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Will TMC cease to exist: Not just MLAs and MPs, read how the public is rebelling and standing upto Mamata’s syndicates

Shriti Sagar
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Will TMC cease to exist: Not just MLAs and MPs, read how the public is rebelling and standing upto Mamata’s syndicates

The Trinamool Congress (TMC), which ruled West Bengal for 15 years under the leadership of Mamata Banerjee, is currently facing the biggest political crisis in its history. Since its formation in 1998, the party has survived numerous political battles, defections and electoral challenges. However, the situation unfolding today appears very different. Following its defeat in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, the party has been hit by rebellion at multiple levels, from Parliament to the Assembly and even within its organisational structure.

What began as dissatisfaction after the election results has now developed into a full-fledged internal revolt. Rebel MPs are openly challenging the authority of the party leadership, Rajya Sabha members are resigning one after another, dissident Lok Sabha MPs are trying to create a separate parliamentary faction, and a large group of MLAs has already installed its own Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly. At the same time, at the grassroots level, people who once feared local TMC syndicates are increasingly speaking out against them.

Cracks deepen as senior Rajya Sabha MPs quit 

One of the most visible signs of the crisis has been the resignation of senior TMC leaders from the Rajya Sabha.

The latest blow came on Thursday, 11th June, when Rajya Sabha MP Prakash Chik Barik resigned from both the Upper House and the party. Barik, who had previously served as a minister in Mamata Banerjee’s government, submitted his resignation to Vice-President C.P. Radhakrishnan and announced that he would no longer remain associated with the party.

Barik’s resignation became particularly significant because he did not merely leave Parliament; he also publicly distanced himself from the TMC leadership and signalled support for the new BJP government in West Bengal.

“People have given a clear mandate. People have favoured the BJP over the Trinamool. Our party’s result was not even good in northern Bengal. I have resigned in view of the people’s mandate. I have not spoken to Mamata Banerjee as of now. But I have resigned from both the Rajya Sabha and the party organisation. I will work as per CM Suvendu Adhikari’s instructions in the future. I will work for development,” Barik said after resigning.

His departure came just days after two other prominent TMC Rajya Sabha MPs, Sukhendu Sekhar Roy and Sushmita Dev, also resigned from the Upper House and left the party.

With these three resignations, the TMC’s strength in the Rajya Sabha is set to decline from 13 members to 10. Political observers believe the number could fall further, as speculation continues about more MPs preparing to leave.

The resignations have not only reduced the party’s strength in Parliament but have also created the perception that confidence in the leadership is weakening among senior leaders.

Lok Sabha rebels move to create the “Real TMC”  

While resignations have weakened the party in the Rajya Sabha, the crisis in the Lok Sabha has become even more dramatic.

A group of rebel MPs has openly challenged Mamata Banerjee’s leadership and claimed that they represent the “real TMC” in Parliament.

The rebellion is being led by senior MP Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, who resigned from party posts earlier and emerged as the face of the dissident camp. According to rebel leaders, as many as 19 Lok Sabha MPs have already joined their effort.

The dissident faction has announced plans to approach Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla and seek recognition as the genuine TMC parliamentary group.

Rebel MP Jagadish Chandra Barma Basunia confirmed the move publicly.

“We have submitted the letter. On Monday, we will go to the Speaker and stake our claim to form the real TMC parliamentary group. We will ask the Speaker to give recognition to our claim,” he said.

According to the rebel camp, signatures of 19 MPs have already been collected in support of the initiative. The list includes the names: Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar

  1. Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar
  2. Satabdi Roy
  3. Rachna Banerjee
  4. Saayoni Ghosh
  5. Yusuf Pathan
  6. Mala Roy
  7. June Malia
  8. Deepak Adhikari 
  9. Bapi Haldar
  10. Dr Sharmila Sarkar
  11. Prasun Bandyopadhyay
  12. Jagadish Barma Basunia
  13. Asit Kumar Mal
  14. Arup Chakraborty
  15. Khalilur Rahaman
  16. Abu Taher Khan
  17. Mitali Bag
  18. Kalipada Soren 
  19. Partha Bhowmick

The Mamata Banerjee camp has strongly rejected the move. Senior MP Mahua Moitra argued that the rebels have misunderstood the anti-defection law.

“Traitor TMC lawmakers don’t know the law. Constitution 91st Amendment 2003 removed the provision for a split/separate bloc. The number of MPs is irrelevant – 2/3 of the original political party has to merge with another party. All 19 traitors need to resign & contest on BJP ticket,” she wrote on social media.

Despite these legal questions, the rebellion has exposed the depth of dissatisfaction within the parliamentary wing. For the first time since the party’s formation, a large group of sitting MPs is openly questioning the authority of the leadership.

Assembly revolt leaves party leadership isolated 

If the rebellion in Parliament has embarrassed the party, the developments in the West Bengal Assembly have arguably caused even greater damage.

The controversy began after Mamata Banerjee lost the Bhabanipur seat in the Assembly elections. With the party moving into opposition, the post of Leader of the Opposition became crucial.

The party leadership selected veteran leader Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay for the position. However, a large section of TMC MLAs refused to accept the decision.

Soon, a group of 60 MLAs rallied behind expelled MLA Ritabrata Banerjee and submitted a letter to Speaker Rathindra Bose demanding that he be recognised as Leader of the Opposition instead.

The letter carried the signatures of 59 MLAs, demonstrating that the rebel camp had the support of a substantial majority of the party’s legislators.

The dissidents argued that they represented the true voice of the legislative party and that the leadership’s decision had been imposed without proper consultation.

The dispute became even more serious when allegations emerged that signatures supporting Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay had been used without the consent of some MLAs.

Ritabrata Banerjee and Sandipan Saha lodged complaints regarding theirregularities. The Assembly Secretariat subsequently registered a police case and the CID launched an investigation. Some legislators reportedly told investigators that they had not signed the document submitted in support of Chattopadhyay. With nearly 60 of the party’s 80 MLAs supporting the rebel faction, the balance of power inside the Assembly shifted dramatically.

The rebels eventually succeeded in installing Ritabrata Banerjee as Leader of the Opposition, a major setback for the official party leadership.

The crisis became so severe that the TMC leadership dissolved all organisational committees in West Bengal and announced a comprehensive review of the party structure.

In a statement, the party said all committees and frontal organisations stood dissolved with immediate effect and that the organisational framework would be rebuilt after a detailed assessment.

Kalyan Banerjee’s public ultimatum to Mamata Banerjee

As if the resignations and rebellions were not enough, the party was shaken by an extraordinary public attack from one of its most senior MPs.

On Thursday, 11th June, veteran TMC leader and lawyer Kalyan Banerjee launched a scathing criticism of party general secretary Abhishek Banerjee. The dispute began over legal representation in a case involving Abhishek Banerjee. Kalyan Banerjee claimed that another lawyer had been appointed without consulting him, despite his involvement in the matter.

