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Congress claims Himanta Biswa Sarma’s wife has 3 passports: Read how the documents presented by Pawan Khera are forged with mismatched details

OpIndia Staff
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Congress claims Himanta Biswa Sarma’s wife has 3 passports: Read how the documents presented by Pawan Khera are forged with mismatched details

Just 4 days before the assembly elections in Assam, Congress leader Pawan Khera tried to create a controversy around CM Himanta Biswa Sarma’s family by claiming that Riniki Bhuyan Sharma, wife of the Chief Minister, holds three foreign passports. In a press conference held in Delhi, Khera claimed that she has passports from the UAE, Egypt and Antigua and Barbuda. However, both the CM and his wife have denied the claims, saying that they will file criminal and civil defamation cases against Khera for ‘malicious, fabricated, and politically motivated lies’.

The documents in question, one UAE identity card misrepresented as a passport and two supposed passports from Antigua & Barbuda and Egypt, were presented by Congress spokesperson Pawan Khera during the press conference as evidence of dual or multiple citizenship.

CM Himanta Biswa Sarma and Assam BJP have said that the ‘passports’ shown by Congress in the press conference are fake, and have pointed out several specifications that show that these are not genuine documents. In a series of posts on X, Himanta Biswa Sarma described the materials as “poorly executed” fakes riddled with inconsistencies that no genuine official document would contain.

Here is a point-by-point breakdown of the discrepancies, as highlighted by CM Himanta Biswa Sarma:

Surname Mismatch

Every single “passport/ID” uses the spelling Riniki Bhuyan Sarma. However, the official and correct spelling of her surname is Sharma. It can be assumed because the spelling of CM’s surname is Sarma, Congress also assumed that his wife’s surname is also written as Sarma. But actually, she uses the spelling Sharma.

In Assam, various spellings of this surname are used, including Sarma, Sharma, Sharmah, Sarmah, etc. While the CM’s wife’s maiden name was Riniki Bhuyan, she chose to use the more common spelling Sharma after her marriage to Himanta Biswa Sarma.

This fundamental error appears in the name fields of all three documents from the UAE, Antigua & Barbuda, and Egypt. No authentic government-issued travel document would contain such a basic misspelling of the holder’s legal name.

Here is the copy of the affidavit submitted by CM Sarma for the ongoing elections, it clearly mentions his wife’s name as Riniki Bhuyan Sharna.

Photograph Appears to Be a Publicly Available Image

CM Himanta Biswa Sarma noted that the photographs seen in the documents presented by the Congress party appears to be publicly available photos, not standard biomatrix capture. His claim appears to be correct, as the photographs do not match standard passport photos.

UAE Document not Passport, DoB and country mismatch

The document presented as the UAE passport is actually not even a passport, it is a Golden Visa card, a long-term residence visa. It can be easily seen that it is a card with a chip, and not a passport.

Notably, the printed Date of Birth on the card is 31/07/1973. However, as per the ID Number, the year of birth should be 1996. As per the format of the UAE ID number, this ID belongs to someone born in 1996. Because, in the 15-digit ID number, the first three digits 784 represent the country code of the UAE. The 4 digits after that show the year of birth of the cardholder, followed by a seven-digit unique identifier, and a final check digit.

As the ID number is 784-1996-5557498-8, the birth year should be 1996.

The card says “Nationality: Egypt” in English and Arabic, yet the MRZ code on the back of the card reflects a different country code structure. The MRZ code is ILARE1326077316784199655574988 7307317F1710272ATG<<<<<<<<<<03 BHUYANSARMA<<RINIKI<<<<<<<<<<<, where ATG is the nationality code. ATG refers to Antigua and Barbuda, but the card mentions nationality as Egypt.

Moreover, the check digit for this data should be 5, but the mentioned check digit is 3, which means the numbers in the MRZ code were manually changed, and it does not pass the algorithm check.

The MRZ code for passports and country ID cards are system generated, genuine codes can’t contain such grave errors.

Egyptian Passport

The Egyptian passport also contains a big error. In the main part, the document shows nationality as Egyptian, but it does not match the nationality encoded in the MRZ code. The code on the passport is PPEGYBHUYAN<SARMA<<RINIKI<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< A207998834IND7307317F2902120<<<<<<<<<<<<<<08, and here the letters IND after the passport number indicate that nationality is Indian. The same passport can’t mention two different nationalities, because the MRZ code is system-generated from available information.

However, contrary to claims, there is no mismatch in the passport number, the digit 4 after the number in MRZ is a check digit.

Invalid QR

The Congress party also claimed that Riniki Bhuyan Sharma has massive investments in foreign countries, and presented a document as evidence. The document contains a QR code. But, the QR resolves to no URL to verify the document, it just shows some random letter that does not mean anything. This indicates that the document is also forged.

CM Sarma has already said that he and his wife will file both criminal and civil defamation cases within the next 48 hours against Pawan Khera. He said, “I categorically reject every allegation made by him. These are malicious, fabricated, and politically motivated lies aimed at misleading the people of Assam.”

The CM said that once the truth is established in a court of law, Pawan Khera will face the consequences of his actions, and the law will take its due course.

Riniki Bhuyan responded to the allegations, saying that she “expected a spokesperson of a national party to exercise basic due diligence, rather than circulate poorly fabricated images of imaginary passports and documents.” She added, “I will now be letting the law take over. Criminal charges are being initiated. We can continue this in court,” implying that she and her husband are moving ahead with filing the defamation case.

However, the assembly election in Assam will take place on 9th April, and the case may not be even listed in court if it is filed within next two days. Therefore, the purpose of Congress party appears to be to create doubts among voters, even if they are using forged documents. They know that it will take years to prove them wrong, and their purpose will be served by that time.

From sacred relic to subject of controversy: Why the Shroud of Turin fuels debates over authenticity, narrative building, and attempts to link it to India

Shriti Sagar
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From sacred relic to subject of controversy: Why the Shroud of Turin fuels debates over authenticity, narrative building, and attempts to link it to India

The Shroud of Turin has once again become the centre of global attention after a fresh scientific claim triggered widespread discussion online. It all really kicked off following a viral discussion sparked by an NDTV tweet and subsequent reports highlighting a major scientific development. 

Researchers have discovered DNA traces from India on the famous linen cloth, which many believe to be the burial shroud of Jesus Christ. Using advanced genetic testing, scientists found both human and plant DNA linked to India embedded deep within the cloth’s fibres. 

The study, published as a pre‑peer‑review paper on bioRxiv on 31st March, suggests that the shroud may have been woven in India or spent a considerable amount of time there centuries before it surfaced in medieval Europe. This has effectively reopened one of history’s most debated mysteries, blending faith, genetics, and global trade history into one viral moment.

What is the Shroud of Turin?

The Shroud of Turin is a long piece of ancient linen cloth that bears a faint, almost ghost-like image of a man who appears to have been crucified. For centuries, many Christians have believed this cloth to be the burial shroud of Jesus Christ.

The cloth first appeared in Europe in the 14th century and has since been preserved at the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist in Turin, Italy. Over time, it has become one of the most studied and controversial religious artefacts in the world.  It was first located in France in 1354, and for nearly half a millennium, it has remained at the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist in Turin, Italy, since the 16th century.

What makes the Shroud unique is the image it carries. It shows the front and back of a man’s body, with visible marks that resemble injuries described in Biblical accounts of crucifixion. These include wounds on the hands, feet, and side, along with marks that look like scourging.

The science behind the stains: What the latest study tells us

The current wave of interest is driven by a study where scientists used Next Generation Sequencing (NGS) technology to examine tiny dust particles and fibres recovered from the Shroud. 

By extracting mitochondrial DNA from both human and plant remains, the team, led by Gianni Barcaccia at the University of Padova, found some startling things. The results showed clear genetic links to the Indian subcontinent. Specifically, they found human DNA lineages that are commonly found in South Asia and plant DNA from species like cowpea, which is native to India.

According to the study, researchers analysed minute biological material originally collected during a 1978 scientific examination. By using modern genomic sequencing, they identified DNA fragments from a massive variety of sources, including humans, plants, animals, and even insects. This indicates that the cloth has been handled by many people and exposed to incredibly diverse environments over the centuries. 

Most notably, the researchers found that around 38% to 40% of the human mitochondrial DNA recovered could be traced back to lineages associated with India. The rest largely corresponded to populations from the Near East (like modern-day Israel and Syria), with a much smaller portion linked to Western Europe. These findings suggest two main possibilities: either the cloth was handled extensively by people of South Asian origin, or the linen yarn itself was manufactured in India, a region historically famous for high-quality textile production.

Why is this cloth linked to Jesus?

The narrative goes that after the crucifixion, Joseph of Arimathea wrapped Jesus’s body in a clean linen cloth before placing him in a tomb. The Shroud of Turin matches the Gospel descriptions of a “fine linen” cloth. It depicts the entire body of a middle-aged man with a moustache, beard, and long hair. One half shows the front of the body, and the other shows the back, as if a single long strip of cloth had been folded over the head and under the feet.

The Shroud became a global sensation in 1898 when an Italian lawyer and photographer named Secondo Pia took the first official photographs of it. When he developed the negatives, he was shocked to find that the image on the cloth was actually a “positive” image, meaning the cloth itself acted like a photographic negative. 

In these photos, the man’s features, the wounds, the swelling, and the bloodstains appeared much more clearly than they did to the naked eye. Worshippers and researchers point to the reddish stains that look like blood and wounds on the wrists, feet, and side. There are also markings consistent with a crown of thorns and bruises on the shoulders, which many believe were caused by carrying a heavy cross. 

Religious importance for many Christians 

For many Christians, the Shroud is more than just an artefact; it’s a “silent witness” to the central event of their faith. The Gospels of Mark, Matthew, and Luke all mention that Jesus was wrapped in “clean linen.” This specific piece of fabric, measuring roughly 4.36 meters long and 1.1 meters wide, is seen by some as that very wrap. 

Its survival through fires, including a mid-16th-century fire in France that left dark streaks and diamond-shaped singe marks on the cloth, is viewed by some as miraculous.

Interestingly, the India connection isn’t entirely new to those who look at the Shroud through a historical or “alternative history” lens. Holger Kersten, in his controversial book Jesus Lived in India, argued that the cloth’s weave suggests an Eastern origin. The fibre is “twilled together in a ratio of 3:1, creating a fishbone weave.” 

This kind of complex loom work was rare in Judea but was common in the Roman province of Syria and, more importantly, linked to the high-end textile trade coming out of India. 

