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Mofakkerul Islam, AIMIM rable-rouser arrested for being the mastermind of Malda mob violence also has a TMC connection: Picture with Kalyan Banerjee, endorsement of Mamata govt and more

OpIndia Staff
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Mofakkerul Islam, AIMIM rable-rouser arrested for being the mastermind of Malda mob violence also has a TMC connection: Picture with Kalyan Banerjee, endorsement of Mamata govt and more

On Friday (3rd April), the West Bengal police arrested All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) rabble-rouser Mofakkerul Islam for instigating violence against judicial officers in the Muslim-dominated district of Malda. Although a member of Asaduddin Owaisi’s radical Islamic party, Mofakkerul has close connections with several Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders.

The Background of the Case

For the unversed, a frenzied mob held 8 judicial officers (including 3 women) hostage inside the BDO office in Malda’s Kaliachak. Angry over the removal of names of illegal voters through the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, the mob also resorted to stone pelting when the victims were being rescued by the authorities.

The hostage situation and the eventual violence broke out after Mofakkerul Islam incited the mob through his provocative speech.

He challenged the local administration and the central agencies, such as the Intelligence Bureau (IB), to come and arrest him. “Where are the DM, the SP, the CID and the IB? Where are they all? Come here,” Mofakkerul can be heard shouting.

“It is a movement to save our sons and daughters. Once we are here, we won’t leave empty-handed,” Mofakkerul told the people gathered there. “Fresh blood will be shed here. Nara e Takbeer, Allah hu Akbar,” he screamed.

After the video went viral, Mofakkerul planned to escape to Bengaluru but was arrested at the Bagdogra airport. He is currently booked in 3 cases. Reportedly, he was en route to Kolkata on Wednesday (1st April) but stopped at Murshidabad and Malda to make provocative speeches

His aide, Akramul Bagani, who runs anti-Hindu propaganda portal ‘Insaf News’, was also apprehended.

Mofakkerul is also an advocate at the Calcutta High Court and boasts of over 2 million followers on Facebook. He previously incited Muslims against Hindus during the Waqf Amendment Act row.

The rabble-rouser was fielded by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) from the Itahar Vidhan Sabha constituency in Uttar Dinajpur district in the 2021 West Bengal election. It is unclear whether he remained or quit the party following his humiliating defeat in the election.

As per a Facebook post by ‘Vote for AIMIM’ group, Mofakkerul Islam re-joined the party in September 2025.

Post by AIMIM Facebook group

Mofakkerul Islam and his TMC connection

Following his arrest by the West Bengal police, TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee took the credit for ‘exposing’ the conspiracy behind the Malda hostage crisis and violence.

She had claimed, “The Election Commission of India transferred 483 of our officers and posted new people. But our CID tracked down the main conspirator. We have long maintained that AIMIM and the BJP are trying to create disturbances in Bengal. The Congress and the Left are involved too.”

In a desperate attempt, Mamata Banerjee attempted to absolve the close connection of Mofakkerul Islam and the Trinamool Congress party. However, a casual glance at his X (formerly Twitter) posts from 2018 reveals a different story.

He had promoted several flagship schemes of the Mamata government and criticised the BJP.

Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam
Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam
Screengrab of the tweet by Mofakkerul Islam

Around the same time, Mofakkerul met several high-profile Trinamool Congress leaders. In one of the images, he was seen meeting heavyweight TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee.

Mofakkerul Islam with TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee

The rabble-rouser was also spotted alongside other TMC leaders.

He had also endorsed TMC members holding important party designations.

While the Mamata govt is busy distancing itself from Mofakkerul, his social media endorsement of the party punctures its lies.

Education Ministry notifies NCERT as Deemed University: Read what it means and how the organisation will change

Raju Das
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Education Ministry notifies NCERT as Deemed University: Read what it means and how the organisation will change

The Union Ministry of Education has formally notified the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) as an institution deemed to be a university, enabling the apex school education body to offer its own degree programmes and conduct research for the first time.⁠

In a notification issued on 30 March 2026 under Section 3 of the University Grants Commission (UGC) Act, 1956, the ministry declared NCERT, along with its six constituent units, including the Regional Institutes of Education in Ajmer, Bhopal, Bhubaneswar, Mysuru and Shillong, and the Pandit Sunderlal Sharma Central Institute of Vocational Education in Bhopal, as a deemed university under a “distinct category”. The move came on the advice of the UGC, which approved the recommendations of an expert committee during its 595th meeting on 30 January 2026.⁠

The decision had been in the pipeline for nearly three years. Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan first signalled the government’s intent in September 2023 during NCERT’s foundation day, stating that the status would help transform the organisation into a research-driven institution capable of greater global academic engagement.

The process began with NCERT’s application on the UGC portal, followed by a Letter of Intent (LoI) issued by the Ministry in August 2023. NCERT then submitted its compliance report in November 2025 after fulfilling the conditions outlined in the Letter of Intent. An earlier proposal to designate NCERT as an “institution of national importance” was set aside in favour of this route.⁠

What the new status means

Until now, NCERT’s primary mandate has been the development of school curricula, textbooks and teacher-training materials. The deemed-university status significantly expands this role. The 63-year-old council can now independently launch diploma, undergraduate, postgraduate, doctoral and specialised programmes in education and related fields.

It will also be able to conduct research and award its own degrees, while retaining its core responsibilities in school education.⁠ The government notification directs the institution to “take appropriate steps to commence research programmes as well as doctoral and innovative academic programmes” in line with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.

The “distinct category” tag recognises NCERT’s specialised national role, and grants it autonomy to design and run academic programmes while distinguishing it from conventional universities.  A deemed-to-be-university is a specific category granted to institutions that demonstrate academic strength in a defined area. Such deemed universities enjoy full academic autonomy, and they can design courses, develop curricula, set admission criteria and fix fees. 

With this status, NCERT will be able to function as a full-fledged research university. It will be able to initiate in-house research programmes and formally enter higher education and doctoral training. However, its funding will be continued to be done by Department of School Education and Literacy under the Ministry of Education. This means its role as creator of school education framework will remain strong.

This will also change the status of the Regional Institutes of Education (RIEs) in Ajmer, Bhopal, Bhubaneswar, Mysuru and Shillong, along with the Pandit Sunderlal Sharma Central Institute of Vocational Education in Bhopal. Until now, these institutes were affiliated with universities in their respective states, and therefore, they were governed by different universities. Now these institutions will come under NCERT deemed university.

Regulatory oversight by the UGC

However, the notification brings NCERT squarely under the UGC’s regulatory framework. All academic programmes must now conform to the norms and standards prescribed by the UGC and other statutory bodies. Any new courses, off-campus centres or offshore programmes can be started only with UGC approval and in line with its guidelines. The council is explicitly barred from engaging in commercial or profit-making activities.

Several mandatory requirements will come into force as a result of this change. NCERT will have to initiate research programmes, doctoral studies and innovative academic offerings in emerging areas, in alignment with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. The institute and its programmes will have to obtain accreditation from the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) and the National Board of Accreditation (NBA) respectively.

It must participate in the National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) on an annual basis. Moreover, an Academic Bank of Credits (ABC) system must be implemented, with student identities created and credit scores uploaded to digital lockers.⁠

These steps will integrate NCERT more fully into India’s higher-education ecosystem while maintaining its distinct focus on school education. As per the notification, it will not engage or indulge in any activities that are of a commercial and profit making in nature.

Why did the government take this step

Officials say the move is designed to strengthen teacher education, promote educational research and innovation, and align NCERT more closely with the vision of NEP 2020. By evolving into a research-oriented body with degree-granting powers, NCERT is expected to bridge school-level education with advanced academic and global collaboration, ultimately improving the quality of curriculum development and pedagogical practices across the country.⁠

The notification marks a structural shift for NCERT, positioning it as both the guardian of school education and a recognised player in higher education and research. Implementation will now proceed under the UGC’s oversight, with the council required to meet the stipulated conditions to realise the full potential of its new status.