“I don’t like this arrogant attitude. One must respect the seniors. How can he humiliate me? He should understand that the party is facing problems because of him. But he goes and disrespects everyone. This is not tolerable,” Kalyan Banerjee said. He then directly appealed to Mamata Banerjee and effectively asked her to choose between him and her nephew.

“I will urge Didi: if you will remain dependent on Abhishek Banerjee, then stick with him—leave me. But if you part ways with Abhishek Banerjee, then I am with you,” he said.

The remarks were unprecedented because they reflected frustration not merely with party strategy but with the internal power structure itself.

Grassroots resistance against the TMC syndicate system 

While political battles continue within the party, a different kind of rebellion is taking place on the ground.

Across several parts of West Bengal, people are increasingly challenging the syndicate system that flourished under TMC rule.

In Sonarpur, South 24 Parganas, an autorickshaw union office that once operated under the TMC-affiliated INTTUC has switched allegiance to the BJP-backed Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh.

Local drivers say they are relieved that they no longer have to pay monthly collections demanded by TMC-linked leaders. The change has become symbolic of a larger shift occurring across the state.

Abhishek Banerjee was attacked on 30th May by a mob in Sonarpur, which pelted him with eggs, shoes and stones – in what was seen as a reflection of the large-scale anger against the TMC in general, and Abhishek in particular.

Residents who once remained silent out of fear are now openly discussing extortion, land grabbing and intimidation.

In Kamrabad, residents say construction work on encroached government land stopped after the election results. “We don’t know how the government land was occupied, but no one protested out of fear. Since May 4, construction has stopped,” resident Bapi Haldar said.

In Ghashiyara, Rupali Mondol returned home after spending nearly a year away following an dispute with local TMC leaders.

She claims her vegetable shop was destroyed after she failed to pay money demanded by local political figures.

“So they ransacked my shop. I lodged a complaint with the police and the National Commission for Women, but nothing happened,” she said. Now, with several influential local leaders reportedly absconding or facing investigations, many residents feel emboldened to speak out.

Similar developments are being witnessed in Kolkata’s Beleghata area, where illegal construction networks linked to local political strongmen have come under scrutiny. Several buildings face demolition proceedings, and multiple influential figures have been arrested.

Residents who previously avoided filing complaints now say they are approaching authorities with allegations regarding land grabbing and illegal construction.

The same trend can be seen in Jamalpur in Purba Bardhaman district, where villagers have begun speaking openly about illegal sand mining operations and misuse of government resources.

“Every day, 150 to 200 trucks carried out sand. No one protested out of fear,” said resident Gopal Adak. “Now, that fear is gone,” added another villager, Nimai Majhi.

A bigger question: Will TMC cease to exist?

All these developments paint a troubling picture for the survival of Trinamool Congress.

The party is battling resignations in Parliament, rebellion in the Assembly, internal disagreements among senior leaders and growing public resentment at the grassroots level. What makes the situation particularly serious is that these challenges are emerging simultaneously.

The resignations of Rajya Sabha MPs have weakened the party nationally. The attempt by dissident Lok Sabha MPs to create a separate faction has exposed deep divisions in the parliamentary wing. The successful rebellion by MLAs has undermined the authority of the leadership in the Assembly. And on the ground, the weakening of local syndicate networks has encouraged ordinary citizens to raise complaints that many were previously afraid to voice.

For a party that once appeared politically invincible in West Bengal, the current crisis represents perhaps the greatest challenge in its 28-year history. Whether Mamata Banerjee can reunite the organisation and restore discipline remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that the Trinamool Congress is no longer facing isolated acts of dissent. It is confronting a widespread challenge to its authority from within the party and from the public alike.

Ambubachi Mela: The period when Goddess Kamakhya menstruates, worship is suspended for three days; Read how the festival reveals the mysteries of creation, feminine energy, and spiritual practice

सौम्या सिंह
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Ambubachi Mela: The period when Goddess Kamakhya menstruates, worship is suspended for three days; Read how the festival reveals the mysteries of creation, feminine energy, and spiritual practice

India’s religious traditions are not limited to worship or faith, but also embody a profound philosophy of nature, life, feminine power, and creation. Many of the festivals celebrated in the country underscore the relationship between humans and nature. One such festival is the Ambubachi Mela, held annually at the Maa Kamakhya Temple in Guwahati, Assam.

Ambubachi Mela stands because of the rituals and religious beliefs associated with it. It is said that the festival marks the menstruation phase of Goddess Kamakhya. This is her annual menstruation phase during which the doors of the Khamakhya Temple are closed for a few days.

The festival is said to be the largest religious gathering in Northeast India, attracting millions of devotees, saints, tantric practitioners, and tourists from India and abroad. During this time, the entire region becomes a centre of devotion, meditation, mystery, and spiritual energy.

What is Ambubachi Mela, what does it represent?

The Ambubachi Mela is an annual religious event associated with the worship of Shakti, the feminine energy. During the festival, Goddess Kamakhya is given a break and usual worship at the temple is suspended.

The tradition is considered a symbol of respect for the female body and the process of creation. While different cultures view the menstrual cycle differently, this tradition honours it as a source of creative power and life. The word Ambubachi is also associated with water, fertility, and creation.

This is the reason that this festival holds not only religious but also cultural and philosophical significance. This time is also considered extremely important for those involved in Tantra Sadhana. It is believed that this period holds special significance for spiritual practice and mantra siddhis, which is why a large number of practitioners arrive here.

The Ambubachi fair at the Kamakhya temple attracts lakhs of devotees every year. (Photo courtesy: ChatGPT)

Ambubachi Mela 2026: When will it start, and what will be the schedule?

This year, the Ambubachi Mela will begin on 22nd June at night. The doors of the temple’s sanctum sanctorum will be closed at approximately 9:08 pm on that day. The sanctum sanctorum will then remain completely closed for the next three days, 23rd June, 24th June, and 25th June. During this time, no devotees will be permitted to have a direct darshan of the goddess.

Usual religious activities are also restricted within the temple complex. The four-day event will conclude on the morning of 26th June with special rituals and purification ceremonies. After this, Darshan will be reopened for devotees. The annual visitor count during this period is in the millions.

In past years, the administration and temple committee made special arrangements for the large number of devotees arriving. This time too, extensive preparations are underway for security, sanitation, drinking water, medical care, and the movement of devotees.

Pravritti and Nivritti: The Two Spiritual Stages of the Mela

The entire Ambubachi Mela process is completed in two major phases: Pravritti and Nivritti. The Pravritti phase marks the beginning of the goddess’s menstrual period. During this time, the temple doors are closed, and the goddess is given rest. Pujas, aartis, and regular religious activities are not performed during these days.

