’s something disturbingly voyeuristic about how Western outlets cover uprisings in the Global South. They cheer revolutions from afar, then disappear when the rubble sets in.

From the Arab Spring to the Sri Lankan protests, Western media lionised “youth-led revolts” only to move on when those countries slid into instability, hyperinflation, or civil conflict.
Now they’re looking for a new playground, and India, with its vast youth population, is the ultimate prize.

That’s why the BBC’s essay reads less like journalism and more like a recruitment poster: “Look at your neighbours. Don’t you want to be like them?”

But Indians are no longer gullible. They’ve seen how these “leaderless” movements end, not in democracy, but in disarray.

The real Gen Z revolution: Silent, digital, and decisive

India’s Gen Z doesn’t need to storm the streets to make history. Their revolution is quieter but deeper in startups, civic tech, digital governance, and a renewed pride in identity. They’re coding the next Aadhaar, not chanting slogans on the streets of Delhi. They’re earning in dollars from Tier-3 towns, not burning tyres on highways.

This is the new face of Indian dissent, constructive, not destructive. And that’s precisely what unnerves the BBC, a generation that cannot be radicalised, only inspired.

Why the BBC wants India to bleed

When the BBC writes that India’s Gen Z is “watchful but not rebellious,” it’s not a compliment. It’s a lament. What it truly wants is footage of broken glass, tear gas, and tricolour-tinted turmoil that can once again depict India as a land of unrest.

Because for the BBC, a peaceful, confident, and self-assured India under Modi is the ultimate nightmare. It cannot process a Hindu-majority democracy that thrives without apologising for its faith, that dismantles the street veto, and that refuses to bow to Western moral lecturing.

The same BBC that glorified arson in Kathmandu would call it “democratic expression” in Delhi, until, of course, the fires spread too close to its own embassies.

Rahul Gandhi and the BBC Connection

Interestingly, BBC’s provocation hasn’t echoed in isolation. Within days of the Nepal uprising that toppled KP Oli’s government, Rahul Gandhi suddenly discovered his newfound love for India’s Gen Z, timing that can only be described as politically convenient.

On X, Gandhi proclaimed that ‘Gen Z will save the Constitution and stop voter fraud,’ followed by his party’s bizarre attempt at a “Gen Z anthem”, a rap song romanticising rage and rebellion, branding it as the “voice of young India.” 

It’s not difficult to see the perfect symmetry between BBC’s lament and Congress’s latest gimmick. The British broadcaster frames Indian youth as subdued victims of fear; Rahul Gandhi steps in to “awaken” them with slogans, songs, and curated outrage. One lays the intellectual groundwork, the other provides the political script.

This synchronisation isn’t accidental; it’s ecosystemic. Both share the same premise: that India’s youth must rebel, not reform; destroy, not debate. The BBC writes the narrative; the Congress amplifies it, hoping a spark on social media will ignite on the streets. 

India’s calm is its reassurance in its current leadership

But so far, the Indian youth has reposed its faith in democracy and its current leadership. But it is not just trust, it is so much more than that.

The genius of India’s democracy is not in its noise, but in its restraint. For a billion people to coexist, argue, and vote without burning down their capital is not a weakness. It’s civilisation.

The BBC may crave another Shaheen Bagh, but India has moved on. The Modi government has redefined the idea of participation from street revolts to digital empowerment, from protests to policy engagement. And India’s youth, far from being “suppressed,” are simply too busy building the nation BBC loves to doubt.

So, no, Gen Z is not “failing” its destiny. It’s fulfilling it in silence. And that silence, for the BBC, is deafening.

‘Maar dehab goli…Ahirey ke chali’: RJD supporters release songs threatening return of Gunda Raj if they win Bihar elections, glorify guns, kidnappings and Yadav supremacy

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
‘Maar dehab goli…Ahirey ke chali’: RJD supporters release songs threatening return of Gunda Raj if they win Bihar elections, glorify guns, kidnappings and Yadav supremacy

In poll-bound Bihar, political parties are trying all tactics at hand to woo voters on their side, be it promising freebies, welfare schemes to serving hollow rhetorics. Call it uncouthness or self-goal, the supporters of Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) are threatening people with the return of the infamous Gunda Raj if they are voted to power.  

Songs with obscene visuals and cheap lyrics have been a part of poll campaigns in Bihar. However, RJD supporters are making songs with crowd brandishing guns, rifles and lathis, glorifying violence, implying dominance, caste-based intimidation, specifically a “Yadav Raj”, abduction of those who dare to oppose them.

YouTube and Instagram are flooding with pro-RJD song tracks and reels racking up thousands of views.

In one such song,”Koi boltere, Rabri Yadav ji ke raj chali” (Rabri Yadav’s rule is coming), the lyrics glorify the idea of ‘Yadav supremacy’ just as it used to be during the Gunda Raj in the era of RJD patriarch Lalu Prasad Yadav during 1990s.

Another song threating kidnap says “Bhaiya ke aave da satta mein, katta sata ke utha lebo ghara se re” (Let bhaiya come in power, we will abduct you from you house by point gun at you). This song released on YouTube on 7th October has garnered over 2 lakh views.

Similarly, one song titled “RJD sarkar banto, bhaiya rangdaar banto” (When RJD will form government, bhaiya (Yadav) will become rangdaar/mafia dons) by Deepak Raj Yadav also glorifies RJD’s hooliganism. The song contains lyrics saying that Yadavs will become mafia rangdaar after RJD comes to power and weapons will be kept in every home.

Not only the supporters of RJD but actor and RJD candidate from Chhapra, Khesari Lal Yadav also featured in a casteist song promoting ‘Yadav supremacy’. In the “Maar dehab goli…Ahirey ke chali” (Ahirs will dominate) song released around four months back, Khesari Yadav is seen performing on glorifying lathi and rifle of ‘Yadav ji’.

Recently, Khesari Yadav drew flak from the BJP for his vulgar songs. In his defence, the actor and singer-turned politician said that some of his songs were a “mistake”. To justify the vulgarity in his songs, Khesari even said that his songs do not cause waterlogging, or ruin education system, not realising that casteist and obscene content he is creating and promoting is flooding the minds of Bihari youth, especially his supporters with caste-supremacist mindset and justification of violence to establish caste dominance.