Yogi govt in UP to grant legal land ownership to over 2,500 Bangladeshi Hindu refugee families living in India for decades: Read details

OpIndia Staff
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Yogi govt in UP to grant legal land ownership to over 2,500 Bangladeshi Hindu refugee families living in India for decades: Read details

The government led by Yogi Adityanath in Uttar Pradesh has launched a substantial initiative for Hindu refugees who migrated from what was previously referred to as East Pakistan (currently Bangladesh). These efforts transcend the usual governmental rehabilitation procedures and instead, signify a long-overdue act of justice for a prolonged historical injustice faced by Hindu victims.

From the 1960s until 1975, a considerable number of Hindu families, escaping religious persecution, riots and instability in East Pakistan, relocated to and settled in various districts of Uttar Pradesh, such as Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Kheri, Bijnor and Rampur. The acceleration of the process to grant legal ownership rights over the land where they have built their homes, farms and resided for many years has now finally taken place. Consequently, major transformations are also being observed within the Hindu demographic landscape.

Historical background: The exodus that did not end even after the partition

The situation for the Hindu community in East Pakistan remained unfavourable after the partition of 1947. Throughout different periods, their migration continued relentlessly due to communal strife, religious bias, encroachment on property, assaults on temples and systematic persecution at the local level.

The period between 1960 and 1975 saw this migration wave affecting several regions in North India, including Uttar Pradesh. Thousands of Bangladeshi Hindu refugee families were moved to various districts by the centre and Uttar Pradesh governments in these years.

These families established their homes in various villages in places including Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Kheri, Bijnor and Rampur. They received residential plots and agricultural land. However, they were most often unable to obtain full possession of the land due to the existing legal framework, inconsistencies in official documentation and subsequent administrative modifications.

These persecuted Hindu refugees from Bangladesh made India their permanent home, and generations of their descendants spent their lives in the country. Their names are present on all official documents from voter identification cards to ration cards, yet they are either categorised as occupants of “State Government Land” or have incomplete entries in the land records.

The decision of the Yogi government: Fulfilment of a moral obligation

Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath directed that Hindu refugees from East Pakistan should be granted rights to land ownership at a high-level meeting in July 2025. According to reports, he made it clear that this issue should not be perceived solely as a rehabilitation case, but as a matter of “social justice, humanity, and national responsibility.”

His directives prominently featured several specific provisions. Firstly, the land-related cases concerning around 10,000 families who were displaced and settled in Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Kheri, Bijnor and Rampur between 1960 and 1975 are to be examined. Secondly, the land rights of those families who received land for housing and agricultural purposes are to be addressed. These rights are presently unresolved due to legal irregularities and inconsistencies in official documentation.

Third, alternative land must be designated in cases where land is not available at a particular site or legal allocation is impractical. Fourth, the legal vacuum that emerged after the old government grants framework (as per the Government Grants Act) is to be resolved through a different mechanism, thus providing these families with their rightful entitlements.

CM Yogi clearly directed officials, asserting that “the law is intended to benefit the public, not to cause them distress.” These measures were originally designed specifically for the Pilibhit region. The state government ensured that these resolutions were not merely theoretical and as a result, the process for conferring land ownership rights was commenced for around 2,196 families in the region.

Verification reports concerning the Hindu refugee families residing in 25 villages have been submitted to the government and arrangements are being made to deliver the final documentation promptly upon receipt of formal guidelines. Additionally, initiatives are in progress to apply this same model in Lakhimpur Kheri and other districts.

The evolving situation in Lakhimpur Kheri: 331 families, 4 villages, 3 tehsils

Official data presented a distinct overview of the circumstances in Lakhimpur Kheri. As per official documentation, 331 families who were displaced from East Pakistan (currently Bangladesh) have been relocated within the district. These families have established their residence across three tehsils: Gola, Dhaurahra and Mohammadi.

According to the report, 97 families were settled in the village of Sutkuiya located in Dhaurahra Tehsil, 37 families were placed in Village Number 3 of Gola Tehsil. Furthermore, 41 families were settled in the village of Mohanganj (Colony) within Mohammadi Tehsil.

Moreover, the most significant settlement of Bangladeshi Hindu refugees in Lakhimpur Kheri is situated in Fayaznagar which is part of Mohammadi Tehsil where 156 families have been established in this specific area alone. Collectively, these four settlements are united by a common historical memory despite being geographically separated.

Family composition: The story of three generations

The document further presents information about the average family size. This figure illustrates the actual scale of the “population” being examined. The families generally have around 1 to 8 members in Gola Tehsil. The family sizes vary from about 1 to 6 members in Dhaurahra Tehsil, and these can consist of approximately 1 to 10 members in Mohammadi Tehsil.

When viewed in this context, the estimated total population of these 331 families is between 1,500 and 1,800 individuals. This population now includes a combination of second- and third-generation descendants. The first generation was made up of those who crossed the border, the second-generation experienced life in uncertain resettlement and the third generation is currently waiting for their legal rights to that land.

Lakhimpur Kheri microdata related to land holdings

The officially published report includes an in-depth description of the residential and agricultural land owned by each family. An average of 3 bighas of agricultural land has been distributed among 37 families in Gola Tehsil. Approximately 60 families were allocated around 1.620 bighas of agricultural land each in Sutkuiya village, situated in Dhaurahra Tehsil. In Mohammadi Tehsil—particularly in Mohan Ganj (Colony).

Fifteen families were granted three bighas of land each, in the village of Mohanganj (Colony) in Tehsil Mohammadi. Furthermore, nine families were assigned seven bighas of land per family, while an additional seventeen families received five bighas of land each. In addition to these groups, approximately 156 families who settled in Fayyanagar village (Mohammadi Tehsil) were allocated around 4.75 bighas of agricultural land per family for farming purposes.

These statistics clearly indicate that the Hindu refugees from Bangladesh residing in Lakhimpur Kheri are not completely landless nor are they extensive landowners. They are small to medium-scale farmers whose means of subsistence rely on landholdings that vary from 1 to 7 bighas. Hence, the challenge was not their inability to acquire land, but instead, the issue was that they had not, until this point, obtained full legal documentation in their own names despite having cultivated the land for generations.

Pilibhit’s 2,196 families and a 62-year wait

The conditions in Pilibhit reveal yet another crucial facet of this significant choice made by the Uttar Pradesh government. Within the Pilibhit district, roughly 2,196 families, identified as Hindu refugees who moved from East Pakistan, are established across 25 villages.

While they were given land for housing and agricultural purposes in the 1960s, they were never granted legal ownership rights. In official records, the land was at times recorded under the jurisdiction of the Forest Department. In other cases, property mutation (the transfer of title) was not executed and in some situations no clear legal route remained to formalize their titles after the repeal of the old Government Grants Act.

After CM Yogi’s intervention, the District Magistrate of Pilibhit indicated that verification reports for 1,466 of the 2,196 families have already been submitted to the state government. The process of issuing land titles to these families is anticipated to commence as soon as the final guidelines are received. This initiative is not limited to Pilibhit and is being implemented in all districts of Uttar Pradesh where such refugees were resettled.

A significant technical challenge arose from the fact that these lands were originally allocated under the “Government Grants Act.” This act was annulled in 2018, resulting in the absence of a clear or direct legal route to authenticate these earlier land grants. Officials informed CM Yogi that this was the main reason the process of conferring ownership rights, even to legitimate refugee families, had come to a standstill, as there were no specific legal provisions that allowed for the alteration of land titles in their names.

“The law is not intended to trap individuals in distress, but rather to assist them,” he responded. Officials were tasked with identifying and formulating an alternative legal solution to address the issue following this directive. Documents from Lakhimpur Kheri suggest that the state government has not excluded these families from other welfare initiatives. As per reports, these refugee families have consistently received benefits from various government programs, adhering to the relevant rules and eligibility requirements.

These initiatives have included programs such as the Pradhan Mantri Kisan Durghatna Kalyan Yojana, crop insurance schemes, the Pradhan Mantri/Chief Minister Kisan Samman Schemes, pensions for senior citizens, widows and individuals with disabilities, marriage grants (including the Mukhyamantri Samuhik Vivah Yojana), educational support, scholarships and school-related benefits, health and nutrition initiatives, the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Rural), rations under the National Food Security Act, the Swachh Bharat Mission, rural road projects, rural employment and livelihood schemes, among others.

