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Why Jain pilgrims objected to tourists chanting ‘Har Har Mahadev’ on Parasnath Hills? All you need to know about the fresh Sammed Shikharji controversy

Jinit Jain
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Why Jain pilgrims objected to tourists chanting ‘Har Har Mahadev’ on Parasnath Hills? All you need to know about the fresh Sammed Shikharji controversy

A fresh controversy is brewing at Shri Sammed Shikharji, also known as Shikharji or Parasnath Hills in Jharkhand, one of the holiest pilgrimage sites of the Jain community. Social media is now rife with videos showing confrontations between Jain pilgrims and groups of visitors who claimed to have come to visit a ‘Parshuram Temple’.

Sme visitors were also seen claiming that the temple dedicated to a Jain Tirthankara at the summit is a “Parshuram Temple”, while also raising Hindu religious slogans at the sacred hills.

The confrontation has once again brought attention to a larger and deeply sensitive question: what happens when a sacred religious site begins to be treated as an ordinary tourist destination, or when groups visiting it begin asserting a competing religious identity?

For Jains, this is not merely a dispute over slogans. It concerns the preservation of the religious character and sanctity of a pilgrimage site that occupies an unparalleled position in Jainism.

What happened at Sammed Shikharji?

Multiple videos circulating on social media show confrontations between Jain pilgrims and visitors at the hills. In one widely circulated video, a group of people is seen trekking through the Parasnath Hills while chanting “Har Har Mahadev”, following which a Jain woman confronts them and questions why such slogans are being raised at the site.

Other videos and social media posts allege that some visitors have gone further, describing the Jain shrine at the summit as a “Parshuram Temple” and asserting a different religious association with the site. These claims should be distinguished from independent facts about the site’s history and administration.

The incidents have brought forth the question of whether the allegations go beyond visitors merely trekking through the hills. Jain devotees have alleged that some visitors are attempting to recast the shrine at the summit as a “Parshuram Temple” and claim that the hill is associated with Lord Parshuram. Several videos show tourists claiming they were scaling the hill to offer prayers at the “Parshuram Temple.”

That claim is particularly contentious.

The principal summit pilgrimage of Sammed Shikharji is a Jain religious circuit containing shrines associated with the Tirthankaras and Jain ascetics. Parshvanath, the 23rd Tirthankara, is central to the identity of the hill itself. The name Parasnath is derived from Parshvanath, rather than Parshuram. The site is traditionally revered by Jains as the place where 20 of the 24 Tirthankaras attained moksha.

Consequently, for Jain pilgrims, describing the summit shrine as a “Parshuram Temple” is not an innocent change of nomenclature. It is perceived as an attempt to impose a different religious narrative on a place whose identity has been deeply rooted in Jain tradition for centuries.

Why are the slogans causing concern?

There is nothing inherently objectionable about chanting a religious slogan in a place where that religious expression is appropriate. The issue here is the context.

A sacred pilgrimage site has its own established religious practices, traditions and decorum. When visitors enter such a site and deliberately introduce slogans associated with another religious tradition, particularly alongside claims that the site belongs to or is dedicated to another deity, it can understandably be perceived by the community that traditionally worships there as an assertion of competing ownership.

And this is where the controversy becomes bigger than a group of people shouting slogans while trekking.

An isolated slogan is not, by itself, an encroachment. But religious encroachment does not necessarily begin with the construction of a building. It can begin with changing the narrative around a place.

First comes the argument that a particular deity is also associated with the site.

Then comes the insistence that a shrine has another identity or another history.

Then come religious slogans and rituals intended to establish that association.

Once such practices become normalised, the next step can be a physical claim — a structure, a shrine, an idol or a temple.

That is why Jain devotees are alarmed by the social-media videos showing visitors calling the summit shrine a “Parshuram Temple”. The concern is not simply that someone uttered “Har Har Mahadev”; it is that repeated ritual assertions, coupled with a competing claim about the identity of the shrine, can eventually be used to manufacture a competing claim over a sacred space.

India has witnessed enough disputes over places of worship to understand why communities become sensitive when a new religious claim begins appearing at an established pilgrimage site.

Why is Sammed Shikharji so important to Jains?

Sammed Shikharji is not simply a hill containing a Jain temple.

It is one of the most sacred Jain pilgrimage centres in the world.

The pilgrimage involves undertaking a demanding trek through the Parasnath Hills, traditionally covering roughly 27 kilometres, to visit the various sacred sites associated with the Tirthankaras. The belief that 20 of the 24 Tirthankaras attained liberation here gives the place an extraordinary position in Jain religious tradition.

This is why Jains insist on a distinction between a pilgrimage centre and a tourist destination.

A tourist ordinarily visits a place to see it.

A pilgrim visits it because the place itself is sacred.

That distinction lies at the heart of the controversy that erupted three years ago.

The 2023 controversy: When Jains feared Sammed Shikharji would become a tourist hub

The current controversy cannot be understood without revisiting what happened in late 2022 and January 2023.

Jains across India launched major protests after developments concerning the promotion of tourism and eco-tourism around Parasnath Hills raised fears that Sammed Shikharji’s religious character would eventually be diluted.

The controversy was linked to the 2019 Eco-Sensitive Zone notification concerning the Parasnath Wildlife Sanctuary and the surrounding area, as well as the Jharkhand government’s tourism-related plans and policies. The Jain community argued that provisions permitting tourism and eco-tourism could fundamentally alter the character of the pilgrimage centre.

The National Commission for Minorities recorded that it had received representations from the Jain community regarding the proposed conversion of Sammed Shikharji into an eco-tourism hub and also noted complaints concerning encroachment and other problems at the site.

The protests spread across the country, with Jains taking to the streets in cities including Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Bhopal, New Delhi and Surat.

The fear was straightforward: once a sacred pilgrimage centre is opened up as a mainstream tourist destination, the nature of the people visiting it inevitably changes.

The more a place is promoted as a tourist attraction, the greater the possibility of visitors arriving without an understanding of its religious restrictions, traditions and sensitivities.

That could mean littering, commercialisation, inappropriate behaviour, consumption of prohibited substances, damage to religious structures, and, eventually, competing religious practices being introduced into the sacred landscape.

The Centre stepped in after the 2023 protests

The protests eventually forced the issue to the national level.

On January 5, 2023, the Union Environment Ministry announced that implementation of the relevant provisions of the Eco-Sensitive Zone notification concerning Sammed Shikharji would be stayed with immediate effect, including tourism and eco-tourism activities. The Jharkhand government was directed to take steps to implement the decision.

The Centre also directed the state to strictly enforce restrictions on activities such as the sale and consumption of liquor and other prohibited practices and to prevent activities that could defile sites of religious and cultural significance.

The intervention came after Union Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav met representatives of the Jain community amid widespread protests.

The National Commission for Minorities subsequently said that the Centre and Jharkhand government had decided that Sammed Shikharji would remain a pilgrimage site and not be converted into a tourism hub.

Importantly, the controversy should not be described inaccurately as the Union Ministry of Tourism formally declaring Sammed Shikharji a tourist destination. In a February 2023 Lok Sabha answer, the Ministry of Tourism said that it had not proposed to declare Sammed Shikharji a tourist place and that declaring destinations as tourist places did not fall within its work allocation.

The actual controversy centred on the state government’s tourism-related plans and the provisions of the 2019 ESZ notification that permitted tourism and eco-tourism activities.

This controversy has a much longer history

The anxiety among Jains did not begin in 2023.

The roots go back several years.

In 2015, the then Jharkhand government under Raghubar Das unveiled a Parasnath Hill Development Plan. The proposals included tourism infrastructure such as a helipad, a theme park, a tourism reception centre, parking facilities and a bus stand in Madhuban.

There were also proposals concerning development associated with the local tribal community.

Jain groups objected strongly, arguing that developing the hills along conventional tourism lines could undermine the character of one of their most sacred pilgrimage centres.

The “Save Shikharji” campaign subsequently emerged, with Jains across India seeking protection for the religious character of the site.

After sustained opposition, the development plan was eventually put on hold, and the Jharkhand government affirmed its commitment to maintaining the sanctity of the hill.

The issue resurfaced later through environmental and tourism-related policies, eventually culminating in the nationwide protests of 2023.

Why the 2023 episode matters to the latest controversy

This history explains why the present dispute is being viewed with considerably greater suspicion by Jain devotees.