This is followed by the Nivriti phase. This is considered the end of the Goddess’s resting period and the time when she is re-energised to appear. The temple is opened after special purification and Vedic rituals. This is the time when the largest number of devotees arrive for darshan, and a special religious atmosphere prevails within the temple complex.

The message of Mother Earth’s rest and feminine power

The significance of the Ambubachi Fair is not limited to religious beliefs. It conveys a profound natural and cultural message. According to popular belief, just as a woman rests during menstruation, the earth also rests during this period.

This time is also commonly associated with the arrival of the monsoons and the renewed fertility of the land. Because of this belief, even today, many families postpone farming, tilling, or other auspicious tasks during these times. This is not out of fear, but rather out of respect for nature and an understanding of the creative process.

This belief suggests that the earth is not just a resource but a life-giving force that needs periodic rest and respect.

Angodak, Angvastra and special traditions associated with the fair

An important hallmark of the Ambubachi Mela is the special offerings made here. According to tradition, special cloths are placed in the sanctum sanctorum before the temple is closed. After the doors open, devotees are offered Angodak and Angavastra. Angodak refers to holy water, while Angavastra refers to a small piece of red cloth.

Devotees take it with them, considering it a symbol of the goddess’s grace and power. During these days, the temple complex also sees a special gathering of saints and sages from across the country, as well as those associated with the Tantric tradition, further enhancing the spiritual nature of the fair.

Maa Kamakhya Temple: Where no idol is worshipped, but a symbol of Shakti

The soul of the Ambubachi Mela is the Maa Kamakhya Temple. Located on the Nilachal Hill in Guwahati, Assam, this temple is considered one of India’s most prominent Shaktipeeths. According to Hindu religious beliefs, Shaktipeeths were established in areas where various body parts of Goddess Sati fell when Lord Vishnu dismembered her corpse with Sudarshana Chakra. Kamakhya Temple was established on the place where the goddess’s vagina is believed to have fallen.

For this reason, this temple is considered a vital centre of power, creation, and goddess worship. The most unique feature of the temple is that it lacks a traditional idol of the goddess. A natural rock form, always moistened by a stream of water, is worshipped within the sanctum sanctorum. This unique feature distinguishes this temple from other Shaktipeeths.

Surrounding the main temple are numerous temples dedicated to various manifestations of the Goddess and Lord Shiva, transforming the entire Nilachal region into a vast spiritual complex. This is why the Ambubachi Mela is considered not just a religious festival but a vibrant celebration of faith, women’s power, nature, creation, and the Indian spiritual tradition.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Did you know it’s illegal to die in some places? 7 bizarre laws from around the world and the surprising reasons behind them

Aditi
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Did you know it’s illegal to die in some places? 7 bizarre laws from around the world and the surprising reasons behind them

Laws across the world are formed and shaped to cater to the requirements of the societies in which they exist. While some laws, such as those relating to crimes like theft or murder, usually exist universally, there may be laws or local rules to address a peculiar problem. While such rules or laws may make perfect sense to the local people, outsiders, unaware of the social, historical or cultural context of such laws, may find them absurd.

Here are seven rules and laws from across the world that may look unusual and common-sense-defying to others, but are followed by the people of the countries where they exist.

The chewing gum ban in Singapore

The harmless sticky candy once became a menace across Singapore after miscreants started sticking it in places like the sensors of subway doors, inside lock cylinders, mailboxes, inside keyholes, on lift buttons and on elevator buttons. This resulted in added maintenance and cleaning costs. In 1987, the Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) local railway system, which was Singapore’s largest public project, started running. But the chewing gum menace reached the MRT as well. Miscreants started pasting chewing gum on the door sensors of MRT trains, which prevented doors from functioning properly and caused disruption to train services.

The Singaporean government at the time was committed to making Singapore a global trading hub and was paying particular attention to cleanliness and public hygiene. The government came up with a legal solution to the problem and passed a law in 1992 banning the import, sale and distribution of chewing gum. As per the law, chewing gum is not illegal in the country, but selling, importing or distributing chewing gum is.

Therefore, a person travelling to Singapore can bring a small amount of chewing gum into the country for personal use, but it is illegal to spit the gum in an inappropriate place. In 2004, the Singapore government made an exception under the law for therapeutic, dental, and nicotine chewing gum, which can be bought from a doctor or registered pharmacist.

Dying is Illegal in these parts of the world

As absurd as it may sound, there are places in the world where dying is prohibited. Death is generally a dreaded and unwelcome phenomenon everywhere, but some regions have gone to the extent of making rules to stop death from visiting them. There is not one, two or three, but as many as six countries having places that have rules against dying.

Longyearbyen, Norway: Longyearbyen is located on the archipelago of Svalbard in extreme cold temperatures and permafrost conditions (permanently frozen ground), which prevent the dead bodies from decomposing. To prevent the risk of diseases or infections spreading, the governor of Svalbard made a policy decision to ban dying in the city. As per the policy, people who have died or are suffering from terminal diseases have to fly to mainland Norway for burial or treatment. However, if one dies in the town, it is possible to cremate them there, but it requires a license and lots of paperwork that could take months.

It was proved in 1998 that the fear of the spread of infections from dead bodies was not unfounded when scientists unearthed the bodies of seven men buried in the ice 80 years ago. All seven people had died after the Spanish flu in the big pandemic of 1918. Surprisingly, the scientists were able to extract live samples of the virus from all seven dead bodies. This confirmed that deadly diseases could survive in dead bodies buried in permafrost.

Lanjaron, Spain: The mayor of Lanjaron, Jose Rubio, imposed a ban on dying in the town in 1999. The reason behind the ban was that the local cemetery had reached its capacity limit.

Le Lavandou, Sarpourenx and Cugnaux, France: A similar ban was imposed in three towns of Le Lavandou, Sarpourenx and Cugnaux in southern France. In 2000, the Mayor of Le Lavandou outlawed death due to a lack of space for burials in the local cemetery. The towns of Sarpourenx and Cugnaux also followed suit in 2007 and 2008, respectively, for similar reasons.

Sellia, Italy: The mayor of the medieval village of Sellia in Italy passed a decree in 2015 that officially made it illegal to get sick or die in the village as a measure to save its ageing population. Mayor Davide Zicchinella signed a decree stating that residents were forbidden from getting sick, and they should put their health first. The extreme measure was adopted after the village’s population dropped to 537 in 2015 from 1300 in 1960. Besides, 60% of the surviving population was over 65.

Biritiba Mirim, Brazil: In 2005, the mayor of Biritiba Mirim town in Brazil filed a public bill, making it illegal for the residents to die in the town as the local cemetery was full. The bill did not provide any punishments, but the Mayor aimed to target relatives of people who die with fines and even jail, if necessary, to get more space for tombstones.