Due to the initiatives led by CM Yogi and his government, these Hindu families have started to gain the respect and dignity that is granted to citizens. In the past, they were classified as “incomplete refugees” in relation to land ownership. With the current initiatives of the Yogi government, land rights are now being integrated with welfare scheme benefits, with the goal of enhancing their economic stability.

The initiatives undertaken by the Uttar Pradesh government demonstrate that, at the state level, the processes of preparing documentation for refugees and granting them land rights are not mutually exclusive, but rather complementary.

The Uttar Pradesh model: A benchmark for refugee welfare

The Yogi administration in Uttar Pradesh has intensified its initiatives on various fronts concerning the welfare of Bangladeshi Hindu refugees. They have received recognition, and the government has formally acknowledged that these families have lived here for many years. Although they were allocated land previously, they were not granted ownership rights. The Yogi administration has corrected this historical error.

Consequently, they were given a legal resolution. Currently, alternative options are being looked into to address the legal gap that emerged following the repeal of the Government Grants Act. The aim is to validate previous land allocations and, in turn, grant land ownership rights to these families.

Moreover, the administrative implementation has been significantly reinforced. A comprehensive process has been initiated that includes the verification of each family, the accurate measurement of their land holdings and the subsequent preparation of required documentation by requisitioning district-specific reports, identifying, for instance, 2,196 families in Pilibhit and 331 in Lakhimpur Kheri.

Simultaneously, the Yogi government has shown a clear political commitment by forwarding lists of refugees to the central government. It seeks to include them under the provisions of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), ensure their ongoing access to welfare schemes and facilitate their transition from the status of mere “refugees” to that of “settled citizens and farmers.”

Hence, it can be stated that Uttar Pradesh serves as an active and exemplary model in addressing the critical issues of welfare, dignity, and land rights for Bangladeshi Hindu refugees within the current landscape, a model that transcends mere relief measures to adopt a rights-based approach to problem-solving.

To declare that “the Yogi government of Uttar Pradesh is working for the welfare of Bangladeshi Hindu refugees” is not simply a political statement but it is a concrete, historic and legally grounded initiative that is fundamentally connected to the land, homes and identities of thousands of families. Whether it involves the 2,196 settlements in Pilibhit or the small agricultural plots cultivated by the 331 families in Lakhimpur Kheri, all of these factors contribute to this transformative story.

Muslim mob goes on a rampage in Malda, gheraoing Judicial officers, pelting stones: Read how the violence was instigated by AIMIM leader Mofakkerul Islam and TMC netas

Aditi
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Muslim mob goes on a rampage in Malda, gheraoing Judicial officers, pelting stones: Read how the violence was instigated by AIMIM leader Mofakkerul Islam and TMC netas

Tension gripped the Malda district of West Bengal on Wednesday (1st April) as a savage mob gheraoed seven judicial officers at the Block Development Officer (BDO) office in Kaliachak-II, a Muslim-dominated area. The judicial officers were overseeing the verification documents of voters whose names were marked “under adjudication” during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise conducted by the Election Commission of India in the poll-bound state. The outburst was linked to the deletion of the names of several infiltrators living in the area from supplementary voter lists released recently.

It is reported that some of the so-called protestors wanted to meet the judicial officers, but were not allowed. As a result, they held the judicial officers, including four women along with a five-year-old child of one of the officers, hostage for about nine hours. The judicial officers were left stranded in the BDO office without access to food and water.

District authorities, the Superintendent of Police and the Additional District Magistrate rushed to the spot around midnight to rescue the judicial officers by dispersing the mob, which had hijacked the law and order in the area. After the collective efforts of the central forces and the police, the judicial officers were rescued past midnight, but the mob did not calm down.

As the judicial officers were being escorted, the mob tried to stop their vehicles by placing bamboo poles on the road and pelted stones and bricks at them. The so-called protestors also blocked the National Highway 12 (Kolkata-Siliguri National Highway) in Malda, disrupting connectivity between North and South Bengal.

AIMIM leader Mofakkerul Islam masterminded the Malda incident, arrested

Turns out that the Malda incident was not a benevolent demonstration by people enraged over the deletion of voter names in the SIR, but a pre-planned conspiracy to create unrest and panic ahead of the assembly polls. The Malda incident was reportedly orchestrated by a local advocate and All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) leader Mofakkerul Islam.

The night before the Malda incident, Islam led protests at Sujapur Hospital Crossing in Malda. He delivered a provocative speech during the protest, which is said to have resulted in an aggressive mob surrounding the judicial officers at the BDO office in Kaliachak-II.

Mofakkerul Islam, who contested the 2021 West Bengal Assembly polls from Itahar on the AIMIM ticket, was arrested by the West Bengal CID at Bagdogra Airport on Friday (3rd April) while trying to flee. An arrest warrant was issued against Islam the day before, on Thursday, at the direction of the Supreme Court.

Several videos of Mofakkerul Islam have been going viral on social media, where he can be seen making inflammatory statements using a loudspeaker and challenging the local administration and the central agencies, such as the Intelligence Bureau (IB), to come and get him. “Where are the DM, the SP, the CID and the IB? Where are they all? Come here,” Islam can be heard shouting. “It is a movement to save our sons and daughters. Once we are here, we won’t leave empty-handed,” Islam told the people gathered there. He called for the shedding of blood and shouted Allahu Akbar. “Fresh blood will be shed here. Nara e Takbeer, Allah hu Akbar,” Islam screamed.

As per reports, Mofakkerul Islam practices in both the Raiganj District Court and the Calcutta High Court. His family, including his wife and children, reside in Kolkata. His mother, Fatema Bibi, lives in Itahar in the Uttar Dinajpur district. His mother denied knowing his whereabouts and said that he had visited once in the past five months. Islam had held a rally in the Muslim-dominated Itahar while contesting the 2021 assembly polls.

TMS leaders held protests at the BDO office before the Malda incident

Notably, before the Malda incident, several TMC leaders, led by Minister of State of North Bengal Development of West Bengal Sabina Yeasmin, sat on a protest in front of the BDO office in Kaliachak-II on Wednesday. The BJP has accused the ruling TMC of inciting people, plotting the attack on the judicial officers in Malda and the blocking of the national highway.

Speaking to the media, Leader of Opposition in Bengal Assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, said that the Malda incident was plotted by the TMC top brass under the leadership of CM Mamata Banerjee. “What happened in Malda has crossed all limits. This is a planned attack to break the connection between north and south Bengal,” Adhikari said. He termed the Malda incident an “organised crime” and demanded the arrest of Sabina Yeasmin, calling her the “primary architect of implementation”.

“Sabina Yeasmin, Minister of State of North Bengal Development of West Bengal, was given charge to orchestrate this attack. The entire plan was made by the TMC in Kolkata. This is an alarming situation. I demand that Yeasmin and others be arrested,” Adhikari said.

BJP president Shamik Bhattacharya said that a “demographic invasion” has been taking place in West Bengal, and fake currency was being distributed. He added that the judiciary is being targeted in the state. “We don’t have any issues with Indian Muslims. Wednesday’s incident was a planned attempt to incite riots. The lower judiciary is under threat. We are the only political party that has said infiltration must be stopped. Only Indians should be on the electoral roll,” Bhattacharya said.

Meanwhile, Sabina Yeasmin distanced herself and the TMC from the Malda incident and said that she did not support the violation of law and order in the state. After staging protests against the judicial officers, Yeasmin took a U-turn and said that the judicial officers are guests and that they should be allowed to do their work.

While the AIMIM and the TMC appear to be contesting against each other in the upcoming assembly elections, the presence of their leaders and their common grievance against the Election Commission officials has fanned the speculations of a tacit political understanding.

The investigation into the Malda incident has been handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA) by the Election Commission. So far, 19 people have been arrested in connection with the case.

CEC Gyanesh Kumar hands over Malda violence case to NIA: Here’s what SC observed, DM and Home Secretary didn’t reach scene, even food and water were denied to judicial officers

Shraddha Pandey
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CEC Gyanesh Kumar hands over Malda violence case to NIA: Here’s what SC observed, DM and Home Secretary didn’t reach scene, even food and water were denied to judicial officers

Mockery of democracy has become a routine affair in the Trinamool Congress-ruled West Bengal. On the 1st of April 2026, seven judicial officers, including three women, who were on election duty for the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, were gheraoed at a BDO office in the Muslim-dominated Malda district. The Supreme Court observations in the Malda violence case reveal how the judicial officers endured a nine-hour-long horror because of the Mamata Banerjee-led state administration’s nonfeasance.