In 2023, the community had already warned that opening up the sacred hills to unrestricted tourism could gradually alter the character of Sammed Shikharji.

Three years later, social media is rife with videos of confrontations between Jain pilgrims and visitors described by devotees as encroachers. The videos include allegations that some visitors are referring to a Jain shrine as a “Parshuram Temple” and chanting Hindu religious slogans while trekking through the sacred site. The developments have revived the concerns raised in 2023 about the gradual dilution or alteration of the site’s religious character.

The two issues are not identical.

Tourism does not automatically mean religious encroachment, and chanting a slogan does not automatically constitute an encroachment.

But they can become connected if there is a sustained pattern of treating a sacred pilgrimage centre as an ordinary tourist destination while simultaneously introducing competing religious claims and practices.

That is precisely why the distinction between visiting a sacred site and asserting ownership over it matters.

A sacred site cannot become a religious free-for-all

There is a legitimate argument for allowing people of different faiths to visit places of religious and cultural importance. India has a long tradition of shared sacred spaces and interfaith reverence.

But pluralism cannot mean that the established religious character of a site becomes irrelevant.

A Jain pilgrimage centre should not have to lose its Jain identity simply because people from another faith are allowed to visit it.

Likewise, respecting the religious character of Sammed Shikharji does not require denying anyone’s broader religious beliefs. It simply requires recognising that different sacred places have different histories, traditions and identities.

If a Jain temple is dedicated to Parshvanath, visitors cannot simply rename it a Parshuram temple and expect the community to treat that as an inconsequential semantic change.

If a hill is revered as the place where 20 Tirthankaras attained moksha, visitors cannot treat it as merely another trekking destination where any form of religious activity can be introduced without regard for Jain traditions.

And if the authorities have already intervened once to protect the sanctity of the site from indiscriminate tourism, they should be particularly vigilant about any attempt to alter its religious character on the ground.

The real issue is preservation of identity

The latest controversy should therefore not be reduced to “Jains objected to people chanting Har Har Mahadev.” Social media is showing a broader pattern of confrontations in which Jain pilgrims object to visitors allegedly asserting that a Jain temple is a “Parshuram Temple” and introducing competing religious claims at the site.

That framing misses the larger issue.

The real question is whether Sammed Shikharji will remain recognisably what it has always been for Jain devotees: a sacred pilgrimage centre, rather than a generic tourist destination or a contested religious landscape.

The lesson from the past is also clear.

Religious encroachment, where it occurs, need not begin with a temple dome or a permanent structure. It can begin with something that appears far more innocuous: a new ritual, a slogan, a claim about a deity, a renamed shrine or a reinterpretation of the site’s history.

By the time a physical structure appears, the more important battle, the battle over how the site is perceived and who is considered to have a legitimate religious claim over it, may already have been lost.

That is why the Jain community’s concerns over what is happening at Sammed Shikharji deserve to be examined seriously rather than dismissed as a quarrel over slogans.

The sanctity of a pilgrimage site is ultimately protected not merely by walls, gates or government notifications, but by preserving its religious identity, traditions and established character.

Ghost in the machine: The escalating threat of 3D-printed guns and how the menace is almost impossible to stop

Raju Das
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Ghost in the machine: The escalating threat of 3D-printed guns and how the menace is almost impossible to stop

The December 2024 assassination of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson by Luigi Mangione has brought a terrifying security crisis into the spotlight: the escalating threat of 3D-printed ‘ghost guns’. Bypassing all background checks and arms regulations, Mangione simply downloaded digital blueprints and manufactured an untraceable pistol and silencer using a standard consumer-grade 3D printer at home. This high-profile case proves that 3D-printed firearms have evolved from fringe hobbyist projects into a robust, lethal, and virtually unstoppable menace.

To understand this threat, one must look at the evolution of additive manufacturing. Originating in the 1980s, 3D printing technologies like Fused Deposition Modelling (FDM) were initially restricted to expensive corporate prototyping labs. However, the paradigm shifted when foundational patents expired around 2009. Open-source initiatives democratised the technology overnight, turning a million-dollar industrial asset into a desktop appliance available for as little as ₹25,000. While this revolutionised domestic production, it inadvertently opened the floodgates for the unregulated, home-brewed manufacturing of lethal weapons.

Initially, 3D-printed guns were dismissed as a minor nuisance. Early models, like the infamous 2013 “Liberator” pistol, were made entirely of plastic and were spectacular engineering failures. They were brittle and prone to shattering into plastic shrapnel upon firing due to immense thermodynamic pressures. Today, however, the technology has matured far beyond these rudimentary toys. Modern ghost guns seamlessly combine robust 3D-printed frames with easily accessible metal components, resulting in durable, highly lethal firearms. Furthermore, the internet is now flooded with designs for machine gun conversion devices, enabling individuals to bypass global arms control laws effortlessly.

The gravest concern is that digital blueprints are rapidly outrunning physical security frameworks. Traditional arms control laws rely on regulating the physical supply chain of weapons, but the digital realm has fundamentally breached this barrier. Lawmakers and enforcement agencies are struggling to catch up, and proposed solutions like Digital Rights Management (DRM) software bans on 3D printers are largely failing. Ultimately, the ghost gun crisis demonstrates a frightening reality: once a digital blueprint is out in the open, stopping the manufacturing of the physical weapon becomes almost impossible.

You can read the full article in Chapter 1 Magazine.

AI-generated child abuse material, Indian law and the enforcement challenge

Anurag
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AI-generated child abuse material, Indian law and the enforcement challenge

Generative AI has complicated a basic assumption behind child sexual exploitation and abuse material investigations: an abusive-looking image may no longer be a direct record of something that happened exactly as depicted. It can involve existing CSEAM altered using AI, an ordinary photograph of a real child transformed into fabricated sexual imagery, a completely synthetic child who never existed, or fake material used to threaten or blackmail an identifiable child.

The scale is already significant internationally. NCMEC received more than 400,000 CyberTipline reports with a generative-AI nexus in 2025, including over 182,000 involving possession, generation or attempted generation of AI-linked CSEAM. Since tracking began in 2023, more than 158,000 images and videos have been categorised as generative-AI CSEAM and over 275 victims identified. Comparable India-specific figures are not publicly available.

Indian law, however, anticipated computer-generated material before the recent AI boom. POCSO’s definition, amended in 2019, expressly includes computer-generated images indistinguishable from an actual child and modified images appearing to depict children. Section 11 also covers threats involving fabricated depictions, while Section 67B of the IT Act includes creating digital images depicting children in sexually explicit material.

The legal position becomes more complicated when the depicted child is entirely synthetic. Several provisions refer to “a child”, “uses a child” or material “involving a child”. While the law clearly recognises computer-generated imagery, Indian courts may eventually have to determine how these provisions apply when no real child corresponding to the image ever existed.

India’s February 2026 IT Rules added another layer by expressly covering synthetically generated information. Services capable of generating or modifying synthetic content must deploy technical measures to prevent their systems from being used to create unlawful material, including CSEAM. Regulation therefore begins not only when material is uploaded, but potentially before it is generated.

For investigators, AI creates new attribution and classification problems. Police may need to determine who generated an image, which service was used, whether a real child’s photograph was supplied, whether existing CSEAM contributed to the output, and whether the material was stored, circulated or used for coercion. The image may be synthetic, but the investigation and evidence cannot be.

Read the full article on Chapter One Magazine.

‘Kashmir is an important part of India’: Why US envoy Sergio Gor’s choice of words matters and how it is a reality check for Pakistan

Jinit Jain
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‘Kashmir is an important part of India’: Why US envoy Sergio Gor’s choice of words matters and how it is a reality check for Pakistan

The choice of words by a diplomat can often matter as much as the policy he is announcing. When US Ambassador to India Sergio Gor stood alongside Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah in Srinagar and described Jammu and Kashmir as “an important part of India”, he was not merely complimenting the beauty of Kashmir. He was making a statement that carries considerable diplomatic weight.

Gor’s remark is significant precisely because he did not describe Jammu and Kashmir as a “disputed territory”, repeat the hyphenated India-Pakistan formulation or speak of Kashmir merely as an issue requiring dialogue between the two countries. He placed Jammu and Kashmir in a straightforward geographical and political formulation: it is part of India. The fact that the statement came during his first visit to the Union Territory makes it even more consequential.