Another song composed by a group of RJD supporters titled, “Lalu ji ke laalten, Tejashwi ji ke tel”, essentially says that those against RJD will be burnt with matchsticks.

There are numerous Bhojpuri songs glorifying Yadav caste, caste-based violence and gun culture. One such song has lyrics saying this is an era of Ahirs/Yadavs and thus everyone will have to bow down before them.

Similarly, one song contains lyrics “Jab tak suraj chand rahega, Ahir rangdaar rahega”.

RJD and its supporters want Yadav-dominant Gunda Raj in Bihar?

Casteism, glorification of crime, violence and obscenity have become too mainstream in Bihar elections to ignore. What seems like harmless entertainment and mere over-dramatization, in reality, gives a glimpse of how Bihar could actually get engulfed in caste-based violence, revenge attacks and utter chaos if those intending to establish supremacy of one particular caste manage to get to the helm of power.

These concerns cannot be dismissed as mere apprehension given the Gunda Raj or Jungle Raj in Bihar during the era of scam-convicted RJD supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav in 1990s and early 2000s. During 15 -year RJD rule, law enforcement collapsed, crimes became rampant, economy decayed, kidnappings for ransom became a thriving industry, mass murders, caste clashes became the new normal. This opprobrious era also marked the rise of brutal ‘Bahubalis’ like Mohammed Shahabuddin and Mohammed Taslimuddin, who ran their fiefdom with impunity. Police became puppet of the RJD government, and migration of youth in search of job and to flee violence contributed to the law and economic collapse in the state. The murder of Dalit IAS Officer G Krishnaiyyah, Champa Biswas rape case, Shilpi-Gautam rape and murder case and numerous such cases are enough to remind what era of horror Lalu’s Jungle Raj was.

However, the Yadavs enjoyed caste-based dominance. In fact, Rohini Acharya’s mob-style wedding exemplified that dominance RJD and its supporters enjoyed based on the Kursi and Bandook (power and gun). Car dealerships and furniture shops were looted all while the police was either hand-in-glove or turned a blind eye to save themselves. Apparently, the casteist songs being made by pro-RJD content creators advocate for a return of Gunda Raj/Jungle Raj where pro-RJD Ahirs would rule the ruins.

It took many years for Lalu Yadav to face conviction in corruption cases. While Bihar has become no utopia in post RJD days, the state’s return to the same Gunda raj and one-caste-dominance era will essentially kill all hopes for Bihar’s development and rise.

Weeks after the Dharmasthala hit job, The News Minute editor Dhanya Rajendran gets nominated for Soros-backed award: The curious case of Reporters Without Borders

Jinit Jain
-
0
Weeks after the Dharmasthala hit job, The News Minute editor Dhanya Rajendran gets nominated for Soros-backed award: The curious case of Reporters Without Borders

In the world of journalism, timing often reveals more than the headlines do. Just weeks after The News Minute and its editor-in-chief Dhanya Rajendran were exposed for their role in amplifying the baseless Dharmasthala “mass grave” hoax, a calculated attempt to vilify one of Karnataka’s most hallowed Hindu institutions, she has found herself nominated for a global “press freedom” award.

The award in question, the “Impact Prize of the Year 2025” by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), lauds Rajendran’s supposed “fight for press freedom” and “leadership in independent media.” Yet, for anyone who has followed the Dharmasthala scandal and The News Minute’s abominable coverage, the nomination reeks less of journalistic honour and more of ideological endorsement.

The Dharmasthala hoax: Anatomy of a manufactured scandal

In July this year, the tranquil temple town of Dharmasthala found itself at the heart of a grotesque narrative. A man named C.N. Chinnaiah claimed he had buried “hundreds of bodies” between 1995 and 2014, allegedly victims of ritualistic murders covered up by the temple trust. Without evidence, the Congress-led Karnataka government jumped to action, forming a Special Investigation Team (SIT) and setting off a frenzy of media sensationalism.

Leading the pack was The News Minute. The portal treated the story as a national crisis, running detailed “explainers,” frequent updates, and sombre analyses of what it called “grave allegations.” It was a perfect media storm, a poor man’s confession, a powerful temple, and a story that seemed to confirm the liberal establishment’s caricature of Hindu institutions as dark, superstitious power centres, and a hub of criminal activities.

But the scandal collapsed just as swiftly as it began. The SIT found nothing. Seventeen of the eighteen alleged burial sites yielded no evidence. Chinnaiah himself admitted he had been coached, paid, and promised protection by handlers who instructed him to play his part. The skull he produced as proof turned out to be a prop. What was left was the wreckage of a hoax, a deliberate attempt to malign Dharmasthala and its dharmadhikari, Dr. Veerendra Heggade, under the cover of “whistleblowing.”

Propaganda by amplification

The News Minute’s defence is predictable: it did not “accuse,” it merely “reported.” But propaganda rarely announces itself in bold letters; it seeps in through repetition and framing. By repeatedly publishing unverified claims, by giving credibility to an uncorroborated story, The News Minute helped transform a fringe allegation into a mainstream narrative.

This is the subtlety of modern propaganda; it weaponises neutrality. When a temple or Hindu institution is the target, the media cloaks its hostility in the language of “investigation.” When the perpetrators are Islamist, the same media finds moral ambiguity. The News Minute’s record bears this out: the Ajmer Dargah sex scandal, where over 100 Hindu girls were raped and blackmailed by Congress-affiliated Khadims, barely found mention on its website. No “timelines,” no “deep-dives” or “analysis” on one of the biggest scandals to have rocked the nation.

Similarly, when The Kerala Story depicted the testimonies of Hindu and Christian women lured, converted, and trafficked to ISIS, TNM dismissed it as “propaganda.” Yet, a completely fabricated story about a Hindu temple burying bodies became “serious journalism.”

And on top of it, the TNM didn’t even issue an apology for its misleading coverage on Dharmasthala, which may have shaped opinions of if not hundred but at least a handful of their ‘subscribers’ or viewers/readers who may have accidentally stumbled upon their coverage of how a temple was at the centre of a raging controversy involving ‘mass graves’.

This is not journalism gone wrong, it is journalism gone rogue.

A pattern of selective morality

The bias is systematic. When the victim is Hindu, the story becomes a national debate. When the perpetrator is Islamist or Church-linked, silence reigns. TNM has no appetite for covering mosque encroachments in Uttarakhand, Love Jihad cases, or sexual abuse in seminaries. But it spares no effort in casting suspicion on Hindu temples.