Even in the 1st century, India was the world’s hub for cotton and fine textiles. Roman historians like Pliny the Elder wrote about the massive amounts of gold leaving Rome to pay for Indian fabrics. So, the idea that a high-quality shroud used for a burial in Jerusalem could have originated in India is historically plausible, even if it remains scientifically unproven as the “actual” shroud of Jesus.

Scepticism and the “Medieval Fake” argument

Despite the deep reverence many hold for the Shroud, there is a massive mountain of scepticism. For many scientists and historians, the Shroud isn’t a 2,000-year-old miracle, but a very clever medieval fabrication. 

The biggest blow to its authenticity came in 1988, when carbon-14 dating was performed by three independent labs. They concluded that the flax used to make the linen was grown somewhere between 1260 and 1390 CE. This date range coincides perfectly with when the Shroud first appeared in the historical record in France in 1354.

Recent studies have added more weight to the “artist” theory. A 3D digital analysis of 2025 by Brazilian expert Cicero Moraes suggests the image wasn’t created by a human body at all. When Moraes virtually draped a cloth over a 3D human model, the resulting image was warped and distorted, a phenomenon called the “Agamemnon Mask effect.” 

However, when he draped the cloth over a low-relief sculpture (a shallow carving), the resulting imprint matched the Shroud’s image almost perfectly. This suggests the Shroud might have been created by an artist using a shallow wooden or stone mould, perhaps applying heat or pigment to create the faint image.

The early exposure a “Fraud”

The idea that the Shroud is a fake isn’t just a modern “atheist” take; it was a common belief even in the 14th century. Recent research into the writings of Nicole Oresme, a famous 14th-century scholar and bishop, shows that he denounced the Shroud as a “patent” example of clerical deception as early as the 1370s. 

Oresme warned that many clergymen deceived the public to elicit offerings for their churches. He explicitly cited the Shroud in Lirey, France, as an example of a forged miracle.

Even the Church at the time was cautious. In 1389, the Bishop of Troyes, Pierre d’Arcis, wrote to the Pope claiming that the Shroud was a painted fake and that the artist who made it had been discovered. The Pope eventually allowed it to be displayed, but only on the condition that it was called a “representation” or an “icon” of the Shroud, rather than the “true” relic. It is one of the great ironies of history that an object so clearly labelled as a forgery by medieval thinkers has become the most famous holy relic of the modern age.

An attempt to “localise” Jesus

Critics argue that these scientific findings are being repurposed into a specific narrative. By finding DNA traces from India, some see an attempt to “localise” Jesus, portraying him as a figure with deep roots in the Indian subcontinent. This isn’t just about history; critics see it as an evangelisation strategy. If Jesus can be projected as a “local” figure or someone who had a physical connection to India, it makes the religion feel less “foreign” and helps expand its reach in the region.

This is where the “warfare” of information comes in. In the age of social media, these narratives spread like wildfire. A scientific paper about mitochondrial DNA gets boiled down to a headline like “Jesus’s Shroud Was Made in India,” which then gets shared thousands of times. 

On social media platforms like X and WhatsApp, these claims take on a life of their own. Even supporters who mean well end up amplifying these narratives without fully understanding the scientific nuance.

The “India connection” is a powerful tool for those looking to bridge the gap between Western Christianity and Indian culture, but it is also a flashpoint for those who believe religious history is being subtly rewritten for modern gains.

Conclusion: The need for critical thinking  

Ultimately, the Shroud of Turin remains a “choose your own adventure” of history. It is important to remember that differing views exist among the world’s top scholars and researchers, and no single study has “settled” the debate once and for all.

The viral nature of the Shroud’s recent “India connection” serves as a reminder that we live in an era where science and faith are often used to bolster cultural and religious narratives. While the discovery of South Asian DNA on the cloth is a fascinating scientific fact, what that fact means is still up for debate. 

As these stories continue to pop up on our feeds, there is a growing need for scrutiny and critical thinking. We should enjoy the mystery, but we must be careful not to blindly share viral claims without looking at the full, complex picture of history, science, and the motivations behind the message.

Judiciary, chatbots and hallucinations: As Gujarat High Court draws a red line on AI, why human judgment is non-negotiable

Anurag
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Judiciary, chatbots and hallucinations: As Gujarat High Court draws a red line on AI, why human judgment is non-negotiable

In a notable move, the Gujarat High Court has effectively drawn a thick boundary around the use of artificial intelligence in judicial functioning. On 4th April, the court issued a policy that does not merely regulate AI but confines it with precision.

The main aspect of the policy is the restrictions that have been imposed by the court on the use of AI. According to the policy, AI shall never be used for judicial reasoning, order drafting, judgment preparation, bail or sentencing considerations, or any substantive judicial process. These restrictions are not limited to direct use. Even indirect influence of AI on findings of fact, findings of law, or operative orders has been barred by the court, even if it is later reviewed by a judge.

In a way, the court has clearly stated that adjudication cannot be assisted, influenced, or shaped by machines in any form. Furthermore, the policy also restricts the use of AI for sorting evidence, classifying documents, organising evidentiary material, assessing credibility, filtering relevance, or even summarising depositions and testimony.

Basically, any task that involves evaluation or categorisation of proof should remain exclusively within the human domain. This is significant because global trends are moving in the opposite direction, as AI is often used for such functions.

Furthermore, the policy has placed strict limits on the data that is shared with AI tools. According to the court, no confidential or sensitive information, including names of parties, witness details, case records, legal strategies, or personal data such as health, financial, biometric, or caste-related information, can be shared with public AI tools. Even if the High Court approves an enterprise AI tool, the use of such data is heavily restricted moving forward. The court has clearly shown concern about privacy protection and data leakage into external systems.

The court has also prohibited reliance on AI-generated citations or legal references without independent verification from authoritative sources. The court has clearly stated that judicial officers must go back to the source and verify all details before using the citations.

Courts have explicitly acknowledged that AI systems can generate plausible but non-existent judgments. In simple terms, no matter how developed or advanced an AI system is, it can always hallucinate and give details that do not exist in the real world. Therefore, no citations given by a chatbot can be trusted unless verified from a recognised legal database.

The policy has also established a strict accountability framework. Any output that is generated by AI, once signed or authenticated by a judge or court officer, becomes the sole responsibility of the signatory authority. The use of AI cannot be cited as a defence in cases of error, misconduct, or professional negligence. Furthermore, the court has given strict instructions to legal assistants and research staff to disclose any use of AI to the concerned judge so that there is transparency in the system.

Notably, the court has left a narrow path for the usage of AI tools. According to the policy document, AI may be used for legal research, including retrieval of judgments, identification of precedents, extraction of ratio decidendi, and preliminary analysis of statutory provisions. However, the policy restricts the usage to an assistive nature, and it must be verified against primary sources.

AI is also permitted for administrative and non-adjudicatory functions. These include automation of IT-related tasks, preparation of training materials, drafting of circulars and notices, and management of internal workflows. In addition, AI may be used to improve the language, structure, and clarity of draft documents, provided that the substantive legal reasoning remains entirely that of the judge.

Certain operational uses are also allowed, such as anonymised case allocation, scheduling, and statistical reporting, where decisions are based purely on objective metadata rather than subjective inputs.

In short, the court has not rejected the technology but disciplined its usage in the judicial system.

Supreme Court flags a growing ‘menace’

The policy did not appear out of thin air. The Supreme Court of India has already sounded the alarm. In a recent observation, a Bench of Justices Rajesh Bindal and Vijay Bishnoi described the growing use of AI-generated, non-existent judgments as a “menace” that is now rampant across courts, not only in India but on a global platform. The court’s concern arose from a case where submissions appeared to have been generated using AI tools such as ChatGPT, as they included references to judgments that did not exist.

The court noted that such AI-generated judicial documents waste the court’s time and undermine the integrity of proceedings. Furthermore, it reiterated a principle that is now emerging as judicial consensus, that AI may be used to assist research, but there is a corresponding and non-negotiable duty on judicial officers to verify each and every output.

In a similar observation in February, bench led by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant, along with Justices Joymalya Bagchi and BV Nagarathna, said it has been increasingly noticing pleadings that appear to have been drafted with the help of AI tools. During the hearing, the Chief Justice said the court had been informed that some lawyers have started depending on AI for drafting petitions. He made it clear that such practice, if not properly verified, can mislead the court.

When machines fabricate, courts pay the price

The consequences of AI-generated judicial documents have already been seen inside courtrooms. One of the earliest warnings came when Michael Cohen, a former lawyer who appeared as attorney of US President Donald Trump, admitted to passing along AI-generated case citations that turned out to be the result of chatbot hallucinations.

In India, a similar case came up before the Delhi High Court, where a dispute among homebuyers became a talking point. One of the petitions was found to be full of fabricated case laws and imaginary citations. The petition referred to specific paragraphs of a judgment that did not exist.

While the judgment only contained 27 paragraphs, the petition cited paragraphs 73 and 74. The inconsistencies led to the withdrawal of the petition. The court noted that several cited precedents did not exist at all, while others were misquoted.

The illusion of intelligence

There is a misconception that AI “knows” the law. In reality, it predicts text based on patterns. When those patterns are incomplete or ambiguous, it fills gaps by generating plausible-sounding information, even if it is incorrect or far away from reality. This is what is now widely referred to as hallucination.

In the legal world, plausibility is not enough. A single fabricated citation can alter the course of a case, mislead a court, and waste valuable judicial time. Unlike other professions, the cost of error in law is not merely technical. It has the potential to destroy someone’s life completely and irrecoverably.

The courts are now recognising this inherent limitation and prohibiting AI from entering the decision-making chain.

Why human intervention is non-negotiable

The judicial system operates on accountability. Every order passed, every observation made, and every finding included in the proceedings carry the authority of a human judge whose reasoning can be scrutinised, appealed, and held to constitutional standards. AI, no matter how sophisticated, has no responsibility.

The chatbot can simply say “sorry” and move forward without an iota of responsibility. Even the makers have no responsibility, as these chatbots are continuously learning and improving. Any mistake can be brushed off as an “oops moment”, no matter how costly it is in the real world.

Relying on AI even for a part of judicial reasoning dilutes accountability. In the worst-case scenario, it introduces a layer of opacity. An AI system produces an output based on opaque training data. The reasoning it provides, therefore, cannot be interrogated in the way human reasoning can.