There is an important distinction between saying that Jammu and Kashmir is “integral” to India and calling it an “important part of India”. The former is a formulation that is generally understood in the context of rejecting competing claims over the territory. The latter is more matter-of-fact. It presupposes the basic proposition that Jammu and Kashmir is part of India and then speaks about its importance within that framework.

That distinction should not be overstated into a formal change in US policy. Gor was not issuing a new treaty or announcing a revision of Washington’s legal position on every aspect of the Kashmir question. Diplomacy does not work that simply. But words used by a senior American diplomat, particularly one who is simultaneously the US Special Envoy for South and Central Asian Affairs, inevitably carry political meaning.

And the meaning here is difficult to miss.

For years, Pakistan has sought to internationalise Kashmir by presenting it as an unresolved international dispute and attempting to persuade major powers to treat India and Pakistan as two parties with competing claims. Islamabad’s preferred narrative is that Kashmir’s status remains open and that international intervention is necessary.

Gor’s formulation does little to reinforce that narrative. In fact, it moves in the opposite direction.

The significance becomes even clearer when viewed against the backdrop of Pakistan’s energetic outreach to Donald Trump and the Trump administration. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Field Marshal Asim Munir have gone to considerable lengths to cultivate their relationship with the US President, especially in the wake of Operation Sindoor when Islamabad had frantically called up US authorities asking them to mediate and bring an end to the hostilities with India as the Indian armed forces launched one BrahMos after another, targeting as many as 11 PAF bases.

Trump had then publicly praised both men, while Washington and Islamabad have also continued engagement on counterterrorism and regional security. Pakistan could therefore have hoped that its renewed visibility in Washington would translate into greater American accommodation of Islamabad’s Kashmir position.

Gor’s visit is a reality check.

It demonstrates that a warmer US-Pakistan relationship in particular areas does not automatically mean that Washington has abandoned India or is impressed by Pakistan’s charm offensive to persuade America into taking an anti-India stand. States can cooperate with Pakistan on counterterrorism, Afghanistan, Iran, regional security or other issues while simultaneously maintaining a fundamentally different position on India’s territorial and strategic importance.

This is where India’s significance to Washington becomes apparent.

The United States has spent years building what New Delhi officially describes as a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership with India. In June, Home Minister Amit Shah’s meeting with Gor specifically focused on strengthening India-US cooperation in security, counterterrorism and counter-narcotics.

Gor’s Kashmir visit fits into that larger relationship rather than contradicting it.

Indeed, there is another part of his visit that may ultimately prove nearly as important as the “important part of India” remark. Gor said Washington would examine whether its travel warning for Jammu and Kashmir should be downgraded, while praising the security improvements made by New Delhi and the Jammu and Kashmir government. He stopped short of announcing an immediate change, but made clear that the advisory is under review.

That is significant because travel advisories are not merely tourist information. They are also an indicator of how a government assesses security conditions. If Washington eventually relaxes its warning, it would amount to a practical acknowledgement that the security environment in Jammu and Kashmir has improved sufficiently to warrant a reassessment.

There is also symbolism in Gor visiting Srinagar and then Ladakh. Washington is not treating the region as a place that can only be discussed from afar or through Islamabad. The American envoy has travelled to the territory, met its elected political leadership and spoken about its economic and tourism potential.

For Pakistan, this is an uncomfortable message.

Islamabad can continue describing Jammu and Kashmir through its own preferred terminology and can continue raising the issue at international forums, with little success. Pakistan’s official position remains that Kashmir is an unresolved dispute and that its final status must be determined through self-determination. But the ability of Pakistan to convert that position into international diplomatic consensus is another matter altogether.

And that is precisely what makes Gor’s statement important.

It is also a reminder that international relations are not governed by permanent friendships or permanent enmities. Washington may engage Islamabad when it sees a strategic interest in doing so. Trump may praise Pakistani leaders to eke out returns when he wants it. The US may find reasons to cooperate with Pakistan on specific regional issues. None of this automatically displaces India from America’s larger strategic calculus.

India is simply too consequential for that.

The Indo-Pacific, China, defence cooperation, technology, trade, critical minerals, counterterrorism and broader regional security all make India an indispensable strategic partner for Washington. Pakistan may occasionally become useful to the United States for specific tactical purposes, but that does not mean Pakistan has replaced India in the American strategic imagination.

Gor’s choice of words in Srinagar therefore deserves to be read in that context.

For New Delhi, the message is reassuring: Washington can pursue transactional engagement with Pakistan without adopting Islamabad’s position on Kashmir. Yes, India should stand its ground when the US President makes unsubstantiated claims, raise its concerns at suitable forums and make New Delhi’s red lines obvious to the American counterparts. For Islamabad, it is a reality check: no amount of diplomatic buttering of Trump, however enthusiastic, can erase India’s strategic weight in Washington.

And for Asim Munir and Shehbaz Sharif, perhaps the most important lesson is this: getting access to the White House is one thing; getting the United States to abandon its strategic relationship with India is quite another.

Sergio Gor’s “important part of India” was only a few words. But coming from Washington’s senior diplomatic representative in New Delhi, and in Srinagar itself, they were words that Pakistan would have preferred not to hear.

Abhijeet Dipke barges into government school for ‘inspection’: How CJP is turning students and schools into political props

Rukma Rathore
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Abhijeet Dipke barges into government school for ‘inspection’: How CJP is turning students and schools into political props

Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), which began as an online phenomenon before making its way onto the streets under the banner of a student movement purportedly seeking to highlight lapses in the Indian education system, seems to have developed a curious appetite for unnecessary theatrics and for throwing its weight around without any actual legal legitimisation.

Its latest “School Thik Karo” (Improve the Schools) program is the latest case in point. While the initiative might appear, at first glance, as a well-meaning, altruistic campaign focused on these educational institutions, it is yet another platform for CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke to assert his non-existent authority and stage a political spectacle, aimed at winning public attention and ultimately impressing voters.

Equipped with cameras, media, supporters and a string of sermons directed at the government, he has selected schools as the next venue for his political stunts with no regard for disrupting the daily classes or affecting the impressionable minds of young students.

The schools are announced as the fresh political background by Dipke as he launched the mission from his native village, Santuk Pimpri, in the Hingoli district of Maharashtra on Independence Day. He was seen inspecting classrooms and speaking to students and teachers as though he were a government official conducting an authorised review of the institution.

But imagine the outrage if an ordinary citizen without political backing or clout attempted to do the same. Would the validity of the actions, the sincerity of the intentions or the relevance of the issues suddenly make such an intrusion acceptable? This sparks a larger question about the kind of political culture CJP and Dipke seek to promote.

Can established procedures, institutional boundaries and the workings of a functioning democracy simply be bypassed whenever someone claims to be acting in the name of public interest or goodwill? If such arbitrary conduct were normalised, where would the line be drawn?

The students were even reportedly instructed to complete CJP forms. This entire episode bears an uncanny resemblance to an attempt to establish a parallel government through street actions, showing complete disregard for the elected government and appointed officials.

There is obviously a proper manner to convey the hardships endured by students and draw the attention of the administration, which could have been achieved without resorting to political drama; however, that was clearly not Dipke’s goal. Most importantly, what gives Dipke the confidence to engage in such activities without any consideration for the potential fallout?

Being a taxpayer does not place anyone above the rules, nor does it grant an automatic licence to enter any institution or interfere with its operations under the pretext of pointing out its flaws or vulnerabilities.

Dipke had told reporters, “We have a form comprising a checklist where it can be mentioned whether there are basic amenities available in the school or not. We will gather the data from schools located in Maharashtra and nationwide. Then we will compile the data.” There are separate channels to make such communication and demand accountability. Paying taxes alone cannot be used as a justification for these antics, but if that had truly been the aim, then the events that unfolded on the school premises would have looked very different.

The possible motive behind Dipke’s actions and the potential risks

It is important to highlight that CJP has been accused of being an offshoot of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) as Dipke was a member of the latter’s social media team. Interestingly, AAP and its senior leadership, including national convenor and former Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, have themselves faced repeated allegations of displaying an anarchist streak.