This selective morality is not accidental, it is ideological. It aligns perfectly with the Western-funded “secular” discourse that sees Hindu civilisational confidence as a threat and portrays it as fundamentalism. In this worldview, Hindu religiosity is “dangerous,” while Islamic radicalism is “contextual.”

RSF: The western arbiter of ‘freedom’

Enter Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the Paris-based NGO now celebrating Rajendran’s “courage.” On the surface, RSF presents itself as a global watchdog for press freedom. In reality, it is a soft power instrument, funded by Western governments and billionaire philanthropists to shape media narratives in developing nations.

RSF’s donors include the French Foreign Ministry, European Commission, Swedish SIDA, the Ford Foundation, and most crucially, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a U.S. government-funded organisation widely known as the CIA’s soft arm for regime change. Add to that George Soros’s Open Society Foundations (OSF), and the puzzle assembles itself.

Soros, who famously vowed to “fight nationalists and authoritarian governments,” has long considered India under PM Modi one of his “greatest setbacks.” His OSF network funds a web of Indian NGOs, media portals, and “civil society” actors that consistently amplify anti-India and anti-Hindu narratives. Among its known beneficiaries are Scroll, ICIJ affiliates in Indian Express, Harsh Mander, Amartya Sen, Indira Jaising, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, and Yamini Aiyar.

RSF’s India ‘Fact File’: A study in bias

One need only glance at RSF’s own reporting on India to understand its political motivation. Its “India Fact File” casually refers to Modi supporters as “Bhakts,” mocks “Godi Media,” and blames the PM for a “press freedom crisis.” One doesn’t expect an outlet claiming to uphold principles of journalism, both in letter and spirit, to indulge in such brazen acts of dehumanisation and name-calling of dissenting opinions. But that’s what RSF has mastered in.

Besides, RSF’s own data only reinforces this assertion. Between 2004 and 2013 during the Congress-led UPA era, India’s press freedom rank plummeted from 120 to 140. Under Modi, it has oscillated between 133 and 150. The decline began under UPA, but RSF conveniently starts its timeline from 2014. Data, for RSF, is merely decoration on an ideological conclusion.

Even its rankings are farcical. India, where thousands of media outlets operate freely, is often placed below Mexico, where journalists are routinely murdered by drug cartels; below Turkey, where hundreds of journalists remain imprisoned; and even below Somalia, a country that barely has functioning law enforcement.

The Soros connection: Funding narratives, not journalism

To understand RSF’s worldview, one must understand Soros’s network. His Open Society Foundations operates as a global narrative factory, funding “independent” media that toe the Global Left line. In India, Soros’ influence runs through Omidyar Network (which backs Alt News, The Wire, and The Quint), Namati (linked to Amartya Sen and Pratap Bhanu Mehta), and the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF), which invests in “independent” portals like Scroll.

The goal is not journalistic diversity but narrative control to shape how India is perceived abroad and debated at home. By funding a network of “fact-checkers,” activists, and NGOs, Soros and his ideological partners ensure that any dissent from the Western liberal orthodoxy is branded “nationalist,” “Hindutva,” or “authoritarian.”

It is no surprise then that RSF, Soros’s ideological ally, frequently rewards journalists who fit this mould, those who conflate “free speech” with anti-national activism and “press freedom” with government bashing.

From Pegasus to Dharmasthala: The ecosystem in action

RSF’s network overlaps seamlessly with another Soros-backed initiative, Forbidden Stories. The group claims to “continue the work of threatened journalists,” but in practice, it serves as a content pipeline for anti-national and problematic narratives. In India, Forbidden Stories was behind the Pegasus spyware hoax, which The Wire gleefully fronted before it was debunked by the Supreme Court.

The same familiar names reappear. Siddharth Varadarajan, Swati Chaturvedi, Sushant Singh, and RSF’s India correspondent Shubhranshu Choudhary, all part of the same ideological web. When one narrative fails, the other picks up the baton. When one organisation is called out, the other one works as a proxy, so that the gullible India is compelled into believing they are living in a dystopian world under the current dispensation. When one hoax collapses, another is born. And each time, the reward is the same: international acclaim, a new “freedom” award, or an invitation to a Western symposium on “press safety.”

Dhanya Rajendran’s nomination fits this pattern perfectly. Just as her credibility was dented by the Dharmasthala fiasco, RSF steps in to polish her image to elevate her from propagandist to martyr. It is the same cycle of mutual reinforcement that has kept India’s “Lutyens media” relevant long after it lost public trust.

When awards become tools to shape narratives and reward loyalty

These awards are not meaningless trophies; they are tools of narrative laundering. They grant legitimacy to those who serve the ideological interests of their patrons. Once a journalist is branded an “award-winning defender of freedom,” any criticism of their bias becomes “attacks on free press.”

This international validation is then weaponised within India. The same journalists, now armed with Western badges of honour, lecture domestic audiences about “declining democracy” and “rising intolerance.” Western outlets like The Guardian, BBC, and Washington Post cite RSF rankings to question India’s democratic credentials. The circle completes itself: fund, amplify, reward, and repeat.

Truth becomes casualty in the game of propaganda

The real casualty in this game is truth itself. The Dharmasthala scandal showed how easily lies can be weaponised when cloaked in journalistic respectability. It showed how Hindu institutions, despite centuries of service, are one fabricated allegation away from global defamation. If someone from the nationalist bent tries to report on the Ajmer sex scandal, instead of outraging over safety of women, the attention is quickly diverted by screaming ‘Islamophobia’ and branding such coverage as ‘alarmism’.

Meanwhile, proven atrocities like the Ajmer Dargah sex scandal or the ISIS grooming networks in Kerala fade into silence. Victims vanish from memory because their stories do not serve the global Left’s narrative of a “Hindu majoritarian India.”

This inversion of morality, where Hindu institutions are presumed guilty until proven innocent, and Islamist crimes are ignored unless politically convenient, is the defining feature of this ecosystem.

The Soros-style reward system

The nomination of Dhanya Rajendran by Reporters Without Borders is not an isolated event, it is part of a broader pattern of narrative management. It rewards ideological conformity, not journalistic integrity. It recognises those who amplify disinformation against India while ignoring those who expose it.