This is why the Gujarat High Court’s approach is highly significant. By imposing personal liability on users and rejecting AI as a defence, the court has reinforced the principle that responsibility cannot be outsourced.

The same logic applies to lawyers. The duty to verify citations, test propositions, and ensure accuracy is fundamental to advocacy. AI may accelerate research, but it cannot replace professional judgment.

A tool, not a substitute

None of this suggests that artificial intelligence has no place in the legal ecosystem. Used correctly, it can assist in research, improve efficiency, and reduce administrative burden. It can help lawyers navigate vast databases of case law and support courts in managing caseloads. However, the distinction must remain clear. AI is a tool, not an authority. It can assist the mind, but it cannot replace it.

The road ahead

AI is continuously evolving. It is not going anywhere and will penetrate more into day-to-day lives. The question is not if it should be used, but how it will be controlled. It is essential to preserve the credibility of the judiciary. Hence, it is a must for judicial authorities to ensure that technology remains subordinate to human judgment. It will require not only policies but also discipline within the Bar and Bench.

The legitimacy of the judicial system is not just about efficiency, but it is about trust. The trust that people show even if a case drags on for years. Such trust cannot be built on machine-generated reasoning. It must continue to rest on the human mind, tested, accountable, and guided by law.

Hindu faith hasn’t died in the Islamic country of Iran: Read the story behind the 134-year-old Lord Vishnu temple in Bandar Abbas

सौम्या सिंह
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Hindu faith hasn’t died in the Islamic country of Iran: Read the story behind the 134-year-old Lord Vishnu temple in Bandar Abbas

On the shores of Bandar Abbas, a historic port city in Iran, stands a quiet yet powerful symbol of faith, a 134-year-old Hindu temple dedicated to Lord Vishnu. In a country where the majority follows Islam, this temple tells a different story, one of migration, trade, belief, and cultural connection that has survived for more than a century.

A story that began with sea trade

Bandar Abbas has long been an important centre for trade in the Persian Gulf. For centuries, ships from India regularly arrived here, carrying goods and traders. Merchants from regions like Gujarat, Kutch, and Sindh were especially active in this trade network.

Many of these Indian traders began staying in Bandar Abbas for long periods due to business. Slowly, some of them settled there. Even though they were far from home, they did not leave behind their traditions. They continued speaking their languages, celebrating festivals, and practising their religion.

But living in a foreign land created a need for a place where they could gather, pray, and stay connected to their roots. This is how the idea of building a temple was born.

Built in 1892, still standing strong

(Photo Credits: sindhrenaissance)


The temple was constructed around 1892, during a time when Bandar Abbas was growing rapidly because of trade. It was built when Mohammad Hasan Khan Saad-ol-Malek was the local administrative ruler of the region.

Today, the temple is around 130 to 134 years old and still stands in much of its original form. It is not just a building, but a reflection of the life and culture of the Indian community that once lived there.

Built by Indian merchants, for their faith

The temple was not built by any king or government. It was the result of a collective effort by Indian traders living in the region. These merchants were financially stable and came together to fund the construction.

The temple was dedicated to Lord Vishnu, who is known in Hinduism as the protector and preserver. For the Indian community, this temple became a spiritual centre, a place where they could pray, celebrate festivals, and feel at home.

It also acted like a small “Little India” in Iran, where people met, shared their lives, and supported each other.

A unique mix of Indian and Iranian architecture

One of the most interesting things about this temple is its design. Unlike typical Indian temples, its structure shows a blend of Indian and Persian styles.

The main hall of the temple is square-shaped and topped with a large dome. This dome reflects Islamic and Persian architectural influence, which makes the temple look different from traditional Hindu temples in India.

Materials like coral stone, clay, lime, and mortar were used in its construction, showing the use of local resources. The dome also has small decorative elements that resemble minarets, while still keeping some Indian design touches.

Inside, the walls were once decorated with colourful paintings and religious symbols. During renovation work, a painting of Lord Krishna was also discovered, showing that religious art and traditions were an important part of the temple.

From a lively temple to a silent heritage site

In its early days, the temple was full of life. Daily prayers, aartis, and rituals were regularly performed. Festivals like Janmashtami and Diwali were celebrated with great enthusiasm, bringing the entire Indian community together.

The temple was not just a place of worship, but also a social centre where people met, discussed problems, and stayed connected.

However, things began to change by the mid-20th century. Trade patterns shifted, and many Indian merchants started returning to India. As the community became smaller, activities in the temple slowly reduced.

Over time, the temple stopped functioning as an active place of worship and became quiet. Today, it is preserved as a cultural and historical monument by Iran. It is now visited by tourists and people interested in history.

Presence of Hindu community in Iran

Iran has a population of around 90 million people, and about 99.4% of them follow Islam. Among them, nearly 89.46% are Shia Muslims and about 9.94% are Sunni Muslims.

Even though the number is small, other communities like Hindus, Christians, and Jews also live in Iran. According to the Pew Research Centre, around 20,000 Hindus were living in Iran in 2010, and this number remained almost the same in 2020.

Most of these Hindus are of Indian origin, traders, workers, and their families. While they are few in number, their cultural impact has been meaningful, and this temple stands as proof of that.

A symbol beyond religion

The Hindu temple in Bandar Abbas is more than just a religious structure. It tells a story of people who travelled far from home but kept their identity alive. It shows how culture and faith can cross borders and still survive.

Even today, though it is no longer active for worship, the temple stands as a reminder that traditions do not disappear easily. Wherever people go, they carry their beliefs with them.

The Guardian peddles fake news about the BAPS temple, attempts to divide Hindus by falsely claiming that Dalit workers were exploited: Read the truth about the case and how US court put an end to the lies

Shriti Sagar
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The Guardian peddles fake news about the BAPS temple, attempts to divide Hindus by falsely claiming that Dalit workers were exploited: Read the truth about the case and how US court put an end to the lies

Months after a US court closed the case in September last year, British daily The Guardian has once again stirred controversy by publishing a report that repeats allegations about the construction of the BAPS Swaminarayan Akshardham in New Jersey, US. The development has reignited a debate that had already been settled after a detailed federal investigation in the United States found no wrongdoing.

The Guardian, a UK-based newspaper, published an article on Thursday, 2nd April, claiming that the construction of the temple involved worker abuse and medical negligence. However, the report is recycling claims that were already examined and dismissed by US authorities months ago.

Screengrab of the article published by The Guardian

A grand temple built through a global volunteer effort 

The BAPS Swaminarayan Akshardham temple of Robbinsville, New Jersey, is the biggest Hindu temple in the Western Hemisphere. Built in 2023, the grand temple is more than just a place of worship; it represents devotion and pride among Hindu devotees around the world.

What makes the temple unique is the scale of participation behind its construction. Over 12,500 volunteers from North America and other countries contributed to building the temple over a span of 12 years. Many of them did not have any formal background in construction, but temple authorities have consistently maintained that their contribution was a form of “seva,” or spiritual service rooted in faith and devotion.

The temple’s intricate architecture, hand-carved stones, and vast campus have made it a major spiritual and tourist attraction since its opening.

Allegations raised again by The Guardian 

In its latest article, The Guardian alleged that beneath the temple’s grandeur lies a “darker story” involving claims of worker exploitation. The report claimed that workers faced issues such as “worker abuse, visa fraud and medical neglect” during the construction period between 2015 and 2023.

According to the article, some workers believed that at least two labourers, Ramesh Meena and Devi Lal, died due to silicosis, a lung disease caused by inhaling fine silica dust during stone carving. The report also mentioned claims of workers suffering from respiratory illnesses like tuberculosis and chronic bronchitis.

Quoting anonymous workers, the article described harsh working conditions, including long working hours of up to 90 hours a week and wages allegedly as low as $1.20 per hour. It further claimed that workers’ passports were taken away and that they had limited contact with their families.

The report also raised fake claims about safety practices, alleging that workers were not provided proper protective equipment. It stated that some workers used cloth or surgical masks instead of the recommended N95 masks while working in dusty conditions. Additionally, the article claimed that medical facilities were inadequate and that workers were discouraged from seeking treatment outside the temple’s internal system.

The article also claims that around two hundred Dalit workers, members of the lowest caste in India’s rigid social hierarchy, came from Rajasthan to New Jersey to work on the temple. Historically subjected to extreme social and economic marginalisation, Dalits have long been relegated to the most dangerous and lowest-paid labour. 

The article further alleged that the Dalit workers are also not allowed to worship in these temples because of their low caste ranking.

The temple authorities, however, have denied all these allegations and maintained that their practices were in line with legal and religious frameworks. They have also invoked the “ministerial exception,” a legal principle in the United States that protects religious organisations from interference in matters related to religious roles and duties.

BAPS has consistently disputed the allegations, saying the workers were volunteers performing religious service, known as seva, rather than employees.

Leaders of the Hindu denomination have said the artisans were motivated by faith and tradition, not coercion, and that some plaintiffs later withdrew from the case after claiming they were misled into joining the lawsuit.

Despite these denials, The Guardian’s report has brought back claims that were already part of a long-running legal and media debate.

U.S. authorities had already closed the case last year

The renewed controversy comes despite the fact that US authorities had already investigated the matter in detail and closed the case. On 18th September last year, the United States Department of Justice and the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of New Jersey officially ended their investigation into the temple’s construction.

The DOJ had been investigating claims made by dozens of former workers who alleged they were recruited from India under religious visas, forced to work long hours on temple construction, and paid as little as $1.20 an hour.

The plaintiffs in the civil lawsuit, many of whom are from marginalised Dalit communities in India, filed their initial complaint in May 2021, the same day federal agents raided the Robbinsville temple complex.

According to statements issued at the time, the investigation lasted nearly four years and concluded without any charges being filed. This was seen as a major relief for the Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha, the organisation behind the temple.

Reacting to the decision, Swami Brahmaviharidas, head of the BAPS Hindu Mandir in Abu Dhabi, strongly rejected the allegations and welcomed the closure of the case. He said, “Satyamev Jayate! We build a temple with love, faith, devotion and a spirit of volunteerism… Some people with little vested interest file false accusations regarding when the temple was built and the craftsmanship.”

He further added, “The US government carried out an investigation into the temple for 4 years and finally closed it, saying no charges were ever filed and no charges were ever true. This restores faith in justice.”

In its official statement, BAPS also said that the US government’s decision sends a “clear and powerful message” supporting the organisation’s long-standing position. It described the temple as “a place of peace, service, and devotion” built through the dedication of thousands of volunteers.