The episode from 2014 remains particularly telling, when he proceeded to undermine Republic Day celebrations during his sit-in protest near Rajpath (Kartavya Path) in 2024. The same tendencies are quite apparent in CJP and its leaders. Their increasingly disruptive shenanigans echo that very political style, with the line between demonstration, provocation and political spectacle becoming blurred.

It is not to suggest that the country’s education system, schools or other institutions are without problems that demand immediate attention. They certainly are not. Schools continue to grapple with severe challenges such as inadequate infrastructure, a dearth of basic facilities, shortage of competent teachers, lazy staff and outdated pedagogy, among several other concerns.

Dipke, as a citizen, is well within his rights to outline these matters, but he cannot trespass as an uninvited intruder and convert the visit into an elaborate production, particularly when his efforts are only designed to further a political career. The selective nature of this activism makes the intent even harder to overlook. If CJP or Dipke were genuinely worried, then they would have shown the same urgency instead of sheer indifference towards the students of Jharkhand and other states where the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is not in government.

Instead, their interventions are remarkably set on subjects that serve a specific political narrative and bias while leaving similar developments elsewhere untouched. Of course, the concern is filtered through political convenience, and the purpose is to manufacture a complication, generate headlines and remain politically relevant.

It also becomes pertinent to recount that the CJP platform at Jantar Mantar was transformed into a congregation of opposition voices, the display of azadi slogans and anti-Hindu sentiments, along with foul language directed at Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Pakistan had used the violent agitation to spread disinformation and fuel the unrest in India. This was the ugly face of a demonstration that claimed to be fighting for the rights and interests of students.

Furthermore, the profound admiration of Dipke and his party associates for anti-national figures, including Sharjeel Imam and Umar Khalid, who seek to separate the Siliguri Corridor (Chicken’s Neck) from India and are prime accused in the 2020 Delhi riots, is a widely recognised reality. They have even consistently defended these individuals and objected to their incarceration.

Hence, the question arises whether people like Dipke should be given unchecked access to youngsters in schools when their contentious political and ideological positions are already a matter of public record. The potential influence on young and developing minds cannot be taken lightly, especially when it could shape their outlook in ways that could prove detrimental not only to their own future but also to the larger interests of the country.

Conclusion

From Abhijeet Dipke to Rahul Gandhi and his “Chhatron Ki Goonj” (Echo of Students) mission, the opposition hopes to portray itself as the foremost champion of students. However, they only want to turn their concerns into political capital. Their methods might differ, or the strategy could carry different labels, but the underlying objective is to transform the student grievances into electoral currency.

This perhaps explains why Indian National Congress leaders and its youth wing trained their guns on CJP, seemingly wary that the organisation could seize upon student issues and, in the process, eat into their already shrinking political space. The same scenario is visible in the schools of Maharashtra, as each party is vying to capitalise on student issues without genuinely caring to address or rectify them.

Rs 87.85 lakh spent in one year becomes ‘since 2020’: How the Opposition and its media cheerleaders twisted PM CARES audit figures to manufacture a controversy

Aditi
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Rs 87.85 lakh spent in one year becomes ‘since 2020’: How the Opposition and its media cheerleaders twisted PM CARES audit figures to manufacture a controversy

The latest audit report on the Prime Minister’s Citizen Assistance and Relief in Emergency Situations (PM CARES) Fund, covering FY 2023-24 and FY 2024-25, has triggered a familiar political storm. The opposition and anti-government voices joined forces to target the Modi government by spreading misinformation regarding the audit report by distorting and misrepresenting facts and numbers to target the Modi government.

The audit report revealed that the fund had a corpus of ₹8,452.07 crore as of March 31, 2025, with ₹7,846.65 crore, or nearly 93%, held in fixed deposits (FDs) and the remaining amount being held as cash in scheduled banks. At the end of FY 2023-24, the Fund had a total amount of ₹7,173 crore in its bank accounts. Of this, ₹6,641.56 crore was already held in FDs, while ₹531.46 crore was in savings bank accounts.

During 2023-24, the fund received domestic donations amounting to ₹681.8 crore, while foreign donations totalled ₹1.13 crore. Subsequently, during fiscal year 2024-25, the Fund received ₹479.04 crore in domestic donations and ₹92.83 lakh in foreign donations, totalling around ₹480 crore. It earned ₹469.37 crore as interest on fixed deposits and another ₹5.77 crore as interest on savings bank accounts. Together, interest earnings stood at around ₹475 crore.

The audit statement clearly disclosed year-wise donations received, holdings and the expenditure made from the fund money. As soon as the audit report was out, the opposition grabbed the opportunity to attack the government by peddling lies and misinformation about the audit. The opposition’s allegations ranged from the Fund being underutilised, the audit not being conducted by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), to the lack of transparency.

According to the audit statement, an amount of ₹87.85 lakh was spent from the fund during FY 2024-25. This number was misrepresented by the opposition and anti-government voices to claim that the government failed to utilise the Fund money. Mounting an attack on the government, the Congress Party presented the low amount of expenditure as an anomaly and accused the government of not disbursing the money from the Fund even during various natural disasters that happened across the country.

“Only 0.01% of the ₹8,452 crore available has been utilised — even as natural calamities devastate communities across the country and thousands need relief and rehabilitation. ₹8,452 crore sitting idle while people suffer. PM CARES? Hardly,” Congress MP Pawan Khera wrote on X.

India Today ‘journalist’ Rajdeep Sardesai echoed the allegations levelled by the Congress and tried to peddle misinformation regarding the expenditure from the Fund. He claimed that the government spent merely ₹87.85 lakh in the six years since the formation of the Fund.

Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) Co-convener, Ashutosh Ranka, termed the PM CARES Fund audit report as part of the government’s “propaganda”. Ranka also raised questions regarding the low expenditure from the Fund, and asked why it did not fall under the ambit of RTI. Earlier, the CJP had called for a probe into the PM CARES Fund.

Other similar voices questioned as to why the Fund was not audited by the CAG but by private accountants, even though the fund allegedly takes taxpayers’ money.

Here is a rebuttal of the allegations levelled against the government regarding the source, handling, utilisation and the audit of the PM CARES Fund.

When and why the PM CARES Fund was set up

The PM CARES Fund was constituted on March 27, 2020, following the first countrywide lockdown that was announced by the government at the outset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The government’s intention behind setting up the Fund was to create a swift and flexible mechanism to receive and deploy donations during an emergency situation. It was created as a dedicated public charitable trust to collect voluntary donations and respond quickly to emergencies. Though it was formed to address the emergency resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, its objectives extended beyond that particular crisis.

It exists in addition to the existing Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund (PMNRF) and the National Disaster Response Fund (NDRF). The PMNRF is a public charitable trust meant for providing relief to victims of disasters/accidents and medical situations. The NDRF is constituted under and governed by the Disaster Management Act and has its own statutory audit and utilisation rules. Both these funds were procedurally slower and addressed specific emergencies.

The PM CARES Fund, on the other hand, has broader objectives, which include but are not limited to providing support, relief or assistance of any kind relating to a public health emergency or any other kind of emergency, calamity or distress, either man-made or natural. The Fund is financed entirely through voluntary donations and does not receive any budgetary support.

Why the Fund is not audited by the CAG and not covered under the RTI

Ever since its inception, the Fund has been surrounded by controversies and unfounded allegations. The critics of the government have been calling the Fund unnecessary, claiming that the PMNRF and the NDRF already existed as emergency funds. As a result of these allegations, a plea was filed in the Supreme Court seeking the transfer of PM CARES money to the NDRF.

However, the Supreme Court rejected the pleas, holding that the two were “entirely different funds with different objects and purposes” and that donations to PM CARES could not be ordered to be transferred to the NDRF. On the issue of the PM CARES Fund not falling within the ambit of RTI, the Court noted that the Fund is a public charitable trust, funded entirely through voluntary contributions without budgetary or government money, and is not a “public authority”, and therefore, not eligible to be covered under the RTI Act.

The fact that the Fund not does recieve any budgetary support and is entirely financed by voluntary contributions is the reason that it is treated like other privately administered charitable trust bodies, which are also audited by private chartered accountants rather than the CAG, and are also outside RTI’s scope.

Is the Fund underutilised?

The opposition has been insinuating a scam in the Fund money by highlighting that the money released from the Fund in FY 2024-25 was a minuscule percentage of the total corpus. The number of ₹87.85 lakh being quoted by the opposition to allege underutilisation of the Fund demonstrates the expenditure for FY 2024-25.