That an editor who helped mainstream a fabricated story against a Hindu temple now finds herself feted by Soros-linked institutions is no coincidence, it is choreography. It is how global influence networks operate: using awards, reports, and “freedom” indices as tools of psychological warfare against self-respecting nations.

In the end, the RSF’s award may glimmer under Parisian lights, but its meaning is hollow. It is not a tribute to courage; it is a medal for complicity. Months after Dharmasthala was falsely smeared, the ecosystem that engineered the outrage now celebrates its own. The propaganda machine applauds itself, even as truth lies buried, this time, not in any forest of Karnataka, but beneath the rubble of Western hypocrisy and domestic deceit.

‘Anti-conversion law exists in Arunachal Pradesh, implement it’: Read why 26 major tribes are protesting in the NE state, and why Christian groups are triggered

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
‘Anti-conversion law exists in Arunachal Pradesh, implement it’: Read why 26 major tribes are protesting in the NE state, and why Christian groups are triggered

In Arunachal Pradesh, a massive protest is ongoing as thousands of people from 27 districts, 26 major tribes, and 100 sub-tribes have taken to streets. The locals are demanding the immediate implementation of the Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act  (APFRA), 1978, a 46-year-old anti-conversion law.

On 20th October, Indigenous Faith and Cultural Society of Arunachal Pradesh (IFCSAP) organised a “Chalo Itanagar” rally in the capital city of Itanagar. Dressed in traditional attire, the protestors said that the increasing religious conversions are threatening traditional beliefs like Donyi-Polo. “Donyi” means sun and “Polo” means moon, symbolizing Arunachal Pradesh’s ancient faith. Besides Donyi Polo, Christianity and Hinduism, Arunachal Pradesh is also home to the followers of Mahayana and Theravada Buddhism.

Dr. Amy Rumi, president of the organization, said that the Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act was passed in 1978, just months after the first session of the Legislative Assembly. He said that the law also received the assent of the then President, however, till now the law has not been implemented.

“If this law is implemented, our culture, tradition, and religious identity will be protected,” Rumi said.

Image via TOI

Addressing the protestors, lawyer R.S. Loda, said “We don’t want Arunachal Pradesh to lose its original identity like Mizoram or Nagaland, where local beliefs have been eroded by foreign religious propaganda.”

Image via IndiaTodayNE

Those demanding implementation of the anti-conversion law in Arunachal Pradesh assert that the law is not against any religion, rather, it only protects “tribal communities from conversion through allurement or inducement”.

A delegation from the Indigenous Faith and Cultural Society of Arunachal Pradesh (IFCSAP) met with Home Minister Mama Natung, urging the immediate implementation of the Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, 1978 (APFRA). They submitted a memorandum pressing for the enforcement of the Act to safeguard the state’s indigenous faith, culture, and tribal identity.

The group said that protection of Arunachal’s tribal heritage is becoming increasingly urgent amid external influences and rising concerns over cultural erosion. 

It is essential to note that there has been a significant increase in Christian population and conversion activities in the state over the years.

Alarmingly, the Christian population in Arunachal Pradesh has gone from 0.79% in the 1971 Census, to 30.26% in the 2011 Census. The share of Other Religions and Persuasions (ORP) in 1971 was 63.46% and in 2011 census, it was 26.20%.

The share of Hindu population in 1971 was 22% and in 2011 it was 29.04%. The Buddhis population in 1971 census comprised around 13% but in 2011, the share dwindled to 11.77%. Meanwhile, Muslims have gone from 0.18% in 1971 to 1.95% in 2011 census.

Source: Census data/ Centre for Policy Studies

Christians oppose the APFRA law

Predictably, the Arunachal Christian Forum (ACF) is opposing the law and its president Tarh Miri argues that the “anti-conversion law violates religious freedom and targets Christians.” In February this year, the ACF had organised an 8-hour long hunger strike in protest against the anti-conversion law.

Earlier this year, Naga Baptist Church Council general secretary Rev Zelhou Keyho wrote a letter to Chief Minister Pema Khandu and claimed that APFRA is not intended to preserve traditional religion but to supress Christians.

“The real intention of the APFRA was not to preserve traditional religion but to suppress a particular religious group of those days… On the ground that the Act is unconstitutional, your people and the region stood to oppose the Bill… Looking at the present situation in the country, a lot has changed, and we know very well what will happen to your people, especially those of the Christian community in your state,” the letter read.

“We do not need to mention how the law (anti-conversion laws) is misused to unnecessarily persecute Christians in other parts of the country. Our common sense tells us that the same will happen to your peace-loving people, and this will spill over to the whole region,” it added.

Chief Minister Pema Khandu reaffirmed commitment to preserve indigenous faiths and traditions

In July this year, Arunachal Pradesh’s Chief Minister Pema Khandu reaffirmed the BJP government’s commitment to promote and preserve the indigenous faiths of the state. He called them the spiritual and cultural soul of the tribal communities.

The Chief Minister published an X post wherein he elaborated on why indigenous faiths are required to be preserved. He said that unlike major religions, indigenous faiths “don’t come from books, but from land, memory, and lived tradition. They are not exported, they are rooted. They hold the soul of our people, our forests, mountains, rivers, and ancestors.”

To promote and preserve native faiths, CM Khandu also announced 6 Indigenous Gurukuls for Adi, Galo, Nyishi, and Tangsa tribes, Honorarium to 3,000+ registered indigenous priests, Tribal Cultural Centres in all districts and 50 Indigenous Prayer Centres across the state.

In December 2024, CM Khand announced that the Department of Indigenous Affairs will now be renamed to include the words Indigenous Faith and Culture. He called it “a step forward in our commitment to preserving, promoting and protecting the rich heritage of indigenous traditions.”

Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act

The Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act came into existence in October 1978 to “provide for prohibition of conversion from one religious faith to any other religious faith by use of force or inducement or by fraudulent means and for matters connected therewith.”

The legislation, which received the assent of the President of India, was aimed to protect indigenous religions, beliefs and practices.

It identified several ‘indigenous Faiths’ including Buddhism (practiced by the Monpas, Membas, Sherdukpens, Khambas, Khamptis and Singphos), Vaishnavism (practised by Noctes), Akas and Nature worshippers (including worshippers of Dunyi-Polo).