The organisation also emphasised its spiritual philosophy, stating that even in difficult times, it remains committed to “faith, cooperation, humility, and a commitment to truth.”

Pattern of allegations in Foreign Media to divide Hindus

This is not the first time that foreign media outlets have published critical reports about the temple. In the past, publications like The New York Times have also carried stories alleging forced labour, caste discrimination, and poor working conditions.

In a report published in 2023, The New York Times claimed that federal agents had raided the temple construction site in 2021 after some workers made allegations about their working conditions. However, many observers later pointed out that even after the raid and a detailed investigation, no charges were ultimately proven or filed in the case.

The timing of such reports has also raised questions. One of the articles by The New York Times came out just a few days after the grand opening of the temple in October 2023. This was a time when the Hindu community across the world was celebrating the completion of the temple.

In May 2021, a group of Indian artisans in the US filed a lawsuit alleging human trafficking and forced labour and claimed they were confined and forced to work for as low as USD 1 on the construction of the Swaminarayan temple in New Jersey’s Robbinsville. BAPS was accused of luring labourers from India to work on temples near Atlanta, Chicago, Houston and Los Angeles, along with New Jersey, while paying only USD 450 a month.

Back then, BAPS denied the claims and said worship through seva is an integral part of Bhakti in the sect, and volunteers from around the world contribute to the same. The volunteers who take part in such construction activities of the temple regularly interact with people who come to visit. The Hindu organisation had also said the volunteers were regularly in touch with their family members back home.

It must be recalled that the BAPS Temple in New Jersey was also targeted by the left-liberal newspaper The New York Times. In a propaganda piece published in October 2023, the NYT claimed, “Federal law enforcement agents raided the temple construction site in 2021 after workers accused the builders, a prominent Hindu sect with ties to Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India and his ruling party, of forced labour, low wages and poor working conditions.”

“Their lawyers said workers who were Dalit, the lowest rung in India’s caste system, were specifically targeted. A federal criminal investigation is ongoing, as is a wage claim lawsuit,” the leftist newspaper further alleged.

This came even as it had been 2 years since the raid on the construction site of Akshardham Mahamandir in 2021, and no charges could be established.

In July 2023, over a dozen artisans, who were part of a lawsuit against the BAPS temple in New Jersey, withdrew their names from the case. At that time, Rajasthan High Court Advocate Aaditya SB Soni issued a press release on behalf of the artisans under the banner of Bharatiya Majdoor Sangh and Patthar Gadhai Sangh, stating the artisans were threatened to be part of the deep-rooted conspiracy to stall the construction of the grand Hindu Temple.

Larger debate around representation and narrative 

The recurring allegations and their coverage have sparked a broader debate about how Hindu institutions are portrayed in international media. Such reports only focus on controversy and know-how peddling lies while overlooking the scale of volunteer participation and the cultural significance of projects like the Akshardham temple.

The latest report by The Guardian has once again brought the spotlight back on the BAPS Swaminarayan Akshardham temple in New Jersey. While the allegations it highlights are serious, they are not new and were already examined during a multi-year investigation by US authorities that ended without charges.

As the debate continues, the episode raises important questions about how such issues are reported and revisited, especially when official findings have already been made. For many, the temple remains a symbol of faith and collective effort, while for others, it continues to be a subject of scrutiny and discussion.

As mob holds judicial officers hostage in Malda’s Kaliachak, read how Muslims resorted to anti-Hindu riots in 2016 at the same place over Kamlesh Tiwari’s “blasphemy”

Divya Bharti
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As mob holds judicial officers hostage in Malda’s Kaliachak, read how Muslims resorted to anti-Hindu riots in 2016 at the same place over Kamlesh Tiwari’s “blasphemy”

The 2016 Malda riots broke out in the same place in Kaliachak, where judicial officers were reportedly held hostage by a mob a few days back. The fresh tension has brought back memories of one of West Bengal’s most violent flare-ups, when a massive protest by Muslims in January 2016 turned into large-scale violence, leaving public property destroyed, police injured, and the entire region on edge.

How a protest turned into a violent riot

On 3rd January, 2016, thousands of people gathered in Kaliachak in Malda district to protest against controversial remarks made by political figure Kamlesh Tiwari. The rally had permission and was organised by Muslim groups demanding strict punishment against him.

What began as a protest soon spiralled out of control. A section of the crowd became aggressive, broke barricades, and clashed with police and security forces. Within a short time, the situation turned into a full-blown riot.

The Muslim mob attacked the Kaliachak police station, vandalised offices, and set vehicles on fire. The block development office was also ransacked. Government records, computers, and files were destroyed. Police personnel were chased away as the mob took over the premises.

More than 30 policemen were injured during the clashes. Several vehicles, including those belonging to the Border Security Force and the North Bengal State Transport Corporation, were torched.

Railway blockade and widespread disruption

The violence did not remain limited to government buildings. Protesters moved towards Khaltipur railway station and blocked railway tracks for hours, bringing train services to a halt.

National Highway 34 was also affected as vehicles were stranded after an NBSTC bus was set on fire. Passengers had to abandon vehicles to save themselves as the mob turned violent.

Shops shut down, roads were blocked, and daily life came to a standstill. Fear spread across nearby areas as people stayed indoors.

Reports of targeted attacks on Hindu properties

Several reports from the time suggested that the violence also took a communal turn. Temples, including Shani Temple and Durga Temple in nearby areas like Baliadanga, were attacked. Around 25 houses and shops belonging to Hindus were vandalised.

These incidents added to the tension, with claims that the riot had elements of anti-Hindu violence alongside the initial protest.

What triggered the protest

The root of the protest lay in remarks made by Kamlesh Tiwari in December 2015. His comments about Prophet Muhammad triggered outrage among Muslim groups across the country.

This controversy itself came after remarks by Azam Khan, who had commented on RSS members in the context of the debate around homosexuality laws.

At that time, the debate was linked to Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which had been reinstated by the Supreme Court in 2013 after being struck down earlier by the Delhi High Court.

Tiwari’s statement led to nationwide protests, with many groups demanding strict punishment, including capital punishment. He was arrested in Lucknow under sections related to promoting enmity and hurting religious sentiments.

Massive crowd and sudden escalation

The rally in Malda reportedly saw participation ranging from tens of thousands to over two lakh people. Eyewitness accounts suggested that the turning point came when protesters encountered resistance from police and security forces while moving through the area.

An altercation involving a bus and security personnel is also believed to have contributed to the escalation. Within minutes, the protest lost control and turned violent.

Police had to fire around 40 rounds of blank shots to disperse the crowd. The Rapid Action Force was deployed to bring the situation under control.

Police action and restrictions

After the violence, authorities imposed Section 144 to prevent gatherings. Additional forces were deployed, and flag marches were conducted to restore normalcy.

Political visits were restricted. A delegation led by BJP leaders, including Samik Bhattacharya and S. S. Ahluwalia, was stopped from entering the area, with officials citing concerns that their presence could worsen the situation.

Several arrests were made in the days following the riot, and investigations were launched to identify those involved.

Was there another motive behind the violence?

While the immediate trigger was the protest against Tiwari’s remarks, later investigations suggested that the violence may not have been purely spontaneous. Police and security agencies indicated that criminal elements may have used the protest as a cover. One key angle was the destruction of records inside the police station.

Kaliachak and the surrounding areas had long been under scrutiny for illegal activities such as fake currency circulation, drug trafficking, and illegal poppy cultivation.

According to officials, enforcement agencies had recently taken action against these networks, including destroying large areas of poppy fields. This crackdown is believed to have angered local criminal groups.

Poppy mafia and illegal trade

The Malda region, especially areas near the international border with Bangladesh, has been known for illegal activities. These include smuggling, fake currency operations, and narcotics production.

Poppy cultivation, which is used to produce opium and heroin, was widespread. Authorities had begun a major drive to destroy these crops just days before the riots.

Some reports suggested that the mob attack on the police station may have been aimed at destroying evidence linked to these illegal operations.

This theory was supported by the fact that records, files, and computers inside the police station were specifically targeted and destroyed.

Geography and demographic context

Malda district has a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims, with some areas like Kaliachak having a Muslim majority. According to the 2011 Census, both communities have significant presence in the district.

Its location bordering Bihar, Jharkhand, and Bangladesh makes it strategically sensitive. The border areas have often been used as transit routes for illegal trade.

This combination of demographic complexity and criminal networks has made the region vulnerable to sudden outbreaks of violence.

Civil society and differing views

Not everyone agreed that the violence was communal in nature. The Association for Democratic Rights (APDR), a civil rights group, stated that the incident should not be seen purely as communal.

Its representatives argued that the violence was more a sign of lawlessness and the involvement of miscreants rather than a planned communal clash.

However, political parties and local reports continued to debate the nature of the riot, with some calling it a deliberate attack driven by communal anger and others pointing to criminal motives.

Lasting impact and relevance today

The 2016 Malda riots left a deep mark on the region. It exposed weaknesses in law enforcement, the influence of illegal networks, and the fragile balance between communities.

Now, as reports emerge of judicial officers being held hostage in the same Kaliachak area, the memory of 2016 becomes even more relevant.

The recurrence of mob action in the same location raises serious questions about governance, law and order, and whether the underlying issues that led to the earlier violence were ever fully addressed.

A pattern of tension

The events of 2016 showed how quickly a protest can turn into large-scale violence when multiple factors religious sentiments, political tensions, and criminal interests intersect.

The recent hostage situation suggests that Kaliachak continues to remain sensitive and volatile.

As authorities respond to the current crisis, the lessons from the 2016 riots serve as a reminder of how fragile peace can be in such regions and how important it is to address both immediate triggers and deeper structural issues.

‘Fact-Checker’ Alt News publishes misleading report: Claims that Election Commission portal features applicable pan India are barriers for West Bengal voter lists

Raju Das
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‘Fact-Checker’ Alt News publishes misleading report: Claims that Election Commission portal features applicable pan India are barriers for West Bengal voter lists

Alt News published an article on 3 April 2026 titled “Bengal SIR: The wall ECI built around electoral data and how we broke through it” claiming that the Election Commission of India (ECI) has deliberately made the voter lists in West Bengal inaccessible. The article focuses on the publication of Special Intensive Revision (SIR) draft electoral rolls for West Bengal in 2025–26. It alleges deliberate barriers specifically for the state, like downloads limited to ten polling booths per attempt, CAPTCHA protection on every download, and rolls provided only as “scanned PDF images” that are non-searchable and cannot be meaningfully analysed.