Itsukushima, Japan: The Itsukushima town, also known as Miyajima, of Japan, is considered a sacred place as it houses several shrines and temples. To maintain the sanctity of the place, a ban on childbirth and death was imposed in the late 19th century. There are no cemeteries or hospitals on the island.

Not voting is criminal in Australia

While voting is considered a right of the citizens in several democracies, Australia went a step ahead and made not voting a crime punishable. In other words, voting is not just a right in Australia but a legal obligation, whose violation can attract a monetary penalty of as much as A$20 ($13; £10) and can also be prosecuted. This was done by way of an amendment in the Electoral Act in 1924.

As a result of the law, the country is among the countries with the highest voter turnouts. Even though it may sound punitive, the law has popular support. A variety of measures have been adopted by the authorities to facilitate people in casting their votes. For example, the elections in the country are held on Saturdays, when most of the people are not working. Besides, employers are required to provide workers paid leave on election day to ensure that people have enough time to go vote.

Government approves children’s names in these countries

Several countries across the world have some rules and regulations relating to the naming of children. While some have approval systems for children’s names, others have laws that allow rejection of certain names. In some countries, there is a ban on certain specified names. Here are some of the countries that regulate how children are named.

Iceland: The European country has a National Register of Persons established under the National Name Act (1971, amended 2019). As per the law, the names of children must conform to Icelandic grammatical traditions under legislative mandate.

New Zealand: In this country, certain names which are offensive, embarrassing, or unreasonably long are explicitly prohibited under the Births, Deaths, Marriages and Relationships Registration Act 1995.

Denmark: In Denmark, the Personal Names Act (Navneloven, 2003) puts restrictions on name choices to approximately 7,000 approved names under formal legislation.

Germany: Germany’s Civil Status Act (Personenstandsgesetz) and name approval regulations under the Standesamt constitute binding statutory law requiring official approval. Names of children in Germany must be approved by the office of vital statistics in the area (the Standesamt) where the baby is born. The name must indicate the child’s gender, and the name cannot be one used traditionally as a surname.

Finland: All Finnish citizens and residents are required to have at least one and at most four first names as per the Names Act of 1985. Those not having a first name are obligated to adopt one when they are entered into the Finnish national population database. Besides, the law requires the parents of newborn children to name their children and inform the population registry within two months of their birth.

In this aspect, India gives absolute freedom to parents to name their children in whatever way they like. A law putting restrictions on children’s names would sound absolutely absurd and unimaginable to Indians, who name their children after Gods, places, good qualities and even fruits and sweets.

Ban on feeding pigeons

Growing populations of pigeons in any area can be a real problem, and Venice has found a solution for that. The city council of the floating town of Italy passed a municipal regulation prohibiting feeding pigeons to stop their populations from rising rapidly. Initially, the ban was effective in areas with historical monuments, but in 2008, it was extended to the entire city. Until the ban, feeding pigeons at St. Mark’s Square used to be a classic tourist activity.

The reason behind the ban was that pigeon droppings damaged the marble of monuments and caused cleanliness and public health challenges. The regulation is enforced by the local authorities, and its violation attracts hefty fines.

A similar ban was imposed in Mumbai, Maharashtra, by the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) following a High Court order. The decision led to the shutdown of the century-old Dadar Kabutarkhana, which was a prominent pigeon feeding site in Mumbai. The Bombay High Court had flagged serious risks to public health and sanitation in its order.

No high heels when in Greece

For travellers who love wearing and posing in high heels with attractive monuments or ancient archaeological sites in the background, Greece, with all its architectural grandeur, is not the place to go. One might wonder what high heels have to do with the historical sites of Greece. Well, the answer lies in a local regulation that imposes a ban on wearing high heels at historical sites.

In 2009, the Greek government issued a public directive prohibiting visitors from visiting historical sites wearing footwear that can damage the ancient marble. The ban was imposed after experts stated that footwear with sharp and narrow heels, such as stilettos, can damage the floors of historical sites, which cannot be restored easily. The rule prescribed hefty fines of up to €900 for visitors who flouted the rule.

No camouflage clothing for civilians in these nations

While wearing clothes with camouflage prints is perfectly normal in most parts of the world, certain countries in the Caribbean region, Africa, Asia and the Middle East expressly ban wearing camouflage prints for civilians. There are over two dozen countries, most of which are conflict-ridden, across the world that impose such restrictions. Countries like Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Bahamas, Dominica, Grenada, Saudi Arabia, Ghana, Nigeria, and the Philippines have formal laws that impose a ban on camouflage clothing for civilians.

Wearing camouflage clothing is illegal for civilians in these nations, as the cloth pattern is reserved exclusively for military and law enforcement. Violating these laws can result in the confiscation of the items, heavy fines, or even arrest.

Twelve years of Modi government: A personal reflection on his leadership and working style

Anuj Gupta
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Twelve years of Modi government: A personal reflection on his leadership and working style

There is rightful elucidation of multiple facets of Prime Minister Modi’s personal and governance style, and a significant amount has been said about how he has gone about systematically transforming the country. Books, articles, speeches, policy analyses, and countless commentaries have examined his leadership from every conceivable angle.

I wanted to add my own two bits to this vast volume of work, not by looking at it from an analytical point of view, but rather through a personal lens.

I met Prime Minister Modi (then Chief Minister Modi) in 2013, when I left my corporate career to pivot to public service. I remember being ushered into his room. It was a room that seemed almost dark, and in that quiet space, CM Modi was working intently. There was no coterie of attendants, no flurry of activity, no multitudes of issues being processed in parallel. There was just pure focus.

That image has stayed with me.

Over the years, having worked in the Government of India, I have had the privilege of seeing and hearing about numerous meetings chaired by the Prime Minister. One perception that quickly became evident to me is that many people view him as intensely target-driven, a leader singularly focused on numbers, outcomes, milestones, and the relentless pursuit of transformational change.

There is truth in that perception, but I believe there is a more nuanced reality.

Drawing from my corporate career, a typical review meeting tends to focus on a straightforward question: What was the target, and what was achieved against it? If the achievement exceeds the target, appreciation follows. If it falls short, explanations are sought and shortcomings examined.

Prime Minister Modi’s approach, in my experience, is different.

What struck me during my earliest interactions and observations was that he seemed less interested in whether a target was achieved and more interested in understanding the thinking behind the target itself.

Why was the target set at that particular level?

What assumptions informed it?

What constraints did the team believe existed?

And now that actual results are available, which of those assumptions have proven right and which have proven wrong?

The conversation, therefore, is not merely about performance. It is about thought process.