Section 3 of the Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act clearly says – “No person shall convert or attempt to converts, either directly or otherwise, any person from one religious faith to any other religious faith by the use of force or by inducement or by any fraudulent means nor shall any person abet any such conversion.”

The law further states that anyone found violating Section 3 would be liable to a fine of up to ₹10,000 and punished with maximum imprisonment of up to 2 years.

It also mandates imitating the Deputy Commissioner of the particular district (in Arunachal Pradesh) about the conversion of an individual from a religious faith to another. Failure to do so is punishable with imprisonment of up to 1 year and a fine of up to ₹1000.

“An offence under this Act shall be cognizable and shall not be investigated by an officer below the rank of an Inspector of Police,” states Section 6 of the legislation.

Meanwhile, the law also states categorically that prosecution under the Act needs prior sanction from the Deputy Commissioner of police or authorisation from an officer now below the rank of Extra Assistant Commissioner.

A Public Interest Litigation (PIL) was filed in the Gauhati High Court seeking the enactment of rules by the government of Arunachal Pradesh for the implementation of the anti-conversion law. The major breakthrough in the case came in September 2024.

A 2-judge Bench of Justices Kardak Ete and Budi Habung closed the PIL after examining the response of Advocate General I. Choudhury, who pointed out that it would require 6 months for the government to frame rules.

“We expect the concerned authorities to be mindful of their obligations and the draft rules would be finalized within a period of 6(six) months from today,” the Guwahati High Court noted in its order on 30th September 2024.

Notably, CM Khandu has already clarified that following the direction of the Guwahati High Court, the government is supposed to prepare the draft rule within six months. This deadline is ending this month (October 2025).

It is paramount that the state government enact the APFRA or anti-conversion law to protect the religious demography and preserve indigenous faiths and traditions. While Christian groups are seeing the law as an attack on their religious identity, the APFRA if and when implemented will only be against conversions to Christianity carried out either forcefully or for any sort of allurement.

Trump-Putin Budapest meeting postponed, US slaps sanctions on biggest Russian oil companies while Putin oversees major nuclear exercise: What does it mean

Sanghamitra
-
0
Trump-Putin Budapest meeting postponed, US slaps sanctions on biggest Russian oil companies while Putin oversees major nuclear exercise: What does it mean

The prospects of an expected diplomatic thaw between Russia and the USA have dimmed again after US President Donald Trump termed a planned summit with Vladimir Putin as a ‘wasted meeting’. The meeting has been postponed indefinitely, and Trump has proceeded with major sanctions on Russian oil giants.

The Trump administration on Wednesday imposed some major sanctions targeting Russia’s two largest oil producers, state-owned Rosneft and privately held Lukoil, along with key subsidiaries, soon after the White House confirmed that the Budapest summit between Trump and Putin, which they had declared last week, has been postponed and there are ‘no plans’ for the two leaders to meet in the near future. 

The White House has reportedly informed that Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov had a “productive call” but opted against an in-person meeting, further cementing the speculations that Russia is not agreeing to what US is proposing.

Lavrov rejects ‘immediate ceasefire’ demand by the US: Reports

Russia, on the other hand, had stated that US can’t postpone something that was never scheduled in the first place. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov downplayed the US posturing, saying, “You can’t postpone what was never scheduled.” 

The lack of trust between Western powers and Russia has been the consistent, and probably the major reason why there has been no definitive progress in peace talks so far.

“European countries are currently showing no interest in peace and are doing nothing to promote it; on the contrary, their leaders are encouraging Kiev to continue military operations”, Dmitry Peskov had recently stated.

As per reports, the US reaction has come after Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov rejected key US proposals for an immediate ceasefire in the Russia-Ukraine war without territorial concessions from Kyiv.

“It is now being said from Washington that there is a need to stop immediately, that there is no need to discuss anything further, and that ‘history should judge’. If we just stop, it means forgetting the root causes of this conflict, which the American administration clearly understood and voiced this understanding upon Trump’s assumption of power, Lavrov was quoted as saying by the NYT.

Just last Thursday, Trump spoke with Putin and expressed optimism for “great progress.”

‘Tremendous sanctions’

Trump declared In an Oval Office meeting with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, “These are tremendous sanctions, against their two big oil companies”, adding that he hoped they would be short-lived if peace talks resume.

The recent sanctions against Rosneft and Lukoil and their subsidiaries are the first major sanctions by the USA directly on Russian oil, as per reports. US Treasury has stated that they want Russia to agree to a ceasefire ‘immediately’. Rosneft and Lukoil, together with their subsidiaries, account of nearly half of Russia’s oil.

Speaking to media, Trump claimed that he hopes the sanctions will make Russia agree to talk with Ukraine. “They hate each other, these people hate each other”, he added, referring to Putin and Zelenskyy.

Trump then went on to boast how he had stopped 7 wars around the world, repeating his debunked lie of stopping the India-Pakistan conflict in May.

Putin’s response to US sanctions: Overseeing a massive drill of Russia’s nuclear forces

Hours after the sanctions were announced, Russian President Vladimir Putin oversaw a sweeping readiness drill of Russia’s strategic nuclear forces, involving all three arms of the triad, land, sea and air. 

Speaking via video link from the Kremlin, Putin directed launches of a Yars intercontinental ballistic missile from the Plesetsk Cosmodrome, a Sineva ballistic missile from the nuclear submarine Bryansk in the Barents Sea, and nuclear-capable cruise missiles from Tu-95MS strategic bombers.

The exercise, described by the Kremlin as a planned test of operational skills, simulated nuclear weapon authorisation procedures and confirmed all missiles struck their targets.

Though the drill was stated as planned, its timing is crucial. The drill has occurred a mere three days after NATO’s nuclear exercise, Steadfast Noon and hours after the fresh US sanctions.

The Atlantic Council has welcomed Trump’s sanctions and noted that this is not a ‘maximal blow’ yet, and “Putin still thinks he can outlast any Western leader in pursuing this war of conquest.”

With these developments, it is clear that despite posturing and declarations of ‘pressure’ by NATO nations, Russia is unwilling to commit to a ceasefire until its requirements are met. 

The nuclear drill is also a reminder to the world that Russia has the largest nuclear arsenal on the planet, with over 5500 warheads.