In the preceding financial year, i.e. 2023-24, the expenditure from the Fund was around ₹15.59 crore. During FY 2020-21, around ₹3,976 crore was spent, including around ₹1,393 crore for COVID-19 vaccine doses, ₹1,311 crore for 50,000 domestically manufactured ventilators, ₹201 crore for 162 pressure-swing adsorption oxygen-generation plants, and ₹50 crore for temporary hospitals and testing laboratories.

The reason that the expenditure from the Fund significantly dropped in the year 2024-25 is simply that no pandemic-scale emergency happened in the year, which would have required disbursements of large sums of money similar to 2020-21 and 2021-22. By definition, an emergency reserve fund is not required to spend its entire balance each year. An emergency fund is supposed to be available for a sudden or unpredictable emergency event. It is expected to be utilised during periods of crisis.

Merely because the money has been lying unused in the Fund does not prove any scam. The audit report makes a clear statement of the Fund money received, used or invested, leaving no scope for concerns relating to misuse or misappropriation. And money not being used is not the same as money being misused; the former is proof of transparency, and the latter may create an offence.

Vijay govt faces ₹5.54-crore tender row over proposed new CM office days after vowing to build a “corruption-free” Tamil Nadu

Shriti Sagar
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Vijay govt faces ₹5.54-crore tender row over proposed new CM office days after vowing to build a “corruption-free” Tamil Nadu

Just days after Tamil Nadu Chief Minister C Joseph Vijay spoke about building a “corruption-free” state from the Independence Day stage, his government has found itself facing its first major corruption allegation. The BJP has questioned irregularities in a ₹5.54-crore tender linked to Vijay’s proposed new office, while the TVK government has rejected the charges.

The controversy centres on Vijay’s plan to shift the Chief Minister’s Office from the main block of Fort St George to the adjoining Namakkal Kavingar Maaligai in Chennai. The government says the move is meant to provide more space and better facilities for the Chief Minister’s staff and officials.

The Opposition, however, has raised questions over the timing and process of the tender. BJP leaders have said that work at the proposed office had already started before the tender was issued.

Vijay’s corruption-free promise comes under the spotlight

The controversy is particularly significant because Vijay had made fighting corruption one of the key themes of his first Independence Day address as Chief Minister.

Speaking after hoisting the national flag at Fort St George on 15th August, Vijay said his government was committed to making Tamil Nadu free from corruption, bribery and drug abuse. “We are in mission mode to achieve a corruption-free government. We want our people to develop zero tolerance toward corruption. We appeal to the officials and the people of Tamil Nadu to make our state corruption-free,” Vijay said.

He also said his government wanted government offices and police stations to become more citizen-friendly and instructed officials to treat people with dignity and kindness.

Against this backdrop, the allegations over the new CMO tender have become an early political test for the three-month-old TVK government.

What are the allegations over the new CMO?

The controversy began after Vijay decided to move his office to Namakkal Kavingar Maaligai, a building constructed during the tenure of former Chief Minister M Karunanidhi. Both buildings are located within the same Secretariat complex.

The government has said the proposed move is not about Vijay’s personal comfort. TVK Minister Aadhav Arjuna said several officials working with the Chief Minister currently have very little space and inadequate facilities. However, the BJP and DMK have questioned the tender process. BJP leader CR Kesavan revealed that the ₹5.54-crore tender was issued around a month after work at the site had already begun.

“In stark contrast to all the tall claims made by the new TVK government about bringing in transparency to the government tender process, a news article by a leading daily today has openly alleged many discrepancies in the tender process in connection with the new chief minister’s office for Vijay,” Kesavan said.

The BJP has also raised questions over the way the tender was uploaded online. According to the allegations, the online tender initially showed the project value as “NA”, while the newspaper advertisement mentioned a cost of ₹5.54 crore. It has also been alleged that the tender documents were uploaded online only after advertisements had appeared in newspapers.

These discrepancies have led the Opposition to question whether the required procedure was followed.

TVK denies scam, says it was about better workspace

The TVK has strongly rejected the allegations. Aadhav Arjuna called the reports “false” and said there was no question of a scam.

“The news reports are false,” Arjuna said. He explained that the Chief Minister’s decision was aimed at improving working conditions for his team. “The chief minister feels that just like him, everyone else who’s working with him should also have a comfortable workspace,” he said.

According to Arjuna, some of Vijay’s officers and staff are currently working in spaces of less than 100 square feet, with inadequate facilities. He also said the Chief Minister meets people throughout the day and receives foreign delegations, making better facilities necessary.

“He is naturally down-to-earth and flexible… During campaigns, he’ll even be okay with resting in a simple hotel or a van,” Arjuna said.

Arjuna also pointed out that former Chief Ministers Karunanidhi and J Jayalalithaa had wanted a new Secretariat but could not complete the plan because of political circumstances. “We have had the same building for over 100 years. The office hasn’t changed in consonance with the change in administration. Hence, we need to update it,” he said.

He further assured that the tender process would remain transparent. “No benami companies will be used. We will ensure no leakage to the government’s treasury,” Arjuna said.

Row reaches Tamil Nadu Assembly

The controversy also reached the Tamil Nadu Assembly, where DMK MLA EV Velu questioned the need for Vijay to shift from the existing office.

Velu pointed out that several former Chief Ministers, including Karunanidhi, MG Ramachandran and Jayalalithaa, had functioned from Fort St George. “If Tamil Nadu is regarded as the No.1 state in India, it is because all these chief ministers functioned from that very room,” he said.

Velu also claimed that the relocation was creating difficulties for Secretariat employees, with some reportedly lacking proper space to eat or rest.

Arjuna, meanwhile, defended the government’s position and said the tender process was not yet complete. He also explained that the government had continued using the previous Schedule of Rates to avoid contractors unnecessarily increasing their bids.

The tender has not yet been awarded. For now, the TVK government insists that there is no scam, while the BJP and DMK are demanding answers over the procedural lapses. 

Linking India’s rivers Part III: Ambitions Vs challenges, and how similar plans have been carried out in other nations

श्रवण शुक्ल
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Linking India’s rivers Part III: Ambitions Vs challenges, and how similar plans have been carried out in other nations

The third and concluding part of the river linking series examines the delicate balance between vision and execution in India’s Interlinking of Rivers (ILR) project. While creating a unified national water grid offers a definitive solution to India’s recurring flood-drought cycles, transforming this ambitious blueprint into ground reality requires navigating complex ecological, financial, and inter-state political challenges.

Part 3 delves deep into the primary hurdles facing the mega-project. Constructing massive canal networks and reservoirs inevitably involves significant environmental concerns, including the submergence of forest land, wildlife habitat fragmentation, and the displacement of local communities requiring fair rehabilitation. Furthermore, the report analyzes the delicate hydro-politics between states, where sharing river waters frequently leads to prolonged legal battles and political friction, testing the spirit of cooperative federalism.

To evaluate whether such large-scale engineering feats can succeed, the report draws critical comparisons with major global water transfer initiatives. It analyzes China’s monumental South-North Water Transfer Project, the largest water diversion project in human history, and the California State Water Project in the United States. These international benchmarks demonstrate that moving surplus water across vast geographical basins is not only technologically feasible but can fundamentally secure a nation’s agricultural, energy, and industrial future when backed by strong national willpower.

However, the analysis emphasizes that India cannot blindly copy foreign models without tailoring them to its unique socio-ecological reality. Overcoming these hurdles demands adopting advanced engineering technologies, satellite-based water monitoring, transparent environmental impact assessments, and building lasting consensus among states.

Ultimately, Part 3 concludes that while the challenges of river interlinking are immense, the cost of doing nothing, reflected in annual flood devastation and looming water scarcity for over a billion people, is far higher. With strategic execution, rigorous environmental safeguards, and political determination, India’s river-linking ambition can be turned into its greatest ecological and economic triumph.

The full article is available on Chapter One Mag.

Suvendu Adhikari’s first 100 days: How Bengal’s new BJP government is undoing years of TMC misgovernance

Rukma Rathore
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Suvendu Adhikari’s first 100 days: How Bengal’s new BJP government is undoing years of TMC misgovernance

4th May marked a turning point in West Bengal’s political history. The lotus finally bloomed in the land of Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, ending the 15-year rule of the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) and pushing it out of the corridors of power. The Bharatiya Janata Party had promised the people a brighter tomorrow, who had endured the reign of terror and misgovernance under Mamata Banerjee and her party.