A Supreme Court bench comprising CJI Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi and Justice Vipin Pancholi took sou motu cognisance of the Malda violence after being alerted by the Calcutta High Court CJI. The apex court came down heavily on the West Bengal government and the Malda district administration.

Calculated and deliberate move

The court noted that the incident was not routine but a “calculated and motivated move” to demoralise the judicial officers and to stop the ongoing process of adjudicating objections in the left-out cases. The court described the incident as a challenge to its authority.

Moreover, the court observed that the targeting of judicial officers, who are, in essence, an “extension of this Court”, is a “brazen attempt not only to browbeat judicial officers, but also amounts to a challenge to the authority of this Court. This incident certainly cannot be construed to be a routine occurrence and, ex facie, appears to be a calculated, well-planned and deliberate act intended to demoralise judicial officers and obstruct the ongoing process of adjudication of objections in the remaining cases.”

The Bench further observed that such attempts to create psychological fear in the minds of judicial officers to prevent them from discharging their duties, by disrupting law and order, will not be permitted. The court dubbed the gherao and harassment of judicial officers in Malda as a case of “criminal contempt”.

“We have no hesitation in observing that we will not permit any person to take the law into their own hands so as to create a climate of psychological fear in the minds of judicial officers who are discharging their duties. Such conduct, undoubtedly, amounts to criminal contempt within the meaning of Section 2(cl of the Contempt of Courts Act, L97L,” the court said.

The court further noted that the Malda incident “reflects a complete failure on the part of the civil and police administration, in so far as the law and order situation in Maldah District is concerned.” The Bench also took note of the information provided that the judicial officers were deliberately deprived of even essentials like food and water.

“We are informed that the situation was so dire that even food and water were not permitted to be supplied to the judicial officers. The Hon’ble Chief Justice further pointed out that neither the District Magistrate nor the Superintendent of Police had reached the BDO office where the officers were gheraoed,” the Court stated.

Conduct of administration “highly deplorable”: SC seeks explanation

 The Supreme Court highlighted the failure on the part of the Chief Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Director General of Police, the Collector and the Superintendent of Police in taking effective measures to safely evacuate the gheraoed judicial officers despite receiving information.

“It also pains us to observe that the manner in which the Chief Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Director General of Police, the Collector and the Superintendent of Police have acted is highly deplorable. They owe an explanation to this Court as to why, upon being informed that the judicial officers had been gheraoed at around 03:30 p.m., no effective measures were taken to secure their safe evacuation,” the court said,

“It was incumbent upon the State administration to immediately inform the Election Commission of India and seek deployment of central forces, wherever necessary, safety of the judicial officers,” it added.

Orally, CJI Suryakant said that West Bengal is the “most polarised state” where “everyone speaks in political language”. The court also lamented that it was expected that everyone would welcome judicial officers, since they are court-appointed neutral agents; however, even “they were not spared from attacks”.

Supreme Court issues multiple directives

In the wake of the Malda incident, the Supreme Court issued a set of directives to ensure that “no obstruction or impediment is caused to the ongoing SIR process entrusted to the judicial officers, and that their life, liberty, property, and that of their family members are duly protected under the orders and directions of this Court.”

The top court directed the Election Commission of India (ECI) to requisition “adequate central forces and for their deployment at all places where the judicial officers have been deputed for adjudication of objections under the SIR process.”

In addition, the court ordered that adequate security arrangements must be made at hotels and government guest houses, etc., where the judicial officers and their families are residing. The court also directed the police administration to assess threat perception apprised to them by on-duty judicial officers and take necessary measures accordingly and immediately.

Moreover, the court directed the ECI and the West Bengal government to “take all remedial measures that may be necessary to ensure the safety and smooth functioning of the responsibility entrusted upon the judicial officers.”

The Supreme Court directed the Chief Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Director General of Police, all the District Magistrates, Senior Superintendent of Police, and other police officers to ensure that not more than 5 persons enter the premises at any given time for the purpose of filing objections or during the hearing of such objections. These officers have also been ordered to submit a compliance report.

Pertinently, the apex court has directed the Chief Secretary, Malda DGP, DM and SP to show cause as to why suitable action should not be taken against them.

The most important directive issued by the Supreme Court is to the ECI to entrust an investigation into the Malda judicial officers gherao incident to an independent agency like the Central Bureau of Investigation or the National Investigation Agency (NIA). The court ordered the ECI to file a compliance report while the entrusted probe agency to submit a preliminary report post-investigation.

 CEC Gyanesh Kumar hands over the Malda violence case to the NIA

In compliance with the Supreme Court directive to hand over the Malda violence probe to an independent investigation agency, the Chief Election Commissioner CEC) Gyanesh Kumar, wrote a letter to the NIA, entrusting the probe agency to investigate the case.

“I am directed to refer to the order dated 02.04.2026 of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in Suo Moto writ Petition (civil) No(s). 3/2026 (copy enclosed) in respect of the gherao of seven judicial officers involved in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls by anti-social elements at the BDO office, the Kaliachowk area of Maldah District. In this regard, I am directed to request that the necessary inquiry/investigation into the matter be conducted, and a preliminary inquiry report be submitted directly to the Hon’ble court as per the above directions,” the letter signed by ECI Secretary, Sujeet Kumar Mishra, reads.

Background of the Malda Violence case

The case relates to an incident in West Bengal’s Malda district, where seven judicial officers, including three women judges, were gheraoed by a huge mob on Wednesday evening (1st April) for over 9+ hours. The officers were working at the Block Development Officer (BDO) office in Muslim-dominated Kaliachak as part of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

The trouble began around 3:30 pm, when a large group of people gathered outside the office, protesting the deletion of their names from the voter list. The crowd blocked the premises, preventing the officers from leaving for several hours.

According to the court, the situation remained tense well into the night, with little immediate response from local authorities. It was only after the intervention of senior officials, including the Director General of Police and the Home Secretary, that the officers were finally rescued after midnight.

However, even after their release, the officers were not completely safe. As they were heading back, their vehicles were attacked with stones and sticks, raising serious concerns about their security. “Shockingly, when the judicial officers were released around midnight and were returning to their respective places of stay, their vehicles were pelted with stones and attacked with bamboo sticks and bricks,” the Supreme Court noted.

The Supreme Court stated that the Malda violence incident would have a chilling effect on the judicial officers who have been working tirelessly, without availing any leave.

Walk of shame: Maharashtra police adopts a fresh strategy to deal with crime and its glorification, the approach has already yielded positive results in UP

Rukma Rathore
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Walk of shame: Maharashtra police adopts a fresh strategy to deal with crime and its glorification, the approach has already yielded positive results in UP

The police under the government of Maharashtra, presided over by the Bharatiya Janata Party, has discovered an intriguing approach to addressing criminal activities that could be both effective and advantageous. The authorities have begun not only to arrest and subject criminals to legal proceedings but also to publicly shame them. Such scenes routinely unfold outside the Nashik Police Crime Branch office, reported The Indian Express.

The slogan “Nashik zilla kaydyacha balekilla (Nashik district, a fortress of law and order)” is stated as an accused is taken out, sometimes hobbling or held up by cops on either side and told to face the cameras. It has occurred several times during the past six months, including in presence of media and it is now taking place in other places as well. The measure has motivated police in other regions to address the offenders in a similar manner.

Some persons were captured apologising on video for creating reels that glorify gangsterism outside the Mumbra police station in Thane. They were accompanied by police personal and “Thane zilla kaydyacha balekilla (Thane district, a fortress of law and order)” was declared as the new slogan.

The local police in Akola have been employing the same method to post the before-and-after footage of the perpetrators, likewise announcing, “Thane zilla kaydyacha balekilla (Thane district, a fortress of law and order)” as the fresh motto. An official expressed, “While we would take action against those involved in such reels earlier, the way the video is shot and the balekilla reference is from Nashik police.”