Gujarat: Two Hindu brothers attacked by a group of Muslims in Bhavnagar over bursting firecrackers, FIR filed and two arrested

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
-
0
Gujarat: Two Hindu brothers attacked by a group of Muslims in Bhavnagar over bursting firecrackers, FIR filed and two arrested

An incident of two Hindu men attacked by some Muslims for bursting firecrackers came to light in the Bajrangnagar area of ​​Bhavnagar city in Gujarat. A complaint was filed on Sunday (20th October) at the Boratala police station after two Hindu brothers were attacked by a group of Muslims at the Kumbharwada Madhiya Road, Bajrangnagar area of ​​Bhavnagar city for bursting firecrackers on Diwali.

Based on the complaint, the police have registered a case against the accused, identified as Riyaz Pathan, Sameer Hussain Syed and Aslam Pathan, and an investigation has been initiated in the matter. Police have arrested two of the three accused.

According to the FIR, which OpIndia has a copy of, the incident took place late in the night in Maafnagar, near the Madhiya Road Mohammadi Mosque in the Kumbharwada area. On the day of the incident, Akash, the younger brother of complainant Ravi Parmar, was bursting firecrackers. Accused Sameer objected to the bursting of the firecrackers, leading to a heated argument between the two.

Aftr that, some friends called Ravi to inform that his brother Akash was being abused by a group of Muslims at the corner of the street over bursting firecrackers. When Ravi reached the spot, all three began hurling abuses at him. When he objected to the verbal abuse, Riyaz struck him on the head with the axe, while Sameer and Aslam beat him indiscriminately with pipes. When his brother Akash came to intervene, the goons attacked him with pipes as well.

Soon, more people arrived, and all the attackers together beat both brothers with fists and kicks. Speaking to OpIndia, Ravi said that initially, there were around 10-15 Muslim men around the Mohammadi Mosque, but soon, 40-25 people gathered with weapons and began attacking them.

The FIR states that the accused, Riyaz Pathan, Samir Hussain Syed, and Aslam Pathan, were carrying a pipe, a sword, and a dagger in their hands. As Ravi reached there, the accused Aslam Pathan started abusing him, and when Ravi opposed Pathan, he struck him on the head with a pipe. The other accused, Sameer and Aslam, also joined Pathan and began thrashing the complainant with the pipe.

The FIR adds that the accused, Sameer, arrived with a sword and pointed it at the complainant’s brother’s head. As the dispute escalated, Ravi’s friends arrived at the spot and rescued Ravi and his brother. Thereafter, they were admitted to the hospital, where they are undergoing treatment.

Ravi required stitches on his head and was had a fracture in his left arm, while Akash also needed stitches on his head.

Complainant accused the police of bias and inaction

Ravi has accused the police of being biased. He said the police did not include the names of some influential people in the FIR even though he gave their names. He also said that a woman named Khatija Khatoon, a local Congress leader who manages party events in the area and was involved in the attack, was not named in the FIR.

However, PI Dabhi of the Bortalav police station, speaking to OpIndia, denied all these allegations and clarified that the complainant’s signature was taken when the FIR was filed, and that the complainant did not mention these names at that time. The police said that if the complainant provides the names of other accused, they will take action against them.

Notably, the police have registered two separate FIRs in the matter. The first FIR was filed by the complainant against Muslim men, alleging that they had quarrelled with them over not allowing them to burst firecrackers on Diwali. In addition to that, a counter FIR was filed by the Muslim men against the complainants, alleging that the complainants had argued with them and abused them over bursting firecrackers.

The case against Riyaz Pathan, Aslam Pathan, Sameer Hussain Syed, and Sameer has been registered under sections 117(2), 118(1), 115(2), 352, 54 of the BNS and section 135 of the Gujarat Police Act. Two accused, Aslam Pathan and Sameer Syed, have been arrested in the case, and investigations are ongoing.

‘Indians destroyed wildlife in Canada and US’, ‘Diwali is demon worship’: How blatant Hinduphobia and false vilification is being normalised by Christian extremists in the West

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
‘Indians destroyed wildlife in Canada and US’, ‘Diwali is demon worship’: How blatant Hinduphobia and false vilification is being normalised by Christian extremists in the West

Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights and triumph of good over evil, was celebrated across many countries in the world this year. The celebration illuminated the world with lights, positivity, and joy. However, amidst the Diwali festivities in the US, Christian extremists resorted to vilifying the Hindu festival as “demonic” and slandering those partaking in it. Out of nowhere, Indians have also been accused of ‘destroying’ wildlife in the US and Canada.

On 20th October, Kash Patel, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Director and a Hindu by faith, wrote a harmless X post wishing everyone a happy Diwali. However, this did not go well with Christian delusionists, who found it inappropriate that a Hindu of Indian origin not only has reached the top echelon of American power but also dared to unapologetically celebrate his religious festival.

“Happy Diwali – celebrating the Festival of Lights around the world, as good triumphs over evil. A very Happy Diwali to all,” Patel wrote.

“Sir, please don’t promote the festivals of foreign gods in America,” one X user replied.

Another one wrote, “How about no. In America we are Christian.”

One X user went a step ahead and called for the deportation of all Indian-American Hindus from the US. “I want to live in America, not India. We need to deport all Hindus.”

A “very catholic” woman labelled Hindus as “false god worshippers” as if she has regular meetings with Jesus. “My politics is whatever gets pagan demon false god worshipers out of all leadership roles in our country. Diwali involves the worship of false gods and invites the presence and blessing of these demon gods. Lights are ceremonially lit to invoke the goddess of wealth,” the X user wrote.

Meanwhile, a right-wing YouTuber wrote, “Go back home and worship your sand demons. Get out of my country.”

Another one labelled Hindu deities as “demons” and asserted that “America wasn’t founded to protect or promote demonic worship like this and it has no place here.”

One Bradley Pierce responded to Patel’s post and wrote, “Celebrating the worship of false gods provokes the righteous judgment of Christ upon our land.”

Similar hateful and racist ‘deport Hindus’ and ‘Christ is God’ sort of comments and quotes have been flooded by Christian supremacists in response to the US Director of National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard’s Diwali post. One X user wrote, “Diwali is un-American. Move to India.” Several others replied, “Not My GOD!” with middle finger emoticons. Some called the post “gross”, while others called for Gabbard’s deportation.

Another ‘America First’ activist called the Trump administration a “joke” as US President Donald Trump celebrated Diwali in the White House along with prominent Hindu Americans.