When a team exceeds expectations, the question is not simply, “Well done.” It is often, “Why did you think this was the limit?” When a team underperforms, the inquiry is not immediately about accountability. It is about understanding whether hidden constraints, flawed assumptions, or limited ambition shaped the original objective.

In that sense, the review process becomes less about numbers and more about human development.

The Prime Minister appears deeply interested in elevating the quality of thinking. He pushes people to examine the mental models through which they view challenges. He encourages teams to question self-imposed limitations. He seeks to understand whether individuals are underachieving because they have unconsciously accepted constraints that no longer exist, or whether they are succeeding because they have challenged conventional assumptions.

This distinction may appear subtle, but it is profound.

Targets matter. Outcomes matter. Results matter.

But the larger objective seems to be the development of people capable of thinking at a higher level, solving bigger problems, and continuously expanding the boundaries of what they believe is possible.

Twelve years into the Modi government, much will continue to be written about economic reforms, infrastructure creation, digital transformation, foreign policy, welfare delivery, manufacturing, and governance. Those debates will rightly continue.

My own enduring takeaway is simpler.

The most valuable lesson I have observed is not merely how to drive performance. It is how to build people who can drive performance.

There is much to learn from Prime Minister Modi about running a country. There is equally much to learn about running an organization. And perhaps most importantly, there is much to learn about running oneself.

As the ED raids properties belonging to Madan Mitra, read about the municipality recruitment scam of the Trinamaool Congress, which has now come under scanner in West Bengal

Shriti Sagar
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As the ED raids properties belonging to Madan Mitra, read about the municipality recruitment scam of the Trinamaool Congress, which has now come under scanner in West Bengal

The Enforcement Directorate (ED) on Saturday, 13th June, carried out raids at multiple properties linked to Trinamool Congress (TMC) MLA and former minister Madan Mitra as part of its ongoing investigation into the multi-crore municipal recruitment scam in West Bengal. The searches were conducted at seven locations associated with the veteran TMC leader after investigators found evidence suggesting that he played a role in facilitating illegal appointments in several municipalities in exchange for cash and gold.

According to the ED, the investigation has revealed that Mitra received bribes through middlemen for helping undeserving candidates secure jobs in municipal bodies, particularly in the Kamarhati Municipality. Investigators say that he facilitated nearly 125 such illegal appointments.

One of the locations searched was Mitra’s residence, Uday Villa, in Kamarhati. Reports said officials from the Barrackpore Police Commissionerate accompanied the ED team during the operation. Since the premises were reportedly locked, officials entered after breaking the lock and carried out an extensive search. The agency is currently examining documents, digital devices and other materials seized during the raids.

Investigators are also looking into allegations that the property itself may have been constructed on land belonging to a Central Government agency. Several confidential documents were reportedly recovered during the search, which are now being scrutinised as part of the broader investigation.

TMC MLA Sujit Bose arrested by ED earlier this year  

The raid on Madan Mitra comes barely weeks after the ED arrested another senior TMC leader and former minister, Sujit Bose, in May 2026 in connection with the same recruitment scam.

According to the ED, Bose recommended around 150 candidates for jobs under the South Dum Dum Municipality and other civic bodies in exchange for monetary benefits. Investigators claimed they traced proceeds of crime in the form of flats and other assets received by Bose for facilitating municipal appointments.

The agency also claimed that large amounts of cash were deposited into bank accounts linked to him. His arrest followed several rounds of questioning and multiple summonses issued by the ED.

The former minister had earlier approached the Calcutta High Court seeking exemption from appearing before the agency during the Assembly election campaign. However, after the elections concluded, he appeared before investigators. His arrest eventually came after fresh questioning by the ED.

The agency had previously conducted raids at multiple locations linked to Bose, including his office and premises associated with his family. During one such operation in October 2025, officials reportedly recovered ₹45 lakh in cash along with several documents that investigators described as important evidence.

What is Municipal Recruitment Scam and how it came to light 

Interestingly, the municipal recruitment scam was not initially discovered as a separate case. It emerged during investigations into the infamous West Bengal teacher recruitment scam.

The breakthrough came in 2023 when the ED raided the premises of TMC-linked promoter and businessman Ayan Sheel. At that time, the agency was probing money laundering linked to irregularities in school recruitments.

During searches at Ayan Sheel’s properties, investigators recovered a large number of documents, digital records and other materials. While examining the evidence, officials discovered indications that a similar cash-for-jobs racket was operating within municipalities across West Bengal.

The findings prompted the ED to expand its investigation. Subsequently, the Calcutta High Court ordered a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into the municipal recruitment irregularities.

As both agencies dug deeper, the investigation began exposing what appeared to be a large-scale network of illegal appointments across several civic bodies in the state.

Thousands of jobs sold across municipalities 

The scam revolves around appointments made between 2014 and 2018 in several municipalities across West Bengal.

According to investigators, jobs were sold in exchange for cash in a variety of positions, including labourers, sweepers, clerks, peons, ambulance attendants, drivers, ward masters, sanitary assistants, helpers, pump operators and medical staff.

The ED and CBI said that these appointments were often made without proper recruitment procedures. Candidates who paid money secured permanent municipal jobs while deserving applicants were bypassed.

Investigators claim that Ayan Sheel acted as a key middleman in the operation and used his influence across multiple municipalities to arrange appointments.

Crores of rupees and a massive money trail 

As the investigation progressed, both the Enforcement Directorate and the CBI began uncovering what they described as a massive cash-for-jobs network spread across multiple municipalities in West Bengal. 

According to a preliminary report submitted by the ED before the Calcutta High Court in 2023, the estimated proceeds generated through the municipal recruitment scam could be around ₹200 crore.

The agency stated that this estimate was based on the statements made by prime accused Ayan Sheel during interrogation, as well as evidence recovered from documents, digital devices and records seized during searches conducted at his premises. Investigators believe the money was collected from candidates in exchange for securing municipal jobs through illegal channels.

According to the agency, a significant portion of the illegal appointments took place in municipalities located in North 24 Parganas and South 24 Parganas districts. The ED informed the court that the estimated scam amount was derived after matching the statements of the accused with documentary and digital evidence collected during the investigation.

The ED recovered over ₹1.5 crore in cash during raids in Kolkata’s Taratala area. Additional searches in Lake Town reportedly led to the recovery of large quantities of cash, gold ornaments and luxury vehicles.

Investigators claimed that several private companies were used to convert recruitment scam proceeds into legitimate-looking funds.

According to ED officials, crores of rupees generated through illegal municipal recruitments were routed through multiple bank accounts and business entities. The agency believes that several influential individuals benefited from the money trail.

The agency suspects that the actual financial scale of the scam could be even larger as investigations into additional municipalities and beneficiaries are continuing. According to investigators, the recruitment racket operated for several years and involved a well-organised system of middlemen, municipal officials, politicians and private entities who facilitated appointments in exchange for money.