Nashik sets the trend with an even-handed approach

Nashik Commissioner Sandeep Karnik initiated the trend and disclosed that the accused had come up with the phrase. A group of young people had called Nashik a “fortress of crime” in one of the earliest videos which gained traction on social media. Afterwards, the police apprehended them and flipped the meaning of their remark.

“This is where we got the slogan from. Henceforth, anyone arrested in such crimes was made to say Nashik zilla kaydyacha balekilla. That this city is a fortress of law and order,” he voiced while talking to the media house. The individuals who undergo this “walk of shame” in Nashik include a wide variety of accused ranging from street-level criminals and youths charged with celebrating crime on the internet to those with political links such as former corporator and Republican Party of India (Athawale faction) leader Prakash Londhe along with his sons.

Notably, even BJP functionary Mama Rajwade was not spared in a strong message outlining impartial and unbiased action. The self-proclaimed godman Ashok Kharat, who is facing accusations of sexually exploiting multiple women, was recently subjected to the same. For locals and the police, this represents prompt, exemplary justice for the state’s fastest-growing urban centres during the last ten years, with manufacturing hubs in locations including Satpur and Ambad.

A limited selection of these videos was posted on the official Instagram account of the Nashik Police, which boasts approximately 70,000 followers, as per IE’s review of over 50 videos. Nonetheless, many of these originated from private accounts and local news channels. Most of the footage depicted the accused outside the Crime Branch office and in some cases they are seen kneeling, holding their ears and expressing remorse while chanting the slogan.

Several videos follow a before-and-after structure. The crime is illustrated as a reel in the initial segment, while the accused is shown being taken into custody, apologising and referring to the city as “a fortress of law and order” in the second.

What is the purpose of this move

Nashik, similar to other areas, has witnessed the extensive impact of social media with youngsters sharing videos that frequently promote local gang culture or criminal behaviour. Hence, the police commenced a crackdown to stop this. Furthermore, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city after multiple killings and ordered Karnik to take tough measures against outlaws regardless of their political ties. Additionally, police introduced a helpline to encourage people to report offensive material or antisocial acts

Karnik pointed out that reels created by criminals were influencing impressionable minds. “In some reels youngsters are seen putting up rap songs which have lyrics glorifying street crime. We want youngsters who may otherwise be influenced by such elements to see what happens to them eventually. We asked our cyber police to trace people who were in these reels and registered an offence in cases that are dire,” he informed.

“These people were arrested, told to delete the particular video and upload new ones where they are seen saying how they were wrong in uploading such videos and saying Nashik zilla kaydyacha balekilla. When people see local politicians from any party, who otherwise try to exert their influence and indulge in criminal acts, fold their hands in these videos and call Nashik city a law-and-order fortress, the common man feels good,” the senior official asserted.

Maharashtra emulates the path of Uttar Pradesh

The significant transformation in law and order in Uttar Pradesh has been one of the highlights of the saffron government. The state, which was once a haven for gangsters and mafia due to political patronage, has an extraordinary shift in handling crime and its perpetrators since Yogi Adityanath was appointed as chief minister. Many criminals have chosen to voluntarily surrender, renounce the illegal path and even leave the state.

Thus, it is not surprising that the Maharashtra police has drawn lessons from a similar playbook in dealing with the problematic elements in society. The Uttar Pradesh police have been displaying offenders in the streets of the state to serve as both an example and a warning to others engaged in similar activities.

Amir Zaidi, a leader of the Samajwadi Party, was booked for sexually abusing a Hindu girl and pushing her to embrace Islam in February. Afterwards, he was arrested and police ushered him barefoot through crowded town crossings. “Sir, I made a mistake, I will not look at another girl,” the accused was heard assuring with folding their hands.

He encountered her when she was 16 years old, following her father’s death in 2013 and exploited her vulnerability. He recorded explicit images and videos of her, which were subsequently used to blackmail her into complying with his demands. He even threatened her fiance with murder.

A case was submitted against Zaidi and his three aides based on the victim’s complaint under the sections relating to rape, criminal intimidation and the applicable provisions of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, the Information Technology (IT) Act and the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act. According to Ghatampur police, Zaidi is a repeat offender with previous allegations related to the Goonda Act, intimidation and assault.

Similarly, 12 history-sheeters were paraded within the confines of the Chandaus Kotwali in Aligarh last month. Officer Satyaveer Singh indicated that there are 65 such individuals registered in their jurisdiction and they are required to report to the police station on various days to participate in an attendance parade each month.

Singh stressed that they are under close monitoring and warned that any form of crime or disorder would not be tolerated. He also added that the fight against crime and criminals is going to continue relentlessly. The same destiny awaited 10 offenders in Gorakhpur.

On 27th October, a violent confrontation transpired between two rival gangs due to a shared dispute at the Aktahwa Bridge in Pipiganj. The members of group assaulted their adversaries with sticks and clubs, leading to 7 injuries. The police were notified and promptly arrived at the location, however, the violators escaped the scene while discharging firearms. Afterwards, 10 accused from “AK-47” and “Red” factions were nabbed and paraded prior to their court appearance. The Gorakhpur authorities proceeded to catch at least 21 accused.

Conclusion

Uttar Pradesh police have distinctly set a precedent for countering crime alongside criminals, and Maharashtra has started to pursue the same route. It is a fact that combating crime takes persistent effort, but the BJP governments have definitely provided a leading example with their strategies, which could significantly contribute to deterring such sinister entities and influence other states.

‘The News Minute’ runs propaganda article trashing BJP for asking people of temple town in Kerala to elect Hindu MLA: Read how the portal had been rationalising Hindu exclusion

Shraddha Pandey
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‘The News Minute’ runs propaganda article trashing BJP for asking people of temple town in Kerala to elect Hindu MLA: Read how the portal had been rationalising Hindu exclusion

Kerala, which has historically seen a power switch between the LDF and UDF, is witnessing a notable rise of the BJP ahead of the state assembly elections. As the BJP intensifies efforts to gain ground in the politically tough terrain, the leftist media is alarmed and is resorting to its usual tactics, painting the party as ‘communal’ for its pro-Hindu stance. In this vein, The News Minute recently interviewed B Gopalakrishnan, a lawyer and BJP candidate from the temple town of Guruvayur, and framed his pitch to voters to elect a “Hindu MLA”, as some sinister ‘laboratory experiment’, ‘promoting enmity’, ‘divisive’ “Yogi Adityanath-type projection.”

The News Minute’s chagrin is rooted in a flex board, featuring BJP’s B Gopalakrishnan, a list of MLAs from 1977 to 2021, who were all Muslims, and a question: “Are you not seeing this?” The BJP’s messaging is urging voters to change this “50 years of neglect”. In March this year, Gopalakrishnan was booked after CPIM lodged a complaint accusing him of making a communally sensitive statement.

“Why doesn’t Guruvayur, an international pilgrimage centre, have a Hindu MLA? I have been called on by Guruvayurappan to rescue the land from this half-century-long imprisonment in the hands of temple looters and temple-opposers. Why don’t the Left or Right fronts field a Hindu MLA?” Gopalakrishnan had said in a campaign video.

After CPIM approached the police and Congress knocked on the door of the court, the BJP leader doubled down and said, “Does Guruvayur have an MLA who can stand at the Guruvayur Temple and say that they believe in Guruvayurappan? Instead, there is the MLA who says lighting lamps is haram, or that the Guruvayur Temple is a myth. I will raise Hindu issues, and I don’t care if I face charges for that.”

In the article titled, “‘Why no Hindu MLA’: Guruvayur becomes BJP’s laboratory for a new pitch in Kerala”, The News Minute laments that while BJP has adopted a rather ‘secular’ approach in Kerala, in sharp contrast to its approach in poll-bound Assam or West Bengal, Gopalakrishnan’s overtly pro-Hindu poll messaging and invocation of religious imagery, particularly, posters featuring him wearing Rudraksh beads and saffron attires, as problematic.

While TNM persistently portrayed Gopalakrishnan’s “Hindu MLA” pitch and assertion that the temple town is lacking development since the Muslim MLAs there lacked faith in the historic Guruvayur Temple, as communally charged and divisive, when the BJP leader claimed that the present CPIM MLA NK Akbar allegedly said that lighting lamps is haram, The News Minute quickly defended the Islamic belief.