Meanwhile, Rift TV’s CEO Elijah Schaffer called Hinduism a “demon religion” and wrote, “Thank you to all our politicians wishing us a happy day to celebrate a demon religion Diwali Nothing is better than having our elected & appointed officials celebrate demonic anti-Christian culture This is what our founding fathers wanted That’s why they died for us.”

Indians poaching wildlife in Canada and America: A New absurd addition to the anti-India online hate campaign

Besides hating on Diwali and demonising Hindus, American Christian racists demonstrated their clownery by claiming that Indians come to America and Canada to “poach the wildlife”.

“Indians come to America and Canada and poach the wildlife. The only wildlife left in India is rats and cockroaches. They will do this to North America if they stay here long enough,” an X user wrote.

In a subsequent post, he wrote, “If Indians can catch it with their hands and eat it, it’s gone. Sorry India, frogs and “wild tigers” don’t count.”

His factually incorrect and absolutely vile post got community-noted in no time.

“India ranks among the top globally for wildlife, as one of 17 megadiverse countries with 7.6% of mammal and 14.7% of amphibian species. Home to over 70% of wild tigers, it excels in conservation with 1,022 protected areas,” the community note read.

Several X users also schooled the racist buffoon about the damage historically inflicted by White men on global wildlife.

One Megan Basham with over 1,80,000 followers on X, cried hoarse that US federal offices are honouring Hindu deities even as America is rooted in “Christian culture”.

“If you as a Christian do not feel some pain at the thought of your nation, once firmly grounded in Christian culture, now witnessing federal government offices honoring Krishna, Kali, and Lakshmi, and telling you you must welcome giant golden monkey gods on the Houston horizon, then I think you have a lot more Bible reading to do,” Basham wrote.

Normalisation of Hinduphobia and India hate in the name of protecting the ‘sanctity’ of the imaginary ‘Christian nation’ of America

Interestingly, Christian extremists claim that America is a Christian nation. However, the American Constitution does not say so. The American Constitution separates church from the state. It states the US is a secular nation.

The blatant outpour of hatred for Hindus and Indians from the American right wing, particularly White Christian supremacists, is not surprising; rather, it is a mere continuation of the ongoing trend of normalising Hinduphobia.

In a recent exposé, it emerged that the leaders of a Republican Party-affiliated group, Young Republicans, exchanged racist, anti-India, anti-Black, pro-Nazi, and homophobic messages in a Telegram group chat. From furthering hygiene stereotypes against Indians to suggesting that Indians are not trustworthy, the Republican leaders of the now-disbanded group demonstrated how India-hate has been normalised in the American political circle.

Racism against Asians, Indians and particularly Hindus is being normalised in the US. From the H1-B visa debate to Diwali celebrations, White racists and Christian supremacists are vilifying Indians and Hindus as some sort of existential threat to American values and the country’s imaginary ‘Christian nation’ status.

Last year, JD Vance’s wife, Usha Chilukuri Vance, a Hindu by religion and a daughter of Indian immigrants, was subjected to racist and Hinduphobic attacks from White Christian supremacists who mostly are Republican Party supporters. Vance was also called names for marrying an Indian Hindu ‘heathen’.

Earlier, American commentator and author Ann Coulter told Vivek Ramaswamy on his podcast that she wouldn’t have voted for him because he is an Indian. On numerous occasions, during his stint for the Presidential nomination bid from the Republican Party, he had to face questions on Hinduism. Even a patriot like Tulsi Gabbard has been attacked for her Hindu faith and Indic roots. Kash Patel was condemned by the same racist lot for taking his oath to office as FBI director on the sacred Hindu scripture, the Bhagwat Geeta.

Ron DeSantis, the Florida Governor and Republican leader, earlier dismissed Indian tech workers as a “cottage industry” scam. His remarks added fuel to the MAGA narrativ,e which portrays Indians as ‘job-stealing invaders’. His anti-H1-B rhetoric has added to online racist attacks on Indian-Americans, Indians and Hinduism. OpIndia reported earlier on how the debate around H1-B visas and highly-skilled Indians using the same to explore career opportunities in the US snowballed into a full-fledged anti-India and anti-Hindu campaign.

Recently, Alexander Duncan, a Texas GOP official, demanded the removal of an idol of Lord Hanuman from public space, calling the Hindu deity a “false God.” In an X post published on 20th September, Duncan shared a video showcasing the 90-foot-tall statue of Lord Hanuman installed in the Sri Ashtalakshmi Temple in the town of Sugar Land, Texas, and wrote, “Why are we allowing a false statue of a false Hindu God to be here in Texas? We are a CHRISTIAN nation!”

Donald Trump’s Trade Adviser, Peter Navarro, who Trump has unleashed as his attack dog to vilify India over its Russian oil purchases, resorted to slandering the Brahmin community. In an interview with Fox News, Navarro invoked caste and accused the Brahmins of India of “profiteering at the expense of the Indian people.”

From using fake caste-discrimination narrative to villainise Hindus in American universities, bringing up SB-403-like outrageous caste bills, relying on fake litigations like the 2019 CISCO caste discrimination case, running anti-Brahmin DEI programs, to targeting Hindu gods and temples, directing hate towards Hindu officials in the Trump administration, anti-Hindu and anti-India force,s be it Islamo-leftists or white racists and Christian extremists, all are essentially spreading, normalising, and celebrating Hinduphobia and anti-India racism.

This vitriol is so strong that these people are not sparing even their leader, Donald Trum,p who received online backlash for celebrating Diwali, that too inside the White House. All this hate for American Hindus comes even as they have been the most peaceful, law-abiding and economically contributing community in the US.

Is Hinduism an existential threat to Christianity in the US?

The American Christian supremacists are unable to tolerate a skilled and affluent minority of Hindu Indian Americans working hard, paying their taxes on time, and contributing significantly to the American economy simply because they are Hindus. Such is the irony that while Islamists are taking over city after city in the US and running Sharia-compliant ghettos, Christian supremacists view inherently tolerant Hindus as some sort of existential threat.