CBI identifies 1,814 illegal appointments

One of the most significant findings in the case came from the CBI‘s investigation.

According to sources, the CBI identified 1,814 illegal recruitments across 15 municipalities in West Bengal. Investigators found that many of these appointments were made through ABS Infozon Private Limited, a company owned by Ayan Sheel.

The agency examined recruitment records from 17 municipalities. Out of these, illegal appointments were detected in 15 civic bodies. Among the municipalities under scrutiny, South Dum Dum recorded the highest number of suspected illegal appointments, with 329 recruitments identified as irregular.

Large numbers of questionable appointments were also found in municipalities such as Kamarhati, Baranagar and Titagarh.

The CBI informed the special court in Kolkata about these findings and submitted detailed records regarding the appointments. The agency also uncovered at least 25 bank accounts used to move proceeds generated from the scam. Investigators found that large sums of money were frequently deposited and withdrawn within hours, raising suspicion about their use in laundering funds.

As part of the investigation, CBI officials reportedly conducted raids at 42 different locations and seized numerous documents related to the recruitment process.

Final chargesheet reveals key accused

The investigation reached a crucial stage when the CBI filed its final chargesheet before the Special CBI Court in Alipore in January this year.

One of the most important names included in the chargesheet is Jyotisman Chattopadhyay, a senior IAS officer of the West Bengal cadre.

According to the CBI, Chattopadhyay held a key position in the Directorate of Local Bodies under the Urban Development and Municipal Affairs Department between 2017 and 2019. He became Director of the department in September 2018.

The Directorate plays a crucial role in municipal recruitment, including allocation of appointments and approval of recruitment processes.

The CBI said that Chattopadhyay misused his official position and facilitated irregular appointments during his tenure. Several documents recovered from his residence reportedly formed the basis of the allegations against him.

The final chargesheet also names ABS Infozone Private Limited, which investigators believe was used by Ayan Sheel to facilitate illegal recruitments.

Earlier chargesheets had already named Ayan Sheel and former South Dum Dum Municipality chairman Panchugopal Ray as accused.

Investigators have described Ayan Sheel as one of the central figures in the scam, primarily connected to TMC. Following searches at his offices and residences in Kolkata and Chinsurah, the ED claimed to have identified assets worth nearly ₹100 crore linked to him, along with several incriminating documents.

With the filing of the final chargesheet and continuing action by the ED, the municipal recruitment scam has emerged as one of the biggest corruption investigations involving local civic bodies in West Bengal. 

The recent raids on Madan Mitra and the arrest of Sujit Bose indicate that the probe is still expanding and connected to the Mamata Banerjee-led TMC Government.

Flags of Convenience: Why many commercial ships are registered in small, obscure nations, and how recent events in the Middle East show risks associated with the system

Raju Das
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Flags of Convenience: Why many commercial ships are registered in small, obscure nations, and how recent events in the Middle East show risks associated with the system

Amid the ongoing tension in the Middle East, three ships with Indian crews were hit by US Forces in the last few days, escalating tensions between India and the USA. The commercial tankers Marivex, Settebello, and Jalveer, came under attack by US Navy aircraft as part of efforts to enforce a blockade against Iran-linked shipping. US Navy fighters shot at the engine rooms of the ships to ‘disable’ them, but 3 Indians died in the attack on the MT Settebello.

These vessels, crewed by Indian seafarers, drew global attention not only for the tragic loss of life and diplomatic fallout involving India, but also for the curious choice of their flags. Marivex and Settebello were carrying the flag of Palau, a small island nation in the Pacific Ocean, while Jalveer was sailing under the flag of Guinea-Bissau, a small African nation surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean, Guinea and Senegal.

MT Settebello hit by the US in the Gulf of Oman

This has led to many people wondering why modern commercial ships, carrying valuable cargo across international waters, choose to register and sail under the flags of small, far-flung nations like Palau in the Pacific or Guinea-Bissau in West Africa, rather than those of major maritime powers such as the United States, China, or even India. The owners of such ships are not located in the countries where they are registered, and the vessels rarely make port calls in these countries.

Most of these countries don’t even have ports where large tanker and container ships can dock. Which means, many ships registered in such countries actually never visit these countries, as they are too big to fit in their small ports, built to handle passenger ferries and small cargo vessels.

Flags of convenience

While the massive ships are owned by companies based in major countries, most of them are registered in countries such as Panama, Liberia, the Marshall Islands, Palau etc. This practice is not unusual; it is a cornerstone of the global shipping industry known as “flags of convenience” or open registries.

Every merchant vessel must be registered with a sovereign state, which then becomes its flag state, responsible for oversight under international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The ships spent most of their time in international waters, and there is no law requiring a ship to be registered in the country where its owner is located. The shipowner may choose any country.

As a result, shipowners frequently opt for registries in countries that offer minimal bureaucracy, lower costs, and flexible rules, rather than their own national flags. This system allows vessels to operate with a degree of separation from their actual owners or operators, sometimes complicating enforcement actions or diplomatic responses.

It’s all about money

The primary driver behind choosing such flags is economic. Registering a ship under a traditional maritime nation’s flag, such as those in Europe or North America, often involves significantly higher operational expenses. These include stricter requirements that mandate higher wages for crew members, adherence to rigorous safety and environmental standards, and substantial corporate taxes on shipping profits.

In contrast, open registry countries charge modest registration and annual fees, which can be a fraction of the cost elsewhere. For large shipping companies managing fleets worth hundreds of millions of dollars, these savings can be massive, enhancing competitiveness in a cut-throat global market where freight rates fluctuate wildly.

Beyond direct costs, regulatory flexibility plays a crucial role. Nations with open registries typically impose fewer restrictions on the operation of the vessel and the recruitment of crew, allowing owners to hire seafarers from lower-wage countries like India, the Philippines, or Indonesia. The shipowners are subjected to lax labour protections or union requirements common in developed nations. This enables ship operators to optimise crew expenses while maintaining global standards through international conventions such as those from the International Maritime Organisation.

Share of Flags of Convenience countries in global maritime freight

Tax advantages represent another compelling factor. Many shipowning companies incorporate in jurisdictions with favourable tax regimes and then register vessels under allied open flags. This structure minimises taxation on international earnings, which might otherwise be subject to higher rates in the owner’s home country. For instance, a Greek or Norwegian shipping magnate might route operations through such arrangements to remain competitive against global rivals.

Insurance considerations further incentivise this approach. Commercial vessels require protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance, along with hull and machinery coverage, which are often easier and sometimes cheaper to secure under certain flags, mostly due to lower taxes.

International efforts, including those by the OECD and the European Union, have sought to curb abusive practices, but the system remains because it aligns with the inherently transnational nature of maritime trade, where ships spend most of their lives far from any single nation’s shores.