These measures, Alt News claims, create a “barrier” and a “wall” around public data. Alt News claims that this format is “not a technological limitation” and contrasts it with systems like Aadhaar or UPI, arguing that providing text files would be “trivial.” Alt News implied that these barriers are specific to West Bengal, creating nm impression that such measures are not applicable for voter lists of other states.

The article said that while attempting to work with the SIR Final Rolls 2026 for two Kolkata constituencies, they faced these obstacles. The organisation claimed to have digitised two Kolkata constituencies (Bhabanipur and Ballygunge) at a reported cost of approximately ₹11,800.

These claims by Alt News are completely false and misleading. The access restrictions and file formats described as ‘obstacles for West Bengal’ are actually standard ECI policy applied uniformly across all States and Union Territories, not a Bengal-specific design. The ECI has long mandated image-based non-editable PDFs with CAPTCHA gating precisely to safeguard the integrity of electoral rolls. Voter lists are generated digitally from the central ERONET system and exported in a secure, non-manipulable format. What Alt News claims to be faults are actually by design, and there are valid reasons behind them.

Below is a point-by-point examination of the facts.

The 10-area limit per attempt and CAPTCHA requirement are default nationwide behaviours

The ECI’s Voters’ Services Portal and the websites of all Chief Electoral Officers (CEOs) operate with identical technical safeguards. Users can download electoral rolls, including SIR drafts, only in limited batches, typically ten polling stations at a time. Moreover, each attempt is protected by a CAPTCHA challenge containing letters, numerals, and special characters. This is explicitly required by ECI instructions to all CEOs.⁠

This can be easily verified by going to the Voters’ Services portal and selecting any state under the Download Elector Roll option. These controls exist for every State/UT, not just West Bengal, as Alt News is claiming. Moreover, this is not a new feature; it is part of the ECI portal for a long time. For example, this Livemint article published in August 2025 describing how to check names in voter list after SIR in Bihar says in step 4: “Enter your district, Assembly constituency, Select language, ‘Roll Type [SIR draft roll] and ‘Part No and Part Name’; finally, enter captcha and proceed.”

These measures have been implemented to prevent automated bulk scraping that could overload ECI servers, enable distributed denial-of-service-style attacks, or facilitate unauthorised mass harvesting of personal data. Alt News falsely presents the restrictions as evidence of intent aimed solely at Bengal.

Electoral rolls published as “image PDFs” across India for security and integrity reasons, upheld by the Supreme Court

Alt News claims that voter lists are provided as non-text image files is another barrier, and that publishing text files like CSV files should be easy. While it is true that the commission can easily export text voter data from its data, they have not done this on purpose. Had Alt News performed research on this before publishing the article, they would have known that the ECI instructions specifically say that “only image PDF (non-editable) of electoral rolls, with only details and without photograph of electors, shall be hosted on the CEOs’ website” and “Access to view such image PDF to be strictly provided through CAPTCHA.”

ECI has a clear policy of not publishing machine-readable voter lists, and this ‘barrier’ is by design. Soft copies supplied to recognised political parties also follow the same image-PDF-only rule.⁠

The ECI has repeatedly explained why text-based or machine-readable formats such as searchable PDFs or CSVs are not provided for public download. Text files are easily editable, which could allow malicious actors to insert, delete, or alter entries and then circulate “evidence” of manipulation, undermining public confidence in the rolls.

PDFs with text can be easily edited by software such as Adobe Acrobat and other similar programs, making them vulnerable for malicious changes to create controversies. On the other hand, image-PDF files can be edited only with graphics software like Adobe Photoshop, and even in such attempts, it is hard to match the font, colour, texture, etc., which makes any manipulation very hard.

In 2018, Congress leader Kamal Nath had moved the Supreme Court seeking direction to the ECI to publish voter lists in text format like MS-Word files. The former Madhya Pradesh CM, along with other Congress leaders, had also approached ECI with this demand, claiming that text-based voter lists will enable easy identification of duplicate, repeat, multiple, illegal, invalid and false entries in electoral rolls.

However, ECI had rejected this demand, saying that its instructions were to publish only image-only files, in view of the safety and privacy concerns. The poll commission told the apex court that if the voter list is supplied in text form, it will enable data mining in large scale, potentially creating risks for the integrity of the database.

The Supreme Court, in its judgment, upheld the ECI’s prerogative to decide the format, rejecting demands for searchable versions on the grounds that the Commission must balance transparency with the prevention of misuse. The court said that ECI has given valid reasons for not publishing text files.

Last year CEC Gyanesh Kumar reiterated that the voter list cannot be published in machine-readable format as it can be edited and can lead to its misuse.

The Supreme Court had made it clear that the Election Commission is not required to provide text files, and told the petitioner that if he wants, he can get the image-PDF files converted to text data on his own efforts.

Therefore, the claim of Alt News that they spent money to convert such voter lists from Kolkata is as per the Supreme Court order.

The PDFs are not “scanned” photographs of printed pages, they are digitally generated

Alt News repeatedly claimed in the article that the voter list files are “scanned PDF images — effectively photographs of printed pages,” but that is incorrect. The rolls are produced centrally through the ECI’s ERONET application. ERONET is the national, standardised system that processes all forms, manages elector data, generates unique EPIC numbers, and produces the final electoral rolls.

The PDFs are created programmatically from this database, commonly using libraries such as iText Core, and exported directly in a rasterised image-based format. It can be easily verified by opening the PDF file in Adobe Reader and checking the Description tab under Document Properties. This ensures the files are non-editable and tamper-proof without any physical printing and scanning.

For example, given below is the properties screen of the voter list PDF for one of the booths in Bhabanipur constituency in West Bengal, cited by the Alt News article. It clearly states that the file was created by iText Core 8.0.1, which means this PDF file was created directly from the database, it was not scanned, even though it only contains images.

The larger file sizes noted by Alt News, approximately 228 times bigger than a plain-text equivalent, are a direct consequence of this deliberate design choice, each page is rendered as an image layer to prevent text extraction or editing.

Watermarks hide names

Alt News said that a large number of voter entries carry a diagonal “UNDER DJUDICATION” watermark, and that it hinders automated data extraction using OCR software, and sometimes even manual reading becomes difficult.

It should be noted that watermarks such as “UNDER ADJUDICATION” and “DELETED” are also system-generated overlays applied where relevant during the process, they are not physical ink stamps. These are standard features of ERONET output, visible in rolls published by CEOs in every State.

The claim of using the stamps to hide the names in West Bengal is false and misleading, such stamps appear in voter lists of all states. While the “UNDER ADJUDICATION” stamp is specific to SIR, other stamps like “DELETED” appear in all voter lists of all states and UTs, they are not aimed at hiding any name.

While third parties and software may not recognise some names due to such stamps, respective voters, families and neighbours are easily able to read such names. Moreover, the list also contains the voter ID number for any further validation.

Therefore, the ‘stamp hiding name’ affects only third parties and tools attempting mass data analysis or data harvesting from voter lists, which is not the intended purpose of the published lists. Actual intended users of the voter lists, the voters, are not impacted by these stamps.

Voter lists exist for voters, not as free raw data for third-party automation

The ECI’s official position, reiterated in multiple roll-revision cycles, is that voter lists are public records meant for individual citizens to verify their own entries, not bulk datasets for third parties to subject to automated analysis. Recognised political parties already receive free soft copies for scrutiny, and booth-level party workers are supposed to work with the voter lists of only one or a few booths under their jurisdiction.

Voter lists are maintained under the Representation of the People Act, 1950, primarily to enable citizens to verify their own electoral status and to allow recognised political parties to scrutinise the rolls under controlled conditions. The ECI has explicitly argued in court and in the media that unrestricted machine-readable formats would facilitate large-scale data mining and misuse, which is why image-based PDFs with access controls remain the norm. As explained by the ECI in the Kamal Nath case, such restrictions help prevent bulk exploitation of voter data while preserving transparency for legitimate purposes.

The portal is not intended as a free API or data dump for NGOs, political consultancy firms or media organisations to run large-scale automated scripts. The electoral rolls are for voters, not for third parties or other organisations to run demographic analysis to customise their political strategies. If such organisations want to run automated analysis on voter lists, they must get the data converted to machine readable format themselves, as suggested by the Supreme Court.

The ECI provides multiple avenues for legitimate scrutiny, including individual search on the National Voters’ Service Portal (NVSP) using voter ID number, download of polling station-wise voter lists from the portal, free hard and soft copies supplied to recognised political parties, and physical inspection at Electoral Registration Officers’ offices. Before elections, political parties print such lists and distribute them among their booth-level workers to mobilise voters and inform voters about their polling station, serial number, etc.

Bulk automated extraction by any entity is deliberately restricted by design to protect server stability and the integrity of the official record. The ECI has consistently argued that unrestricted machine-readable data could be weaponised to create duplicate or fake voter claims, eroding trust in the electoral process.

Conclusion

Alt News’s report frames routine, nationwide ECI technical and procedural safeguards as a politically motivated “wall” erected specifically around West Bengal’s electoral data. In reality, the 10-area download limit, CAPTCHA protection, and image-PDF-only format are uniform ECI policy documented in official instructions to all Chief Electoral Officers and upheld by the Supreme Court. These measures exist to prevent server overload by bots, stop easy manipulation of voter data, and ensure that the rolls remain authoritative public records rather than editable datasets open to misuse.

While these restrictions can undoubtedly be frustrating for researchers, journalists, and analysts seeking large-scale or automated access, they are by design and the ECI has valid reasons for implementing them. In effect, they are features, not bugs.

The ECI’s approach reflects a deliberate balance between transparency and the security of one of India’s most critical democratic instruments. Voter lists are not intended as free, machine-readable fodder for third-party analysis, they are tools for citizens to confirm their own electoral status.

The Alt News article actually mentions ECI’s argument against text voter lists, and accepts that image files only withhold usability, not information. That is what the Election Commission is also saying.

By omitting the fact that these rules apply to all the states and UTs and implying that they are implemented only in West Bengal’s voter lists, so called fact checker ended up spreading fake news. It is clear that Alt News has presented a selective and inaccurate narrative. This is not evidence of any Bengal-specific conspiracy, it is standard electoral administration applied equally across the country.