Pertinently, in its nationalist or supremacist strains, Christian extremism stems from a toxic blend of religious-theological absolutism, delusion of racial-historical superiority and cultural insecurity. The Christian extremists believe that pagan religions and cultures are primitive, false and incompatible with American Christian values. Like many other Abrahamic faiths, Christianity posits a monotheistic God as the sole supreme divine reality, which in their viewpoint, renders polytheistic or henotheistic faiths like Hinduism or Sanatan Dharma as ‘demonic’ or ‘idolatrous’.

For Christian extremists, anyone who does not believe in the Christian Holy Trinity and Jesus as the one true saviour is, by defaul,t a Satan worshipper and thus Hindu gods for them become nothing more than a diverse manifestation of Satan, false gods. To justify their Hindu hate, they often cite Biblical verses like Exodus 20:3-5.

This, however, is not a new-brought up argument. From Portuguese inquisitions, British-era proselytisation to the ongoing Pentecostal and evangelical missionary activities, Hindu beliefs have been dismissed as savagery, and Diwali lamps as ‘heathen fires’. While modern Christian extremists claim to oppose Islamic dominance and Sharia, they are becoming the other side of the same coin.

Hindu gods are no demons, in fact, there are no 330 million gods as many Christian extremists mindlessly claim. Hinduism is a polytheistic faith indeed, however, Hindu spirituality is rooted in the Vedic consciousness of God, which says a ‘Ekaṃ Sadviprā Bahudhā Vadanti’ (Rig Ved 1.164.46)–The truth (God) is one, but the sages (or learned ones) call it by many names or describe him in many ways.

Unlike Islam and Christianity, Hinduism poses no proselytising threat. India, the natural homeland of Hindus, has never invaded a country with the intent to alter its religious demography or impose Hindu faith on non-Hindus. Muslims and Christians, however, have invaded lands and destroyed civilisations to establish their religious supremacy.

From the orientalist caricatures in the 19th-20th century, fears of ‘eastern/Asian mysticism’ eroding Protestant ‘purity’ to anti-Hindu violence and online hate, Hindus and Indians have endured all the hate and yet contributed towards building a strong America. If Indian Hindus started thinking the way American Christian supremacists do, Christianity in India would perish into oblivion. Today’s calls for ‘sending back’ or deporting Hindus to India, and removing Hindu idols and temples, will eventually descend to calling for violence against Hindus.

This is no exaggeration or fear-mongering. Bangladesh stands as an example of how anti-quota student protests turned into anti-government protests, and then it magnified into Islamist Islamist-orchestrated anti-Hindu pogrom.

Congress MP Imran Masood, who had threatened to ‘chop PM Modi’ into Boti-Boti, is not ‘Muslim enough’: Islamists outraged after he was seen celebrating Diwali with daughters

शिव
-
0
Congress MP Imran Masood, who had threatened to ‘chop PM Modi’ into Boti-Boti, is not ‘Muslim enough’: Islamists outraged after he was seen celebrating Diwali with daughters

You may remember Congress MP from Saharanpur, Imran Masood, who made headlines about 10 years ago by threatening to “chop into pieces” the then-prime ministerial candidate and current Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His venomous remarks made him the “blue-eyed boy” of Islamic fundamentalists. However, the same Islamic fundamentalists are furious with Masood and his family. They did not even spare his daughter.

The reason behind the rage of the Islamic fundamentalists is that Imran Masood’s daughter, Hiba Masood, uploaded a reel on Instagram wishing people Diwali. Posting the reel, Hiba wrote, “My heartfelt Diwali wishes to you. Papa wasn’t forced (to do the video).” The reel featured Hiba Masood alongside her father, Imran Masood. In the reel, Hiba asks Imran how she looks and then wishes people a happy Diwali. Imran Masood is also seen extending Diwali greetings in the video. But this was intolerable for the Islamic fundamentalists, who could not fathom Imran or his daughter offering greetings for the festival of the ‘infidels’.

While many people received the video with positivity, some Islamic fundamentalists found an opportunity to spew venom. The same Imran Masood, who was once the poster boy of the Islamic fundamentalists, suddenly became the sworn enemy of the Jihadists.

A user named Sarfraz Owaisi commented on Hiba’s video, saying, “May Allah guide them all.” What Sarfraz meant to say was that Masood and his family had gone astray because they offered Diwali wishes, and therefore Allah should guide them back to the right path.

A comment on Hiba’s Instagram post.

Sarfaraz isn’t the only one who made such comments; an entire army of Islamic fundamentalists came out to attack Hiba on social media. An Instagram user named Shah Fahad Iqbal perceived the Diwali greetings by Masood and his daughter as a threat to the entire Muslim community. Shah Fahad wrote, “May Allah protect the Ummah,” (May all Muslims not be harmed).

A comment on Hiba’s Instagram post.

Another Instagram user expressed his displeasure with Imran Masood and termed him less radical than AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi. The user named Sameer Barkat, wrote, “That’s why I’m proud of my leader, Barrister Asad Owaisi”. Barkat’s comment proved that if Islamic fanaticism in a Muslim diminishes, he/she can no longer be a “hero” to these fanatics.

A comment on Hiba’s Instagram post.

Similarly, an Instagram user named Yusuf reminded Masood of the tenets of Islam and claimed that wishing Diwali is wrong and prohibited in Islam. He wrote, “Wishing people on the festivals of other religions is strictly prohibited in Islam”.

A comment on Hiba’s Instagram post.

Another Instagram user, Muzaffar Khan, questioned the religious affiliation of Masood and his family. He wrote, “You guys are Muslims in name only; your actions are those of devils. The people of Saharanpur have chosen a very wrong leader.”

A comment on Hiba’s Instagram post.

An Instagram user named Razvi said that because of all these activities, the Muslim community is infamous and ruined today.

A comment on Hiba’s Instagram post.

These are only a handful of the numerous hate-filled comments of Islamic fundamentalists on Hina’s post. It’s clear from the comments of the Islamic fundamentalists that for them, Imran Masood or any member of his family is ‘theirs’ as long as they blindly agree with their views. For the Islamic fundamentalists, only those are true Muslims who toe their line and accept their exclusivist and toxic ideology without questioning. Even a slight deviation from what they believe is right as per their ideology or the Sharia Law is condemnable to them. Their radical ideology has no room for diversity or independent thinking. Everyone among them is supposed to hold the same views and believe and disbelieve the same things. Anyone from among them daring to walk differently becomes worthy of their hatred and attacks.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Hindi.)

1...113114115...7,591Page 114 of 7,591