This struck a chord with the voters, earning the saffron party their trust and paving the way for its stunning victory, with Suvendu Adhikari taking charge as chief minister of the state. The weight of responsibilities on his shoulders has been as substantial as the mandate his party had received in the assembly elections.

Adhikari has vowed to honour every commitment and usher in a better, more secure life for citizens who had been deprived of the same under previous governments. Hence, it is time to assess how far he has moved in that direction in the first 100 days of his government. Of course, it is too short a period for a definitive evaluation, and his government needs more time to undo decades of blunders.

However, this initial performance can offer a glimpse of where it is headed in terms of development and fulfilling the assurances made to the people.

Judge my performance after a year: Adhikari

“On 9th May 2027, I will complete one year in power. I will sit with you in an exam where you will give me marks. If I don’t get 9 on 10, then I will accept my shortcoming. But you will say that we took the right person and the right party,” Adhikari stated on 17th August (Monday).

He inaugurated a Rs 1,296.25 crore drinking water project in Purulia district’s Manbazar region, which is going to take the supply to more than 8.13 lakh residents across five blocks and the local municipality. It was completed with financial help from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).

“This project did not materialise despite repeated promises made to the people,” he charged, adding that they lacked this basic amenity “even when the country is celebrating its 80th Independence Day.” However, he declared that “things will rapidly change” and also pledged a slew of other initiatives.

Adhikari conveyed that 1 lakh job opportunities will be made available for schoolteachers, police, and other departments and asserted that transparency would be followed for each appointment in the Police Recruitment Board, Public Service Commission (PSC) and School Service Commission (SSC).

He shed light on how his government commenced swift industrialisation by inaugurating the Amul milk production project in Howrah and a steel plant in Mejia in Bankura district. He ensured that extensive industry in Purulia and Bankura would provide at least 20,000 jobs as he invited young people who had left Jungle Mahal and moved to neighbouring states in search of work to return home.

According to Adhikari, official project evaluation will no longer depend strictly on investment volumes and the ability to generate employment opportunities locally would be prioritised. He announced specific regional welfare measures to support the industrial push.

He even went over North Bengal’s development projects, including plans to create jobs. For this reason, he has set aside Rs 50 crore for the Kurmi Development Board and retained the Home and Hill Affairs ministry. He also committed to offer private industry opportunities along with government jobs for the tribal people.

Rolling out of several flagship central welfare schemes

Adhikari pointed out that his government also began the Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana in the state for the first time. On 16th August, 1.23 crore people received their cards under the program, which involves 600 state government institutions and 1,240 private hospitals. It also covers Asha (Accredited Social Health Activist) and anganwadi personnel.

He also mentioned that the 125-day program (Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission, Gramin) was in the process of implementation. “The youth would get work as Rs 3,45,500 crore would be spent in 12 months” under various rural projects. Rs 12,000 crore is set to be invested in the next six months, and each panchayat would receive Rs 50 lakh worth of developmental schemes.

Similarly, 30 lakh residences will be provided to the underprivileged under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Notably, former chief minister Mamata Banerjee had refused to introduce these significant schemes and opted to impose her own state alternatives due to her consistent stand-off with the centre. The people were left to suffer as she placed her political ambitions above their interests.

Adhikari disclosed that unlawful recipients of these programs during the TMC government’s period have returned the funds. He also cited the Annapurna Bhandar program, which provides a monthly payment of Rs 3000 to rural women living below the poverty level. He informed that 28 lakh women collected their money in June and that figure is expected to rise to 1.29 crore by September.

Revamping the state’s schools

“The government is giving extra stress on infrastructure building in schools. New schools will come up. They will be provided with Aqua Guard drinking filtered water facilities, clean lavatories and sanitary enclosures,” Adhikari further outlined. Ceiling fans will be present in all Jungle Mahal schools to combat excessive heat.

The BJP government was attacked by the opposition for not including eggs in ISCKON’s (International Society for Krishna Consciousness) midday meals. However, Adhikari used the podium to counter that the funding was increased to Rs 10 per pupil in government-run primary schools and eggs are distributed twice a week. He also mentioned improving the cost of three daily meals in government hospitals to Rs 110 per patient.

From land grabbing to land purchasing, pooling

Adhikari also participated in the groundbreaking ceremony of the 148-acre Amit Metaliks plant as its foundation stone was laid. The 1.2 million tonnes and Rs 4000-crore venture will create employment for 10,000 workers. Purulia has also been given a civil airport under the regional UDAN (Ude Desh ka Aam Naagrik) scheme. He spoke at the occasion and clarified that his government would buy land and then give it to businesses instead of pressurising farmers.

“Land was acquired forcefully at gunpoint during the Left Front’s term in office. This was a bad practice for any democracy. The Trinamool regime of the last 15 years followed a completely hands-off policy, and industrialists were asked to purchase land on their own. You cannot expect industry to come,” he accused.

The state will have both a land-pooling policy and a land-purchasing strategy. Adhikari explained that the government would purchase land from farmers and develop it for industry, remarking, “This approach is successful in many states and will be successful in Bengal as well.” According to him, the new strategy will ensure that investments above Rs 100 crore won’t need “local permissions.”

He stressed that West Bengal must abandon the “negativity” of the Left Front government, including “militant trade union politics and the culture of industrial lockouts”, and also needed to break away from TMC’s “politics of doles and syndicate.”

Regulation of sand mining ghats

Adhikari declared that his government would not permit extortion or syndicate activities as all sand ghats in the state would be incorporated under a legal framework. The action would lower sand prices for consumers, boost government revenue and assist in overseeing the sector. “We will legalise all sand ghats. There will be no extortion, no syndicate and no cut money,” he vowed.

Adhikari acknowledged that growing sand prices were a worry and confirmed that people building homes under government programs would receive Rs 1,200 to assist with sand costs. He stated, “I know the price of sand has gone up a little. There is a problem. You will get Rs 1,200 for sand when you build a house under the PM Awas Yojana or West Bengal Awas Yojana.”

He requested people to allow some time to the government to regulate the sector, urging, “Let us regularise it. If you want money to come into the government coffers, then we will be able to give it back to you.” He issued a strong warning against corruption in relation to the housing programs and instructed, “If anyone asks you for even one rupee, inform me.”

Crackdown on the cut-money, extortions and syndicates to invite industries

The BJP government enacted the Public Safety and Control of Anti-Social Activities Act, popularly known as the Goonda Act, in June, and Adhikari expressed that it will be utilised to address attempts at hooliganism and destruction in industrial zones. He underscored that the act will also aid in eradicating the culture of syndicates, cut money and extortion to revitalise the state’s deteriorating industrial sector.

“The first thing we did was restore law and order. We brought in the law against goondas (goons). If anyone locks the gates of a factory, they will be in jail. If anyone enters a factory and vandalises it, we will recover three times the cost of the damage. There will be no hooliganism. No syndicates, no cut money, no extortion. The moment we get information, we’ll blow them up. We will crush them completely,” he warned.

The statement was made during the laying of the Rs 15,000-crore Shyam Steel plant’s foundation stone in Bankura. This is the largest investment in the heavy industry field since Adhikari’s selection to the office. He also hit out at the Left and Trinamool governments for seriously damaging the once-expanding industrial sector in the state.

“Dr Bidhan Chandra Roy laid the foundation for industrial development. Then came 34 years of Left rule, strike after strike and 24-hour shutdowns. Through endless strikes and hartals, industries were closed. While chanting the slogan ‘Duniyar majdoor ek hao’ (Workers of the world, unite), they destroyed the jute mills on both banks of the Ganga, the ancillary industries, Chittaranjan, Durgapur and everything,” he charged.

Adhikari emphasised the TMC’s absurd appeasement tactics, adding, “After that, those who came to power had an agenda of creating a Greater Bangladesh. Thanks to the people, you have saved West Bengal.” BJP officials continually highlight that over 6,668 firms moved their operations from West Bengal to other states due to rising nepotism, syndicate raj and unrestrained extortion during the TMC government.

“If law and order is not maintained and there is no business-friendly environment, no one will come to invest. Hold your head high, work confidently, and invest,” Adhikari argued, reiterating the importance of having a business-friendly environment in the state.