Guess who is representing Mamata govt after mob violence in Muslim-dominated Malda, where judicial officers wailed for their lives and SC said it was pre-planned: Kapil Sibal, of course

Shraddha Pandey
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Guess who is representing Mamata govt after mob violence in Muslim-dominated Malda, where judicial officers wailed for their lives and SC said it was pre-planned: Kapil Sibal, of course

The 1st of April 2026, witnessed what could be described as a collapse of democracy and law and order in West Bengal’s Malda district as seven judicial officers, including three women, who were on election duty for the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, were gheraoed at a BDO office by a Muslim mob. Taking sou motu cognisance of the matter, the Supreme Court blasted the TMC for its abject failure in protecting the judicial officers.  Among the lawyers who represented the Mamata Banerjee-led government was senior advocate Kapil Sibal.

The Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice Suryakant came down heavily on the state government. The bench described the Malda violence and the failure of the TMC government to uphold law and order as a “complete breakdown of constitutional machinery.”

Kapil Sibal, however, requested the court to delete this strong observation.

Interestingly, Kapil Sibal has throughout his career been a part of landmark cases, many anti-Hindu, many anti-India. Sibal has consistently been on the “wrong side”.

Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Title Dispute

The Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Title Dispute remains one of Kapil Sibal’s most controversial legal engagements. The ex-Congress leader and UPA Minister fought the Ram Janmabhoomi case for the Sunni Waqf Board, opposing the building of a magnificent Ram Mandir at the then-disputed site in Ayodhya. He also employed dilatory tactics and asked the Supreme Court to delay the decision in the Ram Janmabhoomi case till the 2019 general elections, assuming that a decision in the Hindu side’s favour could benefit the BJP. Despite the blatant politicisation of the issue concerning the Hindu faith and way above electoral politics, the Supreme Court’s 2019 ruling favoured the construction of Ram Mandir at the Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya.

The trauma of losing the case has stayed with Kapil Sibal, which reflected when Prime Minister Narendra Modi performed the Pran Pratishtha of Shri Ram Lalla in the newly-constructed Ram Mandir at the Janmbhoomi site in Ayodhya. Sibal had called the ceremony that essentially marked the triumphant culmination of a 500-year-long struggle, “a show off”.

Kapil Sibal represented Shafin Jahan in the Hadiya Love Jihad case

Kapil Sibal had represented Hadiya’s husband, Shafin Jahan, in the Supreme Court, challenging the annulment of Hadiya and Shafin’s marriage by the Kerala High Court in the Shafin Jahan vs KM Ashokan case, also known as the Hadiya Love Jihad case.

A Hindu girl named Akhila had changed her name to Hadiya after converting to Islam and marrying a muslim man named Shafin Jahan. Hadiya/Akhila’s father, a retired Indian Army soldier, had alleged that it was a case of love jihad. While the Supreme Court ruled in Jahan’s favour, upholding Hadiya’s right as an adult to choose her religion and spouse, it emerged that the now-outlawed Islamic terror outfit Popular Front of India (PFI) spent Rs 99,52,324 on the case.  Of this, Rs 93,85,000 was reportedly paid to four senior lawyers, Kapil Sibal, Dushyant Dave, Indira Jaising and Marzook Bafaki who fought the case on Shafin Jahan’s behalf.

Back in 2020, the Enforcement Directorate alleged that the PFI received huge funding to fuel anti-CAA protests across the country following the passage of the Citizenship Amendment Act by both houses of the parliament in December 2019. It was reported that PFI spent about 120 crores in a month to orchestrate the violent riots in the country, naming eminent lawyers Kapil Sibal, Indira Jaising and Dushyant Dave also as the beneficiaries of PFI’s funding. Sibal was reported to have received Rs 77 lakh. However, the senior counsel issued a ‘clarification’ saying that the amount he received from the now-outlawed Islamic jihadist outfit was his fees for services as a lawyer in the Hadiya Love Jihad Case.

Kapil Sibal represented PFI member Siddique Kappan

Kapil Sibal’s association with the PFI was not confined to the Hadiya Love Jihad case alone. In 2020, a habeas corpus plea was filed in the Supreme Court seeking the release of Siddique Kappan, one of the four PFI members arrested by UP police for planning to create caste-based unrest and communal tension over the Hathras case.  Appearing as a legal representative of Kerala Journalists’ Union, and Siddique Kappan, an active PFI member also working as a journalist, Sibal unsuccessfully requested the Supreme Court to let him approach them under Article 32 of the Constitution.

Sibal represented anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid in the Supreme Court

The legal eagle, Kapil Sibal, has, despite criticism, been consistent in taking up cases of anti-Hindu elements. Representing the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid, in the Supreme Court, Kapil Sibal went overboard and allegedly indulged in forum shopping.

In February 2024, a bench of Justices Bela M Trivedi and Pankaj Mithal allowed Umar Khalid to withdraw the bail plea. Senior advocate Kapil Sibal, appearing for Khalid, told the bench that the petition is being withdrawn, given a “change in circumstances” and to seek bail afresh before the trial court. Kapil Sibal also withdrew a separate petition questioning the legality of certain sections of the UAPA, especially dealing with bail.

OpIndia highlighted earlier that out of the 14 adjournments in 2023 and 2024, 7 delays and adjournments were sought by Umar Khalid himself. This deliberate delay was caused by Khalid’s counsel, Kapil Sibal. 

OpIndia reported earlier how the adjournments and the subsequent withdrawal were the result of a failed attempt at forum shopping by Kapil Sibal.

Former Chief Justice of India, DY Chandrachud had also said in 2025 that the real problem lies in the mindset of some lawyers and political groups who want their cases heard only by certain judges. Highlighting what OpIndia has reported multiple times, the former CJI said that court records showed that Khalid’s legal team, led by Sibal, had sought at least seven adjournments before finally withdrawing the bail plea in February 2024, citing “a change in circumstances.”

Kapil Sibal lied in court to peddle Muslim victimhood bogey

In 2022, Kapil Sibal lied in the Supreme Court and falsely claimed that BJP leader Parvesh Verma called for a boycott of the Muslim community, even as Verma did not name any community. When Justice KM Joseph asked Sibal whether Muslims have been making hate speeches, he denied knowledge of such a development, even as there were numerous incidents of Muslims delivering hate speeches that year against Hindus, including those by AIMIM leaders, Ajmer Dargah Khadim Syed Adil Chishti, Sawar Chishti, who gave open calls for an economic boycott of Hindus.

Kapil Sibal and other Rajya Sabha MPs moved impeachment motion against Allahabad HC judge for calling Islamic extremists “Kathmulla”

In December 2024, a motion to remove Allahabad High Court Judge Shekhar Kumar Yadav from office was submitted to the Rajya Sabha Secretary-General over his allegedly controversial comments at a Vishwa Hindu Parishad event. The motion was submitted by a delegation headed by Kapil Sibal and others, including Vivek Tankha, Digvijaya Singh, P. Wilson, John Brittas, KTS Tulsi, Manoj Kumar Jha and Saket Gokhale.

“But these kathmullah… this may not be the right word… but I won’t hesitate to say it because they are harmful to the country…they are detrimental, against the nation, and people who incite the public. They are the kind of people who do not want the country to progress, and we need to be cautious of them,” the judge had stated during the event.

According to the motion for impeachment, Justice Yadav  broke  “the secular ethos of the constitution and the judge’s oath of office.” Justice Shekhar Yadav’s judicial roster was altered by the Chief Justice of the Allahabad High Court four days after his statement, and the alterations took effect on 16th December. He was also summoned by the Supreme Court Collegium to clarify his position on the matter after the apex court took cognisance of his speech on 10th December. In January 2025, the Allahabad High Court dismissed the PIL seeking Justice Yadav’s impeachment.

Sibal defended NC leader who raised the Pakistan Zindabad slogan, sought referendum in Kashmir

In September 2023, the Supreme Court heard pleas challenging the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35 of the Indian Constitution. One of the petitioners in the case was a National Conference (NC) leader named Mohammad Akbar Lone, who had raised pro-Pakistan slogans in the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in 2018. The counsel representing Lone was none other than Kapil Sibal. Back then, CJI Chandrachud had pulled up Sibal for the pro-Pakistani remarks of Lone.

Kapil Sibal had shamelessly argued that raising the issue of ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ sloganeering by his client, Mohammad Akbar Lone, would lead to ‘unnecessary’ media coverage.

Sibal also represented other petitioners who challenged the constitutional legality of the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35A. He had vehemently opposed the removal of these temporary provisions giving special status to Jammu and Kashmir.  Even though these provisions granting special autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir obstructed full integration of J&K into India by allowing separate laws, restrictions on non-residents from settling or owning property, and perpetuating Jihadist separatism by curbing central authority. This fuelled decades of unrest, terrorism and discrimination against Kashmiri Hindus. OpIndia has reported time and again how Jammu and Kashmir has been witnessing an unprecedented wave of development and economic growth following the removal of Article 370.  

While arguing against the abrogation of Article 370, Sibal called for a Brexit-like referendum in Kashmir. His outrageous and treacherous demand, however, was turned down by then CJI Chandrachud.

When Kapil Sibal represented the Karnataka Waqf Board and insinuated that Muslims would be ‘provoked’ if Hindu festivals were to be celebrated on ‘Waqf land’

Back in August 2022, the Supreme Court denied permission for Ganesh Chaturthi celebrations at the disputed Idgah Maidan in Bengaluru. The court ordered a status quo on the Maidan on a petition by the Karnataka Waqf Board

The Idgah Maidan’s ownership was contested as both the Karnataka Waqf Board and the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike laid their claim.

Representing the Waqf Board, Kapil Sibal had argued before the apex court that the Karnataka HC’s order violates the 1964 order passed by the Supreme Court. Sibal had put up a rhetorical question to the judges: If other religious festivals are allowed on the grounds owned by Waqf, where only Islamic religious festivals are held, ‘Your Lordships know what will happen’.

 He also contended that the Karnataka HC’s order might change the ‘character of the maidan’ and that ‘nod to the puja at the maidan might hurt communal harmony.’ Sibal had put up a rhetorical question to the judges, that if other religious festivals are allowed on ground owned by Waqf, where only Islamic religious festivals are held, ‘Your Lordships know that what will happen’. 

Interestingly, Sibal had also represented the Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind, which provides legal aid to accused Muslim rioters and criminals, in the Supreme Court against its plea challenging the constitutional validity of the Waqf Act (UMEED Act) passed in 2025.