“For clarity, there is no publicly documented instance of Guruvayur MLA NK Akbar stating that lighting a lamp in a temple is ‘haram’. While Islamic theology discourages idol worship for adherents, that does not translate into opposition to the religious practices of others,” the TNM article published on 1st April, reads.

Contrary to TNM’s assertion, Islamic ‘theology’ indeed mandates opposition to idol worship and other rituals of polytheists like Hindus, and destruction of idols.

Moving ahead, it is indeed a fact that since at least the 1970s, there has been no Hindu MLA from Guruvayur, the religious-cultural heartland for Hindus. The News Minute article acknowledges this history but somehow finds a BJP leader highlighting it as communal messaging, even though it is a mere publicising of facts. If the pattern was reversed: no Muslim MLA in a Muslim-majority seat for decades, every ‘secular’ party and leftist media outlet would have dubbed it systemic exclusion of one religious community.

Not to forget, just last month, a group of Muslim organisations in Rajasthan submitted a representation to the Congress party, seeking Rajya Sabha candidature for 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid, arguing that Muslims in the state lack political representation. When Muslims believe that they can and should be represented by Muslim politicians only, and political parties heed such demands, nobody has a problem, but when a BJP leader played the same card in Kerala, the same tactic became divisive, communal, and whatnot.

While the onus of presenting evidence about the incumbent MLA NK Akbar’s alleged “lighting lamps is haram”, indeed lies on BJP’s Gopalakrishnan, the repeated fielding of Muslim candidates by both LDF and UDF in a Hindu-majority constituency, where economy and culture revolve around the worship of Shri Krishna, indicates a deliberate neglect of Hindus to appease Muslims.

Although The News Minute’s “Yogi-style” sneer reveals its own bias, the deliberate downplaying of BJP candidate’s campaign raising local issues like water, sanitation, pilgrim infrastructure, and corruption, etc, and overemphasising his “Hindu MLA” pitch and unapologetic expression of his religiosity in poll campaign, comes across as an attempt to portray Gopalakrishnan as a fringe element and not a serious leader with a vision.

It is particularly amusing that leftists find nothing problematic in ‘secular’ parties consolidating the Muslim votebank, but when the BJP attempts Hindu vote consolidation, it becomes a ‘divisive’ communal tactic. The News Minute contrasts it with the BJP’s “moderate, secular approach, including Christian outreach”, as if outreach to Hindus is the anomaly.

It is notable that the Chavakkad Taluk, which encompasses Guruvayur, has a 54% Muslim population, compared to a 42% Hindu population, with Christians comprising the rest, as per the 2011 Census.

BJP leader Gopalakrishnan cited a massive rally held by Kanthapuram AP Aboobacker Musliyar near Chavakkad and said that, only two kilometres away, there was a Hindu Kumbh Mela, yet none of these leaders went there.

 “But just two kilometres away, there was the Kumbha Mela, which was a Hindu religious gathering. If these leaders are truly democratic and secular, they should attend to that as well. But they didn’t. They refused to go. Why? For appeasing a particular community? Why avoid Hindu events? If you are truly secular, you should engage with all communities equally,” the BJP candidate from Guruvayur said.

However, The News Minute dismissed Gopalakrishnan’s argument as ‘evasive’ and attempted to broaden the discussion into a wider narrative about selective secularism and political bias. If questioning why the Hindu cultural heartland of Guruvayur did not have a single Hindu MLA in 50 years, and wearing Rudraksh beads and saffron clothes, is turning a constituency into a ‘laboratory’, then other constituencies where Hindus have faced consistent political neglect should also be turned into such laboratories.

Personal jab at French President, ridiculing British warships, invoking Pearl Harbour and more: US President Donald Trump’s shocking conduct during the Iran war

Rukma Rathore
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Personal jab at French President, ridiculing British warships, invoking Pearl Harbour and more: US President Donald Trump’s shocking conduct during the Iran war

“You may love them or hate them, but they are impossible to ignore,” United States President Donald Trump, recognised for his outrageous remarks that vary from offensive to ludicrous and unintelligible, embodies this expression. The habitual offender has remained unperturbed despite the onslaught of criticism and backlash directed at him for his peculiar antics that are unbecoming of his position. Diplomatic standards have also failed to induce him to filter his thoughts before speaking, as even heads of other states are not immune to the awkwardness and discomfort stemming from his absurd statements.

Trump is clearly not accustomed to exercising restraint and persists in a consistent display of his uncanny behaviour, a trait unfit for a world leader. He has regularly exhibited an extraordinary disregard for diplomatic wisdom and discourse, ranging from commenting on the personal life of British royal family, telling German Chancellor Friedrich Merz that D-Day was “not a great day” for his country to declaring Canada as the 51st state of America and labelling Spain as part of the geopolitical bloc, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

Therefore, it would be equally unreasonable to expect him to modify his conduct during critical global matters such as the present tensions in West Asia. If nothing has dissuaded him thus far, why would the ongoing conflict be capable of accomplishing the impossible? As a result, he has continued the tradition of similar utterances, much to the astonishment and bewilderment of others.

Trump’s wild dig at French President Emmanuel Macron

On 1st April (Wednesday), the 79-year-old Republican leader criticised NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) partners for their unwillingness to back the United States in its confrontation with Iran and made fun of French President Emmanuel Macron while taking a personal jab at his wife, Brigitte Macron.

“We didn’t need them, but I asked anyway,” he stated at a lunch event at the White House and mocked, “I call up France, Macron, whose wife treats him extremely badly. He still recovering from the right to the jaw.” Trump was alluding to footage from May 2025 that purportedly showed Brigitte pushing the French president’s face during a trip to Vietnam. The clip was later dismissed as an element of disinformation attempt.

“And I said, Emmanuel, we’d love to have some help in the Gulf even though we’re setting records on knocking out bad people and knocking out ballistic missiles. We’d love to have some help. If you could, could you please send ships immediately,” Trump mentioned.

“No no no, we cannot do that, Donald. We can do that after the war is won,” he imitated a French accent to quote Macron and insisted, “I said, no, I don’t need after the war is won Emmanuel.” Afterwards, Trump ominously conveyed, “So, I learned about Nato, it won’t be there if we ever have the big one, you know what I mean by the big one,” without elaborating.

Interestingly, he left many with their jaws dropped when he was heard extolling Brigitte’s appearance during his state visit to France in 2017. “You’re in such good shape,” he remarked, pointing towards her during a visit to the historic Hotel des Invalides in Paris. He reiterated this observation to her husband and then turned back to the French First Lady, complimenting, “Beautiful.” Trump was accompanied by his wife, Melania.

Trump’s weirdly intense admiration for JD Vance’s weight loss

Trump praised his vice president’s weight loss, branding him a “perfect-looking specimen,” amid an Eastern lunch. He scanned the East Room seeking the latter, who was directly in front of him, where he is seated during such programs, in the audience.

Trump eventually spotted JD Vance and lauded, “He’s lost weight. He got a little thinner. I’m looking for a heavy-set gentleman, and now I find a perfect-looking specimen,” eliciting curiosity because of the odd flattery.

“I’ll tell you a story. A friend of mine, he’s a businessman, very, very, very top guy. Most of you would’ve heard of him. Highly neurotic, brilliant businessman, seriously overweight, and he takes the fat shot drug,” Trump claimed in May during his much-publicised plans to decrease medication expenses for Americans.

He cited his unnamed friend to suggest that the medication costs $88 in London, in contrast to $1,300 in New York. “He’s not talking about me,” Vance had quickly interjected at the time.

Trump describes NATO as “paper tiger” and “cowards”

Trump has persistently demonstrated his discontent with NATO for refusing to participate in the Iran dispute. He displayed frustration at the refusal of these allies to send warships to help end the blockade of the “Strait of Hormuz,” which has caused interruptions in the global supply of fuel and high prices.

Trump termed the defence coalition a “paper tiger” and indicated that the prospect of the US exit from its membership is now “beyond reconsideration.” He shared similar sentiments in the past.