He also talked about the Urban Land Ceiling Act and recounted that land was “acquired by force, even via police firing” during the 34 years of Left rule, which was succeeded by the Trinamool government,t which told investors, “You go and buy the land yourself. We have nothing to do with it.”

However, he assured, “Under the 2013 land purchase policy, you only need to tell us how much land you require, and we will acquire it and hand it over to you.”

BNS replaces IPC, green signal for census

Adhikari called for prompt execution of the long-awaited census exercise in the state and the formal launch of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), shortly after the fresh government entered office. “On 16th June 2025, the home ministry sent the necessary communication regarding the census. For nearly a year, the file remained untouched, ed and instructions were pending. This was not just a betrayal of Bengal, but of the entire country,” he charged.

The chief minister stated that the census would begin right away and the procedure for data compilation would be essential to future planning for governance and delimitation. The state cabinet also accepted the execution framework for BNS and BNSS to overthrow the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) system that was in place since colonial times.

Adhikari exclaimed that he was “surprised” to discover that no official regulations had been created in the state even over two years after the new criminal laws went into effect nationwide.

65 Muslim sub-groups removed from OBC list

The OBC list, which exemplified Mamata Banerjee’s blatant catering to the Muslim electorate, was trimmed by the BJP government in June. The state assembly passed two bills that changed the reservation norms for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). 77 Muslim communities were removed from the list in accordance with a judgement by the Calcutta High Court.

The OBC list was initially revised by the TMC government to include 113 subgroups with 77 Muslim subgroups, but the decision was overturned by the high court. Mamata Banerjee consistently sought to circumvent the order but was obstructed by the court. Her government had approached the Supreme Court over the matter, but the appeal was withdrawn by the incoming BJP government.

The OBC classification was also modified by the BJP government, and the reservation quota was lowered from 10% to 7%. Amendments were also made to the West Bengal Backwards Classes Commission Act, 1993. The state’sBackwardsd Classes Welfare Minister Gourishankar Ghosh said that the Trinamool government’s action “to grant special benefits to Muslims without conducting any survey” has been revoked on the grounds of the high court’s verdict.

He expressed, “The 66 communities included based on surveys have been retained. The West Bengal Backwards Classes Commission will now assess the actual socio-economic status of the OBC communities. The previous government had acted by completely bypassing the commission. The new legislation will also help curb the issuance of fake OBC certificates.”

“We had pledged in our manifesto that if we formed government, we would reinstate the original OBC list from 1993, a list that the Trinamool government had scrapped without any proper inquiry,” Ghosh added.

Strengthening India’s long-stalled border security

The West Bengal cabinet approved the swift handover of 600 acres of land along the India-Bangladesh border to the Border Security Force (BSF) in order to deal with long-standing border security issues. A strict deadline was imposed to expedite the construction of pending border walls across sensitive areas.

“In our very first cabinet meeting today, we have decided to transfer the land to the BSF. The process of transferring this land commences today. It will be transferred to the MHA (Ministry of Home Affairs) within the next 45 days. Once this is accomplished, the BSF will complete the border fencing, and the ongoing issue of illegal infiltration will be resolved within a short period,” Adhikari informed.

The Modi government advocated for blanket barbed-wire fencing, floodlights and BSF Border Outposts (BOPs) to fight illegal infiltration, cattle smuggling, narcotics trafficking, counterfeit currency and other criminal activity. State governments must allot the appropriate land area for these efforts, and the centre is responsible for bearing the expenses.

The central government gave compensation or purchased sizable portions of land in about nine border districts in West Bengal. However, the border wall project was chronically slowed down over the years by the delays triggered by the Mamata Banerjee government’s unwillingness to give the BSF physical control of the purchased territory.

In fact, the MHA even presented an affidavit in the Supreme Court outlining these challenges in 2023. It read, “The West Bengal government follows a far slower, more complex Direct Land Purchase Policy even for national security projects such as border fencing.”

The submission pointed out, “Due to the non-cooperation from the state government regarding resolving various issues of land acquisition, considerable delays have occurred in acquiring the necessary land, thereby impeding the timely completion of fencing in West Bengal along the Indo-Bangladesh border, which is a vital national security project.”

The Calcutta High Court also castigated the Trinamool government for the perpetual postponement, which amounted to a refusal to surrender the obtained land, even though the centre already paid for it.

Fresh momentum to connectivity

Predictably, connectivity across the state too suffered badly under the Mamata Banerjee government, weighed down by needless interruptions, continuous holdups and her infamous political tussle with the centre. However, the picture started to change once the BJP government came to power, putting many long-pending projects back on track.

On 15th May, Ashwini Vaishnaw, the Union Minister of Railways, declared that the stalled construction of the Kolkata Metro Orange Line’s Chingri Ghat segment would be resumed. A 366-metre portion of the route was halted for years under the TMC regime. “The government in West Bengal has changed. A double-engine government has come to power. The problem of Chingri Ghat, stuck for three years, has been resolved. Permission has also been obtained from the Kolkata Police. Now the work is starting,” he stated.

The BJP government also aims to transform the state into a maritime hotspot with a Rs 19,209 crore investment pipeline by 2031. In June, Adhikari and Sarbananda Sonowal, Union Minister for Ports, Shipping and Waterways, met to discuss the potential for West Bengal to become the maritime centre of eastern India.

Afterwards, Adhikari highlighted a number of projects and development endeavours that will be carried out under the Maritime Amrit Kaal Vision 2047. He stated that the state will be incorporated into the Sagarmala 2.0 venture of the Union government. This will provide more than 62,500 direct and indirect job opportunities in the course of enhancing the state’s infrastructure.

“The previous government did not join the Sagarmala 1 project. A committee was supposed to be formed under the chairmanship of the chief minister, but Sagarmala 2 is starting again. We will join it. A proposal worth Rs 22,700 crore will be prepared for five years. It will plan development for port connectivity, coastal fishing infrastructure and easing the hardships of fishermen in areas such as Sagar, Kakdwip, Namkhana, Nayachar and Khejuri right up to the Odisha border,” Adhikari conveyed.

Kolkata would also be the 18th city to participate in the centre’s water metro project.

The BJP government even shared intentions to resuscitate Kolkata’s historic tram network by deploying modern, advanced tram cars, around two years after the Trinamool government opted to phase out the service. The move intends to restore and enhance Asia’s oldest operational tram system, transitioning it from a fading heritage relic to an effective, long-term component of the city’s public transport infrastructure.

The decision is set against a backdrop of years of steady reduction in tram operations under the leadership of Mamata Banerjee. By the early 2020s, the once-extensive tram network had been reduced to only a few active lines due to route closures, the conversion of many tram depots into bus facilities and restrictions on bridge access.

It is noteworthy that the TMC government has consistently encountered allegations from the centre due to its refusal to collaborate, especially concerning development initiatives. Vaishnaw in June asserted that a “lack of cooperation” from the TMC government led to several railway and metro projects in West Bengal remaining on hold for years. However, he added that work will move forward faster as a result of a shift in the state’s strategy owing to the BJP’s rise to power in the state.

Last year, he told Parliament that the state’s persistent absence of collaboration brought major corridors throughout the city to a halt as the centre accused the Trinamool government of dragging its feet on Kolkata Metro extension projects for more than 20 years.

Vaishnaw charged that numerous important clearances and land-related licenses had been languishing with the state for years, impeding the development of various metro routes meant to link Kolkata with its rapidly expanding suburbs, in a written response to TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee.

Conclusion

As aforementioned, 100 days is a very limited timeframe to judge the performance of any government, let alone a newly elected one in a state like Bengal, which has been stifled by pressure and poor governance for decades. Yet, Suvendu Adhikari has managed to take several steps to set things back on track, offering at least a peek of where he intends to take the state during its five-year term.

However, this is only the tip of the iceberg. Much more remains to be done to restore people’s trust in the government and live up to the expectations they showcased with their overwhelming support for the party in the elections. After all, with greater power does come greater responsibility.