 When Kapil Sibal defended TMC govt’s insensitivity and prioritised the reputation of lawyers over justice for the RG Kar Medical College Rape and Murder Case victim

Notably, Sibal, representing the TMC government and making news for all the wrong reasons, is not new. In September 2024, Kapil Sibal, who represented the West Bengal government, objected to the live streaming of the SC proceedings in the brutal RG Kar Hospital rape and murder case. Sibal claimed the reputation built over 5 decades would be destroyed by the live streaming of the case. His request, however, was denied.

Sibal received a massive backlash at that time for defending the Mamata Banerjee-led West Bengal government despite allegations of delayed FIR filing and mishandling by the state authorities. Sibal’s claim that the FIR in this case was filed promptly was questioned by the court itself. Sibal’s insensitivity peaked when he blamed the victim’s parents for the delay in FIR filing.

From Ayodhya Ram Mandir case, Rafale Deal case, peddling the the infamous ‘zero-loss’ theory in the 2G spectrum scam case, pushing for reinstatement of the divisive Article 370 and 35a, representing Islamist organisation against Waqf Act, despite the track record of Waqf Boards arbitrarily laying claim over Hindu-majority villages, houses, colleges and land plots etc, representing anti-Hindu elements, to now representing TMC government in the Malda violence case, wherein a mockery of democracy continued for nine-long hours at the hands of a Muslim mob instigated by a present AIMIM and ex-TMC leader Moffakerul Islam, due to Mamata government’s nonfeasance, Kapil Sibal has been on the wrong side of the issues.

Gopal Sankaranarayanan: TMC’s legal representative, who previously fought the case of a Christian soldier who refused to enter a Gurudwara

Among the lawyers who represented the West Bengal government in the Malda violence case was senior advocate Gopala Sankarnarayanan.

Sankarnarayanan had last year represented Lieutenant Samuel Kamalesan, a Christian Army officer who challenged his termination for refusing to participate in regimental religious parades. In November 2025, the Supreme Court bench comprising Chief Justice of India Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi refused to interfere with the Delhi High Court’s verdict that upheld his dismissal, making it clear that individual religious rigidity cannot override the collective discipline required in a fighting force.

Appearing for Kamalesan, advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan had argued his client was punished for a single act of refusing to enter the sanctum sanctorum of a temple during a regimental parade. He claimed the officer was otherwise compliant and participated in multi-faith spaces but refrained from entering the innermost part of the temple because of his monotheistic Christian beliefs.

His argument, however, was dismissed with strong observations by CJI Suryakant. Advocate Sankaranarayanan had argued that Kamalesan was being forced to conduct Hindu rituals, which would violate his faith. But the bench noted that there was no obligation to perform any rituals, only to participate in the parade as a troop leader.

Interestingly, Gopala Sankarnarayanan had represented one of the petitioners in the Supreme Court in July last year in the plea seeking a stay on the SIR exercise in Bihar.

One of the main petitioners in this case was the NGO Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), while opposition leaders had also approached the top court against the EC’s order, including RJD MP Manoj Jha, TMC MP Mahua Moitra, Congress leader KC Venugopal, NCP’s Supriya Sule, CPI’s D Raja, SP’s Harinder Singh Malik, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Arvind Sawant, JMM’s Sarfaraz Ahmad, and CPI (ML) leader Dipankar Bhattacharya.

Representing one of the petitioners, Gopal Sankaranarayanan had contended that almost 7.9 crore individuals can be impacted and expressed puzzlement as to why Aadhaar and voter ID cards are being disregarded.

The court, however, refused to stay the SIR exercise and said that there’s nothing wrong with conducting such an exercise. The top court had also rejected the argument of the petitioner’s counsel, Sankarnarayanan, regarding the rejection of Aadhaar cards and voter ID cards as valid documents.

Advocate Gopal Sankarnarayanan has been a vocal critic of OBC reservation, particularly the inclusion of ‘dominant’ caste groups which “discriminated against SCs and STs”. 

Gopal Sankarnarayanan had conceptualised the red and black leather pocket-sized constitution that Congress leader Rahul Gandhi often flashes as a prop while he acts as a self-declared champion of Dalits and defender of the constitution. Ironically, while Gandhi is a desperate advocate of breaching the 50% ceiling to give more reservations to SC, ST and OBCs, and cries ‘Jitni Aabadi Utna Haq, Sankarnarayanan is strongly opposed to breaching this ceiling.

In 2018, a plea was filed by Samta Andolan Samiti, the umbrella body of general and OBC government employees and nine people belonging to the SC/ST community. Sankaranarayanan represented the petitioners and sought the introduction of the creamy layer concept in SC/ST reservations to keep the rich among them out, to ensure that the benefits go to the poor and the needy.

Back in 2023, Sankarnarayanan gave an interview to a legal portal, Law School Policy Review & Kautilya Society, wherein he expressed dismay over the increasing demand for reservation by communities who supposedly did not face historical discrimination.

In 2022, Sankarnarayanan had represented an organisation named  ‘Youth for Equality’ before the Supreme Court in the case challenging the constitutional validity of the amendment that provided 10% quota for the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS). The senior advocate had submitted that the EWS quota breaches the ceiling of 50% quota and is thus “unconstitutional”.

Menaka Guruswamy: TMC’s legal counsel, who previously represented Delhi Riots instigator and Islamist Tahir Hussain

Appearing for the state government in the Malda violence case on 1st April, advocate Menaka Guruswamy argued that the judicial officers who were gheraoed and harassed for hours were ECI-appointed and attempted to pass the blame to the poll body for the collapse of law and order that occurred due to the state government’s deliberate inaction.

TMC’s picks for legal representation are rather interesting. Back in 2023, Menaka Guruswamy appeared for 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots instigator, and former AAP councillor Tahir Hussain in the Supreme Court. The Tahir Hussain, who had earlier confessed in a disclosure statement that he chose his own house as a launchpad for the riots.

She represented the same Tahir Hussain who also confessed that he and his co-conspirators had started collecting stones, bricks, and other ammunition, well in advance so that they could teach those, who were in support of the CAA, a lesson when the time was right. 

She argued that anti-riot laws cannot be used to initiate money-laundering proceedings, saying that in the lack of an FIR for a money-laundering offence, the High Court had retrieved the prosecution case and relied on its simplicity.

In March 2026, CM Mamata-led Trinamool Congress government in West Bengal gave aRajya Sabha ticket to advocate Menaka Guruswamy, since she is a member of the LGBT community. While the TMC is notorious for Muslim appeasement and enjoys a massive Muslim votebank, its decision to give RS ticket to an LGBT community member had sparked backlash from Islamists who see homosexuality and related themes with absolute contempt as mandated by their religious texts.

In January this year, Guruswamy represented the West Bengal government in the I-PAC- coal smuggling and pilferage racket case. During a hearing on 14th January, Guruswamy, appearing for TMC, objected strongly when Additional Solicitor General SV Raju referred to West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee as “Ms Banerjee.” Guruswamy insisted that Banerjee should be addressed by her position and even demanded that she be referred to as a “multiterm Chief Minister,” saying this was about showing proper respect in court.

However, the way the objection was raised drew wider attention. Guruswamy shouted at SV Raju and repeatedly told him to “mute yourself” while he was trying to present his arguments calmly. The incident had sparked online backlash against Guruswamy for her rude behaviour.

Extortion, molestation, death threats and more: Arvind Kejriwal cries “vendetta” to attack BJP over FIRs against party leaders in Gujarat, fails to mention their serious offences

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Extortion, molestation, death threats and more: Arvind Kejriwal cries “vendetta” to attack BJP over FIRs against party leaders in Gujarat, fails to mention their serious offences

The Gujarat state president of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Isudan Gadhvi, along with 17 supporters, was arrested for causing a disturbance at the Jam Khambhaliya police station in Dwarka. In light of this occurrence, the leadership of the party at both the Gujarat and national levels has started to engage in political tactics. Confusion is being created through baseless allegations, without disclosing the actual circumstances of the incident to the public.

AAP National Convenor Arvind Kejriwal is also not refraining from contributing to this. However, the claims made by him are in direct contradiction to reality. In a recent statement, he accused the BJP government in Gujarat of pursuing a political vendetta against the members and leaders of his party. He asserted that in the last three months, 145 FIRs have been filed against AAP leaders, and over 160 AAP workers have been arrested. Referring to the situation involving Gadhvi as a particular instance, he described it as a manifestation of dictatorship.

Kejriwal’s statements are considerably inflated. He has not succeeded in offering any evidence to support his claims regarding the filing of 145 FIRs and the arrest of 160 people, nor has the Aam Aadmi Party released any such list. Kejriwal is also attempting to assert that the cases against Aam Aadmi Party members and leaders are politically motivated. While it is indeed the case that AAP leaders are sometimes charged in Gujarat, these are not politically driven. Some are facing allegations related to liquor offences, while others have been incarcerated for kidnapping accusations. Additionally, there have been instances where Aam Aadmi Party workers have been detained in cases of assault and extortion.

What is the Isudan Gadhvi case

The issue brought up by Kejriwal relates to the Khambhalia Police Station located in Dwarka district. On 1st April, over 30 individuals, including Gadhvi, caused a ruckus at the police station. This event arose from a chain-snatching case filed against an AAP member named Deepak.

According to the police, a robbery case was logged on 31st March involving Deepak, a native of Bihar. Considering this case to be “false,” Gadhvi, together with Dwarka District President Ramji Parmar and others, arrived at the Khambhalia Police Station in the morning. They called for the dismissal of the case and for another case to be opened against a different person.

After the police declined to accept this demand, they created a scene and caused an uproar within the police station. Furthermore, AAP workers obstructed police duties, pushed police officers, used aggressive language and engaged in live recording the instance. According to the police, they also insisted on inspecting the police registers. Due to the escalating tension, the police were compelled to take action.

The police apprehended 18 individuals, including Gadhvi, and filed a case against a total of 30 individuals (18 named and others unidentified). The allegations include violations related to rioting, obstructing police duties, impeding public services and assembling unlawfully. Deputy Superintendent of Police Vismay Manseta stated that the accused also applied pressure on the authorities and threatened the PSO.

After the revelation of this incident, various AAP leaders, including Arvind Kejriwal, have labelled this action as a political vendetta and a “BJP conspiracy.” Kejriwal alleged that the political pressure on AAP workers in Gujarat is increasing. AAP leaders Gopal Italia and Chaitar Vasava also expressed their discontent, calling the incident an act of “intimidation and harassment.” AAP workers contended that they had simply gone to visit a fellow party member and to protest against “fabricated cases.”