“I think that NATO made a terrible mistake when they wouldn’t send a small amount of military armament, when they wouldn’t send just even acknowledge what we were doing for the world and taking on Iran,” the president stressed while addressing the Future Investment Initiative Priority Summit in Florida on 28th March. He previously referred to NATO as “cowards” for not siding with Washington.

Trump has charged NATO with always continually to assist the US, despite its continuous support and the investment of hundreds of billions of dollars for their protection.

Trump derides the military strength of the United Kingdom

Trump dubbed British warships “toys” in his newest jab at the NATO nations for their decision to abstain from fighting in Iran. “We had the UK say, this is three weeks ago, we’ll send our aircraft carriers, which aren’t the best aircraft carriers, by the way. They’re toys compared to what we have. But they said we’ll send our aircraft carrier when the war is over. I said, Oh that’s wonderful, thank you very much. Don’t bother. We don’t need it,” he asserted during a cabinet meeting at the White House.

“Now they all want to help. When they’re annihilated, the other side is annihilated, they said we’d love to send ships,” Trump added. He earlier conveyed that he asked Britain for two aircraft carriers, which Prime Minister Keir Starmer first refused before agreeing to provide. Nevertheless, 10 Downing Street disputed that a request was submitted or turned down.

Trump jokes about the attack on Pearl Harbour

A meeting between Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi took an unpleasant turn when he joked about the Pearl Harbour World War II attack in reaction to queries about the Iran war. The shocking moment happened on 19th March during a news conference in the Oval Office, when a reporter questioned why the US did not notify allies, including Japan prior to commencing strikes on Iran.

Trump responded that the choice was made for the purpose of surprise and then added, “Who knows better about surprise than Japan? Why didn’t you tell me about Pearl Harbour,” as Takaichi stopped smiling, seemed to widen her eyes, inhaled deeply and leaned back in her chair in visible unease.

Japan is well acquainted with Trump’s loudmouth as he compared the US assault on Iran to the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which claimed the lives of nearly 140,000 people. “That hit ended the war. I don’t want to use an example of Hiroshima, I don’t want to use an example of Nagasaki, but that was essentially the same thing,” he argued last year, earning strong condemnation from the country for the bizarre justification of the nuclear attack.

If they rise, they rise: Trump on gas prices, appears nonchalant over deaths of US service members

Trump maintained that US military operations were his top priority and that he was not worried about rising gas prices brought on by the escalating Iranian standoff. “I don’t have any concern about it. They’ll drop very rapidly when this is over, and if they rise, they rise, but this is far more important than having gasoline prices go up a little bit,” he stated while talking to Reuters.

He illustrated a similar indifference in an interview with Time Magazine, where he answered “I guess” when questioned whether Americans should be concerned regarding domestic attacks connected to the war. “But I think they’re worried about that all the time. We think about it all the time. We plan for it. But yeah, you know, we expect some things. Like I said, some people will die. When you go to war, some people will die,” he reaffirmed.

“We have three, but we expect casualties, but in the end, it’s going to be a great deal for the world,” Trump likewise mentioned to NBC News following the reports of the first three US fatalities during the military operations. “And sadly, there will likely be more (deaths) before it ends. That’s the way it is. Likely be more. But we’ll do everything possible where that won’t be the case,” he conveyed in a video afterwards, sparking criticism for his callous attitude in relation to the critical issue.

Trump terms the US involvement in Iran as a “performance”

Trump spoke with Jonathan Karl of ABC News and lauded his decision to declare war on Iran along with how happy he was with himself. “I hope you are impressed. How do you like the performance? I mean, Venezuela is obvious. This might be even better. How do you like the performance,” he asked.

Karl clarified that the people were genuinely anxious about what might happen next, to which Trump retorted, “Forget about next. They are decimated for a 10-year period before they could build it back,” offering valuable insight into his self-serving perspective.

Conclusion

The aforementioned even fail to touch upon the vast barrel of Trump’s erratic opinions, which breach every diplomatic norm. He is already involved in an embarrassing spat with Iran, where he insists that the latter is begging for a ceasefire and negotiations, only to be rebuffed by the Iranian regime. Furthermore, the “peacemaker” who desired a Nobel Prize for his “efforts” to establish ceasefires between hostile nations seems to be even more audacious in times of strife, when restraint should be exercised instead of such aggression or obnoxiousness.

AAP removes Raghav Chadha as Rajya Sabha deputy leader: How Chadha’s ‘growing clout’ challenged Arvind Kejriwal-led AAP’s power structure

Jinit Jain
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AAP removes Raghav Chadha as Rajya Sabha deputy leader: How Chadha’s ‘growing clout’ challenged Arvind Kejriwal-led AAP’s power structure

In politics, sudden demotions are rarely administrative; they are almost always political. The Aam Aadmi Party’s decision to remove Raghav Chadha as its deputy leader in the Rajya Sabha, coupled with the extraordinary step of asking the Chair not to allot him speaking time from the party’s quota, is not routine reshuffling. It carries the unmistakable imprint of internal discomfort, perhaps even insecurity.

On paper, the move is procedural. AAP has written to the Rajya Sabha Secretariat proposing Ashok Mittal as the new deputy leader and seeking formalisation at the earliest. But politics is not played on paper; it is played in subtext. And the subtext here is loud.

Raghav Chadha is not just another MP, but neither is his rise entirely organic or beyond criticism. Alongside his growing visibility, Chadha has frequently jumped on the bandwagon of attacking the Centre and his critics at every available opportunity, often aligning with AAP’s broader political strategy of confrontation and playing victimhood when convenient. Yet, despite toeing this line, he now finds himself being sidelined.

Perhaps, Chadha’s rise threatened the AAP’s power structures.

Unlike many party functionaries who operate strictly within the leadership’s shadow, Chadha has successfully managed to put up a facade of an independent voice in Parliament, not weighed down by AAP’s brand of nasty and vindictive politics. To this end, he spoke on issues that resonated beyond partisan lines: menstrual hygiene, grassroots democracy distortions like the “sarpanch pati” phenomenon, and even the gig economy. His decision to spend a day as a delivery partner also cast him as an MP willing to talk on issues concerning vulnerable sections of society. It was political messaging of a kind that AAP once thrived on: performative concern.

And that is precisely where the problem may lie.

Because in tightly controlled political ecosystems, independent visibility can quickly be interpreted as a threat.

AAP, despite its origins as an anti-establishment movement, has increasingly shown traits of a centralised command structure. Decision-making, messaging, and political positioning have become heavily leader-centric. In such an environment, a leader who begins to command attention on his own, especially in national forums like Parliament, can unsettle internal equations.

Chadha’s trajectory over the past few years fits that description. He has emerged as one of the party’s few parliamentary faces untouched by scandal so far, a factor that has helped him expand his appeal beyond AAP’s traditional support base. His interventions were not limited to attacking political opponents; they often addressed systemic issues, giving him a broader appeal.

That kind of positioning, while beneficial for a party in expansion mode, can become inconvenient if it begins to shift internal power balances.

And here lies the more uncomfortable question: has Chadha’s rise begun to cast a shadow on the very leadership that built the party?

For years, Arvind Kejriwal has been the undisputed face of AAP, the central axis around which its politics, messaging, and electoral strategy revolve. From the anti-corruption movement days to forming a government in Delhi, Kejriwal cultivated not just a leadership position, but a personality-centric political brand. At various points, his ambitions were not confined to Delhi; they extended to the national stage, with clear signals that he envisioned himself as a potential Prime Ministerial contender.

In such a framework, the emergence of a young and independent parliamentarian like Raghav Chadha presents a paradox.

Despite being loyal to AAP and its ideology, Chadha finds himself shunned by the party.

Chadha’s growing visibility, especially in Parliament and national media, has the potential to dilute the singularity of Kejriwal’s positioning as AAP’s primary face. Unlike many second-rung leaders who derive their relevance entirely from proximity to the top leadership, Chadha has begun to command attention on his own terms. Issues raised by him were seen as those he felt individually and not what AAP represented.

For a leadership model that thrives on centralised authority and a clearly defined “face,” this can be unsettling.

The decision to not just remove him from a leadership role but also to restrict his speaking opportunities is particularly telling. Parliamentary speaking time is political capital. It determines visibility, relevance, and influence. By asking that Chadha not be allotted time from AAP’s quota, the party is effectively curbing his ability to remain a prominent voice in the Upper House.