Zaira Wasim questions girls dancing at Kashmir Independence Day event: How Talibanesque orthodoxy disguised as ‘Islamic values’ become a gateway to radicalism

Jinit Jain
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Zaira Wasim questions girls dancing at Kashmir Independence Day event: How Talibanesque orthodoxy disguised as ‘Islamic values’ become a gateway to radicalism

There is nothing wrong with Zaira Wasim choosing Islam over Bollywood. There is nothing wrong with her deciding that the film industry was incompatible with the manner in which she wanted to practise her faith. If she gave in to fundamentalism and altered the career choice she had initially made in her life, it was her personal decision, and she was entitled to make it.

The problem begins when a personal religious choice is transformed into a prescription for how other Muslims, particularly Muslim girls, ought to live.

That is precisely what makes Zaira Wasim’s latest intervention on Kashmir disturbing.

On August 16, the former actor took to X to question the Jammu and Kashmir Waqf Board over an Independence Day celebration at a school in Kashmir. Wasim questioned whether a religious institution should associate itself with an event where children, particularly girls, performed on stage. She asked why children were being made to “dance to irrelevant songs” instead of being given something to “think about, create, learn, discuss, build or contribute”.

At first glance, this may sound like a criticism of the manner in which an educational institution conducts an event.

It is not.

The larger implication of Wasim’s argument is that there is something inherently problematic about Kashmiri children (read Muslim children), and especially Muslim girls, participating in ordinary public cultural activities in an Indian school environment.

And that is where her argument crosses the line from personal religious conviction into the normalisation of orthodox restrictions.

Wasim became a household name because of the opportunities offered by India’s enormously diverse entertainment industry. Her breakthrough came with Aamir Khan-starrer Dangal, followed by Secret Superstar, another Aamir Khan production. She subsequently announced in 2019 that she was leaving acting because the profession had “interfered” with her faith and had, in her words, affected her relationship with her religion.

Again, she was free to walk away.

But there is an obvious irony when someone who benefited enormously from India’s plural public sphere now uses the reach acquired through that very public sphere to question whether Muslim girls should participate in a school performance celebrating India’s Independence.

What exactly is wrong with children dancing at an Independence Day function?

Children across India sing patriotic songs, perform skits, participate in cultural programmes, play musical instruments and dance during national celebrations. This is not some peculiar practice invented for Kashmir. It is part of the ordinary socialisation of children in a country where cultural expression is woven into national celebrations.

The Republic Day celebrations themselves provide an obvious example. The Government of India has repeatedly included schoolchildren, both boys and girls, in cultural performances. In 2021, 321 schoolchildren and 80 folk artists participated in the Republic Day cultural programme, with 271 girls among the student participants.

In 2016, around 600 boys and girls participated in cultural performances, including folk dances. In 2025, schoolgirls from Jharkhand were selected to perform at the Republic Day parade, while school bands from different states participated in national celebrations.

So what is Wasim actually objecting to?

Is it dancing itself?

Is it girls dancing?

Is it girls appearing on a public stage?

Or is it the fact that the institution in question is associated with Muslims?

Because if the argument is that children should be encouraged to learn, think and create rather than merely perform, that is a perfectly legitimate discussion about education. But then why single out girls? Why invoke Islamic values? Why question the very presence of a religious institution at an Indian national celebration?

There is a deeper problem here. It is the Islamism that Zaira has perhaps internalized since 2019 or even before that, which has caused her to raise her voice against Kashmiri girls happily performing on stage for Independence Day celebrations.

It is therefore profoundly ironic when Wasim invokes Kashmir’s “remarkable legacy” of people who understood education as a means to enlighten minds, cultivate character and impart knowledge and spirituality. If that legacy is truly the standard she wants Kashmir to uphold, then using an Independence Day celebration where Kashmiri girls were happily participating as an occasion to deliver sermons steeped in religious orthodoxy hardly advances it.

More importantly, the fact that Kashmiri Pandits and other Hindus still harbour apprehensions about returning to and resettling in the Valley is a far more tangible indicator of Kashmir’s troubled legacy than the idealised historical figures selectively invoked to lend respectability to such puritanical arguments.

Kashmir has spent decades suffering from separatist and Islamist forces that sought to impose a particular conception of Muslim identity on society. The consequences were devastating. The Valley’s social fabric was torn apart, minorities were driven out, and an entire generation grew up amid violence, fear and ideological isolation. Even today, the Kashmiri Pandits and Hindus in general are routinely targeted by terrorists brainwashed with Islamic fundamentalism.

The answer to that history cannot be to tell Kashmiri children that participation in India’s public cultural life is somehow spiritually suspect and against Islam.

Quite the opposite.

A Kashmiri Muslim girl singing a patriotic song, dancing with her classmates, participating in a school parade or performing a skit on Independence Day is not being “taken away” from Islam. She is participating in the civic and cultural life of the country she belongs to.

And there is nothing inherently un-Islamic about acquiring confidence, teamwork, communication skills or the ability to stand before an audience.

In fact, these are precisely the skills an educational system should cultivate.

A child who performs on stage learns to overcome stage fright. A child who participates in a group performance learns coordination. A child who rehearses with classmates develops discipline and camaraderie. A child who stands before an audience learns confidence.

Why should Muslim girls be denied these experiences?

The answer becomes even more uncomfortable when Wasim’s own history is considered.

She has explicitly explained her decision to leave Bollywood through the prism of her faith. Her 2019 statement said that her work had taken her towards what she described as a “path of ignorance” and that her relationship with religion had been threatened.

That was her choice.

But when the same worldview is applied to other girls, particularly impressionable children, it acquires a different character.

Today it is dancing on a school stage.

Tomorrow, the same logic can be used to question girls participating in sports. Then their presence at public functions. Then mixed educational environments. Then higher education. Then employment. Then their right to move freely without a male guardian.

This is not a theoretical concern. Afghanistan under the Taliban demonstrates what happens when an extremist interpretation of religion is allowed to dictate every aspect of women’s public existence.

Five years after the Taliban returned to power, Afghanistan remains the only country in the world where girls are formally barred from secondary and higher education. The United Nations has documented the systematic erosion of women’s participation in public life, while UN officials have also raised concerns over women being detained for allegedly violating Taliban-imposed dress requirements.

UN bodies have further documented public flogging and other punishments under the Taliban’s system of religiously enforced restrictions, including cases involving alleged dress-code violations.

That does not mean Wasim is literally demanding the Taliban’s system.

But the ideological direction of restricting women’s participation in public life because of supposedly religious requirements deserves to be challenged before it becomes normalised.

The progression from “girls should not dance” to “girls should not participate” to “girls should not appear” to “girls should not study” is precisely the kind of incremental restriction societies must guard against.

And Kashmir, of all places, should be the last place where such thinking receives encouragement.

Wasim may personally choose a life away from the public eye. She may choose to dress conservatively. She may choose to avoid films, music, dancing or any other activity she believes conflicts with her understanding of Islam.

Nobody has the right to take that choice away from her.

But she has no special mandate to become the custodian of Islam for every Muslim girl in Kashmir.

Nor does a former actor, however famous, acquire theological authority merely because millions once watched her on screen.

There is an important distinction between saying, “This is how I choose to practise my faith,” and saying, “This is what a religious institution should permit Muslim children to do.”

The first is personal liberty.

The second is an attempt to regulate somebody else’s liberty.

India’s constitutional and cultural framework allows the former precisely because it rejects the latter.

The irony is impossible to miss. Wasim’s own fame came from a society that allowed a young Kashmiri Muslim girl to enter Bollywood, act alongside some of India’s biggest stars, become a national celebrity and eventually walk away from it all because she wanted to follow her faith.

That is freedom.

But freedom also means that another Kashmiri Muslim girl can choose differently.

She can study.

She can play cricket.

She can sing.

She can dance.

She can perform on stage.

She can participate in Independence Day celebrations.

She can wear what she chooses within the law.

She can pursue a career.

She can embrace her faith without being told that participation in the wider world threatens it.

Islam does not need to be protected from a school dance by removing Muslim girls from public life.

And India’s Muslims certainly do not need celebrity-appointed guardians deciding how much of India’s modern, plural and democratic culture they are permitted to experience.

The 21st century is not asking anyone to abandon their religion. It is asking societies to abandon the idea that religion gives anyone the right to curtail another person’s freedom.

Zaira Wasim was free to leave Bollywood for Islam.

The Muslim girls of Kashmir must remain equally free to choose education, public life, confidence, friendship, art and everything else that a free India offers them, and to remain Muslim while doing so.

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