The police clarified that this incident was not a political protest, but rather a direct obstruction of police operations. The workers had disturbed public order by causing a commotion within the police station. Following this event, teams from the DySP, LCB, and SOG also arrived at the location. Several individuals, including Gadhvi, were apprehended. They were later granted bail, although the legal proceedings concerning the case are still in progress.

The AAP leaders have a history of involvement in criminal activities

Yuvrajsinh Jadeja’s “dummy exam candidate” scam: AAP leader Yuvrajsinh Jadeja was apprehended in relation to the “dummy candidate scam” concerning competitive examinations, facing serious accusations of extorting ₹1 crore from two individuals as hush money by threatening to reveal the identities of “dummy students.” He was placed in judicial custody for not cooperating with the investigation and based on the evidence collected, however, the court later approved his bail application. As part of his bail conditions, he must adhere to strict requirements, including surrendering his passport, cooperating with the investigative agency, avoiding witness intimidation, and not traveling outside Gujarat without the court’s authorisation.

Charges of molestation against Rakesh Sorathiya: In 2024, a significant case surfaced involving accusations of molestation against Rakesh Sorathiya, the Principal of Saraswati Educational Complex School (located on Kothariya Road, Rajkot) and a leader of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). The case involved four minor girls aged 11 to 14 who were students at the same school. It is reported that the accused summoned the students to his office, where he subjected them to physical molestation and made obscene demands. The parents filed a complaint, following which the Bhaktinagar Police arrested him. Prior to this incident, the police had already registered a case against this leader, who had previously been implicated in allegations of molestation, under various sections of the IPC and the POCSO Act.

Extortion case filed against AAP corporator: In the North Varachha region of Surat, the Utran Police apprehended AAP corporator Rajesh Moradiya along with his associate, Pankaj Patel, for soliciting an extortion amount of ₹1 lakh from a stationery vendor, threatening him to close his business and intimidating him with a knife. Additionally, he was accused of having extorted ₹50,000 from a farmer. As a result, the party had to tell him to resign after the major row.

Abduction and death threats to female employee: Recently, Hasmukh Patel, owner of HBC Life Science (located in Sector-25 GIDC, Gandhinagar) and State Vice President of the Aam Aadmi Party was apprehended in relation to the abduction and assault of a female accountant working at his firm. The employee, who had identified suspicious transactions totaling approximately ₹80 to ₹85 lakhs and uncovered undisclosed accounts within the firm, was forcibly taken away under Hasmukh Patel’s orders, assaulted inside a moving vehicle and threatened with death. When the victim sought help regarding this matter, the aforementioned leader pressured her against filing a police report. Nevertheless, the Sector-21 police eventually registered a case and commenced legal action against Hasmukh Patel who earlier served as state organisation minister of AAP. 

Fraud and intimidation allegations against Ahmedabad AAP president: The Ghatlodia police in Ahmedabad apprehended Amit Panchal, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) City Vice President and Sabarmati Assembly in-charge along with his father, on accusations of defrauding a mason of outstanding payments amounting to ₹4.30 lakh and issuing death threats against him. According to a complaint filed by Dhanpal Yadav, a resident of Memnagar, Amit Panchal, instead of settling the payment for plastering work completed at his residence, illegally took cleaning materials worth ₹5 lakh. Furthermore, when the labourer attempted to recover the materials, Panchal threatened to throw him into a canal. Before this incident, the police had also initiated legal action against the AAP leader, filing a case under various sections for his participation in intimidation activities.

Allegations of misconduct against Chaitar Vasava involving a female panchayat president: Chaitar Vasava, the AAP MLA representing Dediapada, has been accused of inappropriate conduct towards a female panchayat president. Moreover, it is stated that when a BJP leader tried to intervene, the MLA retaliated by throwing a mobile phone and a glass of water at him. In the aftermath of this incident, the police commenced legal action against Vasava, filing a case under serious allegations, including attempted murder and infringement of a woman’s dignity. Furthermore, Vasava has been accused of calling a Forest Department employee to his home, issuing threats, and physically assaulting him. Following the registration of an FIR concerning this issue, the police apprehended his wife, his Personal Assistant (PA), and another individual. After evading capture for several days, Vasava was eventually taken into custody. He was later granted bail after spending a number of days behind bars.

Death threat against an employee: The Varachha police have taken into custody Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) Councillor Vipul Suhagia on allegations of verbally assaulting and striking an Ayushman Card program worker at a hospital in Surat. As per a complaint lodged by the hospital staff member, the Councilor entered the office and instigated a dispute with the personnel, questioning, “Why are you not answering the phone?” He subsequently slapped the employee and made threats to kill him. In the aftermath of the incident, the police filed a case under several sections, including hindrance to government duties, assault and commenced legal action.

Moreover, the Junagadh police apprehended five supporters of the AAP for making offensive comments about S.N. Sonara, the female PSI of Mendarda. Babu Damor, the AAP President for the Mahisagar district, was also taken into custody on accusations of illegally occupying government land to build a house. Furthermore, allegations were made against Jitu Kachhadiya, an AAP Corporator from Surat, asserting that he solicited a bribe of ₹10 lakh from a parking contractor.

Upon reviewing these incidents, it becomes clear that when one evaluates the police actions directed at Aam Aadmi Party leaders and workers in Gujarat, which are being characterised as instances of “political vendetta,” a notable discrepancy emerges between Arvind Kejriwal’s assertions and the actual circumstances on the ground. When the statistics referenced by Kejriwal, specifically the 145 FIRs filed are evaluated on the basis of truth, it is apparent that these cases were not initiated in relation to any ideological revolution or public interest movement but instead pertain to serious personal and social violations.

The recent arrest of Gadhvi and other activists in Dwarka serves as evidence that there was an attempt to pressurise major institutions, such as police stations and to obstruct the legal process through political means. Disturbing the peace inside a police station and threatening government officials in an attempt to secure the release of someone involved in a robbery crime, such as chain-snatching, does not amount to genuine democratic dissent. It is, in fact, an effort to provoke anarchy.

The so-called “dictatorship” that Kejriwal refers to is marked by extortion, kidnapping, assault, bribery and various other serious crimes. Whether it is Jadeja’s scandal or the extrotion of funds from businessmen and farmers by Surat corporators, these offences are directly associated with the exploitation of ordinary citizens. Instances of physical violence and intimidation against hospital personnel or employees of the Forest Department illustrate that many AAP office-bearers have to face legal repercussions for taking matters into their own hands.

The Gujarat Police have substantial evidence, including statements from complainants and technical data, for each individual case. If these cases were truly “baseless,” the judicial system would have dismissed them a long time ago. Nevertheless, the reality that the courts either deny these leaders’ bail requests or grant bail with strict conditions clearly indicates that, prima facie, a case is present against them. Kejriwal’s claims may simply be a tactic to boost the morale of his party members, however, for the citizens of Gujarat, the offences perpetrated by these leaders are an unpleasant truth.

This is the translation of the Gujarati report available here.

Mofakkerul Islam, AIMIM rable-rouser arrested for being the mastermind of Malda mob violence also has a TMC connection: Picture with Kalyan Banerjee, endorsement of Mamata govt and more

OpIndia Staff
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Mofakkerul Islam, AIMIM rable-rouser arrested for being the mastermind of Malda mob violence also has a TMC connection: Picture with Kalyan Banerjee, endorsement of Mamata govt and more

On Friday (3rd April), the West Bengal police arrested All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) rabble-rouser Mofakkerul Islam for instigating violence against judicial officers in the Muslim-dominated district of Malda. Although a member of Asaduddin Owaisi’s radical Islamic party, Mofakkerul has close connections with several Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders.

The Background of the Case

For the unversed, a frenzied mob held 8 judicial officers (including 3 women) hostage inside the BDO office in Malda’s Kaliachak. Angry over the removal of names of illegal voters through the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, the mob also resorted to stone pelting when the victims were being rescued by the authorities.

The hostage situation and the eventual violence broke out after Mofakkerul Islam incited the mob through his provocative speech.

He challenged the local administration and the central agencies, such as the Intelligence Bureau (IB), to come and arrest him. “Where are the DM, the SP, the CID and the IB? Where are they all? Come here,” Mofakkerul can be heard shouting.

“It is a movement to save our sons and daughters. Once we are here, we won’t leave empty-handed,” Mofakkerul told the people gathered there. “Fresh blood will be shed here. Nara e Takbeer, Allah hu Akbar,” he screamed.

After the video went viral, Mofakkerul planned to escape to Bengaluru but was arrested at the Bagdogra airport. He is currently booked in 3 cases. Reportedly, he was en route to Kolkata on Wednesday (1st April) but stopped at Murshidabad and Malda to make provocative speeches

His aide, Akramul Bagani, who runs anti-Hindu propaganda portal ‘Insaf News’, was also apprehended.

Mofakkerul is also an advocate at the Calcutta High Court and boasts of over 2 million followers on Facebook. He previously incited Muslims against Hindus during the Waqf Amendment Act row.

The rabble-rouser was fielded by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) from the Itahar Vidhan Sabha constituency in Uttar Dinajpur district in the 2021 West Bengal election. It is unclear whether he remained or quit the party following his humiliating defeat in the election.

As per a Facebook post by ‘Vote for AIMIM’ group, Mofakkerul Islam re-joined the party in September 2025.

Post by AIMIM Facebook group

Mofakkerul Islam and his TMC connection

Following his arrest by the West Bengal police, TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee took the credit for ‘exposing’ the conspiracy behind the Malda hostage crisis and violence.

She had claimed, “The Election Commission of India transferred 483 of our officers and posted new people. But our CID tracked down the main conspirator. We have long maintained that AIMIM and the BJP are trying to create disturbances in Bengal. The Congress and the Left are involved too.”

In a desperate attempt, Mamata Banerjee attempted to absolve the close connection of Mofakkerul Islam and the Trinamool Congress party. However, a casual glance at his X (formerly Twitter) posts from 2018 reveals a different story.

He had promoted several flagship schemes of the Mamata government and criticised the BJP.

Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam
Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam
Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam

Around the same time, Mofakkerul met several high-profile Trinamool Congress leaders. In one of the images, he was seen meeting heavyweight TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee.

Mofakkerul Islam with TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee

The rabble-rouser was also spotted alongside other TMC leaders.

He had also endorsed TMC members holding important party designations.

While the Mamata govt is busy distancing itself from Mofakkerul, his social media endorsement of the party punctures its lies.

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