This is not mere sidelining; it is containment.

If one were to read between the lines, it begins to look less like organisational restructuring and more like a pre-emptive move to ensure that no alternative power centre begins to emerge within the party. In political ecosystems dominated by a single towering figure, the rise of any other leader can often trigger defensive responses, often in the form of demotion. It also explains why so many prominent political figures have eventually left AAP.

Chadha’s removal bears the hallmarks of such a moment.

The elevation of Ashok Mittal, a relatively low-profile figure compared to Chadha, further reinforces this reading. It suggests a preference for predictability over prominence.

None of this conclusively proves intent. But politics is rarely about explicit admissions; it is about patterns. And the pattern here, a rising leader being stripped of both position and voice, aligns too closely with classic political containment to be dismissed as a coincidence.

For Raghav Chadha, the message is clear: visibility without central approval has limits.

For Arvind Kejriwal, if this reading holds, it reflects a familiar dilemma in personality-driven politics, the challenge of nurturing leadership without diluting one’s own dominance.

And for AAP, the episode may well mark a subtle but significant shift: from being a party that once claimed to empower new voices, to one that appears increasingly cautious of them. Because when a new leader begins to “steal thunder” in a system built around a single face, the response is rarely applause.

More often than not, it is the quiet, calculated clipping of wings.

The Soros Boardroom and India’s shadow diplomats: A network worth examining

Divyansh Tiwari
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The Soros Boardroom and India’s shadow diplomats: A network worth examining

The International Crisis Group (ICG) portrays itself as a noble enterprise: a globally known conflict prevention think tank with offices on five continents, staffed by former leaders of state, seasoned diplomats, and high-minded intellectuals. Its website, crisisgroup.org, features a Board of Trustees that reads like a who’s who of world foreign policy elites. However, a close look at who sits on that board and who funds the company raises a number of legitimate concerns.

Shivshankar Menon, India’s National Security Advisor under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh from 2010 to 2014, and Nirupama Rao, India’s Foreign Secretary and later Ambassador to the United States during the UPA era, are two names among the 47 trustees selected from more than 30 nations that should cause any student of recent Indian diplomatic history to pause. George Soros, the founder of Open Society Foundations, and his son, Alexander Soros, the Deputy Chair of its Global Board, join them on that same board. There is no conspiracy here. This is merely a public record, and public records frequently give rise to uncomfortable questions.

The Soros factor

One must first understand George Soros’s public remarks toward India to comprehend the significance of these board memberships. In January 2020, Soros pledged $1 billion to combat nationalism worldwide at the World Economic Forum in Davos, citing India as the biggest and most frightening setback. He stated that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was creating a Hindu nationalist state. He predicted that the Adani group would significantly weaken Modi’s hold on power and intervened in India’s domestic political discussion during the Munich Security Conference in February 2023. India’s External Affairs Minister, S Jaishankar, publicly referred to him as ‘an old, rich, opinionated’ person interfering with sovereign countries. As early as 2016, the Indian government had actually put Soros’s Open Society Foundations on a watch list.

In 1994, Open Society Foundations gave the ICG $200,000 in seed money. In April 2022, the organisation announced that OSF granted it a $20 million grant to support its conflict prevention mission. Soros co-founded the ICG, and his family’s foundation continues to be one of its key sources of funding; it is more than just a platform in which he takes part. Because of this, the question of who shares that boardroom with the Soros family is no longer just a matter of institutional membership.

Shivshankar Menon: The NSA who chose his platform

During his tenure as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s National Security Advisor from January 2010 to May 2014, Shivshankar Menon was regarded as one of Singh’s most dependable aides. Menon has been vocal in his criticism of the government that followed his patrons ever since he left office.

Menon said that India was ‘in violation of our international commitments,’ that the Citizenship Amendment Act had caused India to be isolated globally, and that even long-standing allies had become critical during a public event in 2020. He went on to claim that India had hyphenated its image with Pakistan as a religiously driven and intolerant state, a description that would have been unusual from an official in office but seemed acceptable from a man currently serving alongside George Soros on an international board. He voiced concern about the repeal of Article 370, which many Indians believed to be a discriminatory clause that denied minorities, Dalits, and Kashmiri women equal rights.

The trend is consistent: a former NSA who previously oversaw the country’s most sensitive security brief now uses his reputation on international forums to support viewpoints that are quite similar to those that a worldview supported by Soros would deem acceptable. Alignment can be observed without claiming coordination. And the most straightforward question is this: which direction did that alignment flow during the UPA years, when Menon wielded great control over India’s strategic decisions?

Nirupama Rao: The diplomat and the ceasefire narrative

In 2024, Nirupama Rao, a former Foreign Secretary and the country’s first female ambassador to China and spokeswoman for the Ministry of External Affairs, became a member of the ICG Board of Trustees. She is now firmly in the Soros family’s institutional network thanks to that board appointment.

Given the current situation between the two countries, many people found Rao’s post on X startling, ‘The women of India and Pakistan need to deploy our ingrained common sense and suggest ways forward in our relationship.’ A women’s caucus is necessary. Instead of accusing one another, we should consider the future with composure and reason. for the benefit of our kids. The sentiment may come across as well-intentioned. However, keep in mind that it was posted during a time when India was still processing the blood of 26 civilians killed in Pahalgam by terrorists with ties to Pakistan, when Operation Sindoor was still fresh in the country’s memory, and when the Indian government had maintained a firm stance of no talks without accountability. It does not seem like statesmanlike moderation for a former foreign secretary to publicly advocate for cross-border women’s caucuses with Pakistan at this time. It seems like pressure, the kind that erodes determination.

Then, on February 23, 2026, Rao shared her most recent article on X, writing Managing crises in the absence of dialogue. Today, political limitations, a harsher regional environment, and strategic mistrust all influence India-Pakistan ties. Grand diplomatic breakthroughs are unlikely in such circumstances. Instead, calibrated steadying mechanisms, quiet barriers that manage risk, prevent miscalculation, and keep intense animosity contained even when communication is frozen, become crucial. X Critics claim that the framing that the relationship must be managed and bounded through back channel safeguards is the exact reasoning that kept India in constant contact with a Pakistan that, during the ten years she and her colleagues were in office, never fulfilled a single counterterrorism commitment. Dialogue evolved from a tool to a destination. And now, from her ICG boardroom, she is selling the same framework again.

The architecture of influence

The current government in India has not held back when identifying this phenomenon. The BJP has contended, supported by solid evidence, that a web of foreign-funded institutions, intellectuals, and media proxies strives to soften India’s strategic stance, internationalise its domestic affairs, and undermine an elected government’s mandate. This is dismissed by critics as delusional. However, pattern recognition and delusion are not the same thing.

Shivshankar Menon and Nirupama Rao held the top positions in India’s foreign and security apparatus during the UPA decade, which is being closely examined for the results it produced. A Pakistani policy based on repeated discussions yielded no accountability for cross-border terrorism. An institutional culture in the foreign policy establishment that frequently seems more at ease justifying India’s behaviour to the West than explaining the West’s double standards to India.

The current leadership has shifted its stance, sometimes controversially, always assertively. Contested decisions include the revocation of Article 370, the CAA, the strong reaction to Pahalgam, and the rejection of regular third-party mediation on Kashmir. However, these are the decisions of a government with a wider democratic mandate than India has seen in thirty years.

 Conclusion

All of this does not prove any wrongdoing. Both Shivshankar Menon and Nirupama Rao are successful diplomats with illustrious careers. It is not criminal to serve on an international board. It is not treason to disagree with the existing leadership.  

Institutions, however, have ideological weight. Alignments are reflected in boardrooms. The least a curious citizen can do is take notice when two of the most powerful individuals from a period of Indian foreign policy now sit on the same governing body as a man who has publicly stated his intention to oppose Indian nationalism, and when their public interventions regularly contradict the most consequential choices made by the current government.

The International Crisis Group is a legitimate organisation. The queries it poses are not. In a democracy, the people have the right to inquire about who influences the perspectives of those who once influenced their fate, as well as who provides funding for the establishments where these discussions take place.

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