In the context of sanctions or geopolitical tensions, as seen in US and EU sanctions against Russia and Iran, ships under obscure flags may also provide a layer of operational anonymity, making it harder to trace ultimate beneficial ownership. Despite the sanctions, Russia was able to continue exporting its oil to India and other countries using such vessels. This has raised concerns about their use in shadow fleets for evading restrictions, though most operators use them mainly for cost-effectiveness.

Workers on a container ship

It is important to note that not all flags of convenience are equal. Major players like Panama, which registers a vast portion of the world’s tonnage, maintain substantial infrastructure for vessel inspection and compliance. Reputable open registries, including Panama and Liberia, have strengthened their standards over time to attract quality tonnage and avoid blacklisting by port states, but the system as a whole remains operational.

According to a list maintained by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), there are 48 countries declared as FOCs by the ITF’s Fair Practices Committee. These countries are Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bermuda, Bolivia, Cameroon, Cayman Islands, Comoros, Cook Islands, Curacao, Cyprus, Dominica, Equatorial Guinea, Eswatini, Faroe Islands, French International Ship Registry (FIS), Gabon, Gambia, German International Ship Registry (GIS), Georgia, Gibraltar, Guinea-Bissau, Honduras, Jamaica, Lebanon, Liberia, Malta, Madeira, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Moldova, Mongolia, Myanmar, North Korea, Niue, Palau, Panama, San Marino, Sao Tome and Príncipe, Sierra Leone, St Kitts and Nevis, St Vincent, Sri Lanka, Tanzania (Zanzibar), Togo, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.

The system offers a win-win situation for shipping companies and small countries that offer cheap and easy ship registration facilities. While the shipowners save money by this arrangement, small countries earn revenue even though they may not have a shipping industry. Some smaller countries also outsource registry management to private companies, as they don’t have their own facilities.

A system with many risks

However, this system is not without risks. Port state control inspections by authorities in places like the United States, Europe, or Australia may result in detention of substandard ships regardless of flag.

In the case of international events involving ships, the countries where they are registered may not be able to intervene or offer any help. For example, in the case of the US attack on three tankers in the Gulf of Oman, it was India that raised strong protest against the US, because the ships were crewed by Indians. Palau and Guinea-Bissau, where the ships are registered, didn’t make any comment. The responsibility of such countries ends with offering registration and other such services, and it does not extend to offering any assistance to the ships in case of any incident.

Lack of regulatory oversight also encourages ships to violate or bend rules. For example, most tanker ships are transiting the Strait of Hormuz after obtaining required permission from Iran and US forces, and after they were allowed to move ahead. But, the ships targeted by the US reportedly attempted to move without taking any permission, and kept their transponders off. As the countries where they are registered don’t impose any restrictions against such practices, the owners of ships carrying such open flags often take such higher risks.

The biggest victim of this flags of convenience system is the crew on such ships. As they are under lax or negligible labour laws applicable in the countries of registration, people working on such ships have to suffer. They are offered lower wages, and as shipowners keep the manpower on the ships low, the crew is forced to work more and for longer hours.

Many FOC vessels are also old and badly maintained and lack proper safety equipment and practices. In many such ships, onboard conditions are poor, and the food and water supply is limited. The crew have to work for longer periods without proper rest. For example, the father of an Indian killed in a US strike on MT Settebello has said that his son Aditya Sharma wanted to quit the job saying that the company was ‘exploitative’.

According to the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), FoC registries make it more difficult for unions, industry stakeholders and the public to hold ship owners to account. Since FOC ships have no real nationality, they are beyond the reach of any single national seafarers’ trade union. As a result, most FOC seafarers are not members of a trade union.

For these reasons, the ITF has been running a campaign to stop the system of flags of convenience. It says that there should be a genuine link between the real owner of a vessel and the flag the vessel flies, in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). 

In essence, the phenomenon of ships flying flags from small or lesser-known countries is a result of economics and the practicalities of global commerce. It enables the cheaper movement of goods, from oil and commodities to consumer products, while keeping costs manageable for operators.

For nations like India, a major supplier of seafarers, it means employment opportunities for thousands. But it also means vulnerabilities when crews find themselves in dangerous situations on foreign-flagged vessels.

Not just testing, from design to production of space hardware: Read how the Space Manufacturing Park to be set up in Ahmedabad will boost India’s private space sector

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
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Not just testing, from design to production of space hardware: Read how the Space Manufacturing Park to be set up in Ahmedabad will boost India’s private space sector

The Gujarat Government has announced the setting up of Common Technical Facilities (CTF) for the Space Manufacturing Park being developed at Khoraj GIDC near Ahmedabad. For the development of these facilities, IN-SPACe will contribute up to ₹100 crore for equipment, while the state government will bear the additional cost for construction and operations. This announcement was made during the 10th IN-SPACe Industry Connect event.

The proposed Common Technical Facilities will include a Class 100,000 cleanroom, thermo-vacuum chamber, vibration testing system with capacity for payloads up to 12 tonnes, EMI/EMC testing facilities, climate test chamber, mass properties measurement system, magnetic field testing infrastructure, and facilities for calibration of Earth Observation optics. The state government has allocated 50 acres of land at Khoraj, with provisions to expand it up to 100 acres in the future.

At first glance, this news may appear like any other announcement of a new industrial park or government project. However, if one tries to understand the broader perspective behind it, it becomes clear that this is not merely the construction of a new facility, but an effort to create the necessary infrastructure for India’s rapidly growing private space sector. In fact, to understand this project, it is first necessary to understand how anything sent into space is prepared on Earth.

Not an ordinary industrial park

When common people think of satellites, their mind often goes only to the moment of launch. The rocket roars and flies into the sky, and the satellite reaches space. But in reality, there is a process of preparation and testing that goes on for years before the launch. Space is not like Earth’s environment. There is no air, no pressure, extreme temperature variations occur, and one has to face extraordinary vibrations during launch. Therefore, before sending any satellite or other space hardware into space, it undergoes numerous tests.

The cleanroom is its simplest example. Even a small particle of dust can affect the cameras, sensors, and other highly sensitive devices installed in a satellite. Therefore, such instruments are assembled not in a normal environment but in a highly controlled and pure environment of a cleanroom. The work of a thermo-vacuum chamber is to simulate space-like conditions. Air is removed to create a vacuum, and extremely hot and extremely cold conditions are created to check whether the satellite will function properly in space or not.

Similarly, vibration testing is extremely important. When a rocket is launched, it generates heavy vibrations and mechanical stresses. If the satellite or the devices inside it cannot withstand these vibrations, the entire mission can fail. Therefore, such conditions are artificially created on Earth itself, and testing is done. EMI/EMC testing ensures that various electronic systems can function properly without affecting each other. In simple words, the facilities being built at Khoraj are such that satellites and other space systems will be tested by creating space-like conditions on Earth itself.

Why is it important for startups?

In the last few years, the number of space startups in India has increased rapidly. Many new companies have emerged in fields ranging from rocket technology to satellite manufacturing, Earth observation, communication, and data analytics. But for most startups, the biggest challenge is infrastructure.

Establishing own thermo-vacuum chamber, cleanroom, or vibration testing system is an extremely expensive matter for a startup. In many cases, this cost runs into crores of rupees. As a result, companies have to depend on other organisations for such facilities. Until now, many private companies have been using ISRO’s available facilities. After the government opened the space sector for the private sector post-2020, such access was made available in a more systematic manner through IN-SPACe.

However, ISRO’s facilities have been primarily built for ISRO’s own missions. As the number of private space companies in India increases, the demand for such facilities is also constantly rising. In this situation, the purpose of the Common Technical Facilities being developed at Khoraj is that multiple companies can use modern testing infrastructure on a single platform. This will not only reduce costs but also lower the barriers to entry into the space sector for new companies.

Although Common Technical Facilities are being discussed the most, the Khoraj project should not be viewed only as a testing centre. The plan of the state government and IN-SPACe is for a space manufacturing ecosystem where companies can not only test their products but also design, develop, assemble, and manufacture satellites, payload systems, and other space hardware. Thus, CTF is an important part of the entire project, but the objective of the overall project is much broader than testing.

what changed in India’s space sector after 2020?

To understand this entire project, it is necessary to understand the space reforms of 2020. For a long time, India’s space sector remained almost entirely ISRO-centric. The country’s space capabilities developed, historic missions like Mangalyaan and Chandrayaan were successful, but private sector participation was limited.

In 2020, the Central Government took an important decision and opened the space sector for the private sector. Along with this, IN-SPACe was established. The role of IN-SPACe is to provide necessary approvals, guidance, and coordination to private companies for entry into the space sector. As a result, today many Indian startups are working on rockets, satellites, and other space technologies.

Giving entry to the private sector in the space sector did not mean only giving opportunities to new companies. It also meant that the country would need new types of infrastructure. The Common Technical Facilities being developed at Khoraj can be seen as a part of this major transformation.

Gujarat is playing an important role

The Space Park being developed at Khoraj is envisioned not just as a testing place but as a complete industrial cluster. In the future, companies can come here that manufacture various components of satellites, develop payload systems, work on space-based applications, and then also test their products in the same ecosystem. In other words, an attempt is being made to create the necessary infrastructure for the entire process from design to flight-ready systems in a single cluster.

The importance of the Khoraj project is not only because it is being built in Gujarat. There are also several strategic reasons behind it. IN-SPACe’s headquarters is located in Ahmedabad. Moreover, Gujarat’s relationship with ISRO is also decades old. The Space Applications Centre located in Ahmedabad has been playing an important role in the country’s space programme.

In the last few years, the Gujarat Government has also focused specially on defence, aerospace, and high-tech manufacturing sectors. Major investments being made in the semiconductor sector in the state are also noteworthy. There is a close relationship between space technology and the semiconductor industry because advanced electronic components are needed for satellites and other space systems. In this view, the Space Manufacturing Park being developed at Khoraj is not a standalone project but a part of the large high-tech ecosystem emerging in Gujarat.

What could be the long-term impact?

The real impact of the Khoraj project will be visible in the coming years. If the proposed infrastructure is successfully developed and widely used by the industry, it can become an important encouragement for India’s space startups. Manufacturing capabilities will increase at the local level, the supply chain will become stronger, and it can also help in reducing dependence on imports.

Another important aspect of this project is also connected with ISRO. With the creation of a separate and dedicated testing ecosystem for the private sector, the burden on ISRO’s facilities can also gradually decrease. As a result, ISRO will be able to focus more on its scientific research, next-generation technologies, human spaceflight programmes, and other advanced missions. Thus, this initiative will not only help the private sector but can also prove to be an important step towards making the entire Indian space ecosystem more efficient.

In the end, the Common Technical Facilities being built at Khoraj should not be seen merely as a new lab or a government project. This is a part of the major transformation taking place in India’s space sector, in which the government, industry, startups, and scientific organisations are collectively trying to create an ecosystem that can give the country a stronger position in the global space economy in the coming decades. Perhaps this is why the Khoraj project holds importance not only for Gujarat but for the entire Indian space sector.

This is an English translation of the original Gujarati article published on OpIndia Gujarati

BJP needs to be careful: While rebel TMC leaders can help pass important bills in Parliament, here is my word of caution as a Bengali

Dibakar Dutta
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BJP needs to be careful: While rebel TMC leaders can help pass important bills in Parliament, here is my word of caution as a Bengali

The Trinamool Congress party, which came into existence in 1998, is counting its last days. A little more than a month earlier, no one could have possibly imagined this drastic downfall of the party. Supreme leader Mamata Banerjee and her nephew Abhishek, who once threatened to teach BJP workers a lesson in violence, are now fighting for existence and political relevance. TMC’s heavyweight leaders have now created new factions and have openly declared rebellion against the Pishi-Bhaipo hegemony.

It was not until a long time ago that Mamata Banerjee was fantasising about the overthrow of the Modi government in Delhi. While Narendra Modi continues to remain in power, the TMC supremo has nowhere to go. There are now talks about Mamata merging whatever is left of her party with the Congress as a final act. This is what happens to electoral autocrats, drunk in power. When the public overwhelmingly gives its veto, politicians who took people for granted lose what they took decades to build.

TMC is in such a stage of its life. And mind you, none of this is the BJP’s doing. In fact, party leaders such as Dilip Ghosh, Samik Bhattacharjee and Swapan Dasgupta have categorically pointed out that hoodlums from TMC will not be allowed entry in the BJP. To attest to this fact, TMC goons who harassed and extorted from the public were paraded on the roads before their arrest. The message was clear: No criminal affiliated with the TMC will be shown any mercy.

But, infighting with the TMC has opened a window of opportunity for the Bharatiya Janata Party. The first, of course, is the opportunity to witness the decimation of Mamata’s regime, one party leader at a time. Three Rajya Sabha MPs belonging to the TMC have tendered their resignation. 58 MLAs have joined hands and turned down Mamata’s choice of the leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Vidhan Sabha. 20 MPs in Lok Sabha have declared a Parliamentary majority and demanded to be identified as a separate faction.

The internal disintegration is a sight for the sore eyes of the BJP, which was battered and cornered for 15 years in Mamata’s Bengal bastion. But there is another story, far more important than the destruction of a rogue and corrupt regional party. It is the new arithmetic in the Union Parliament.

The third term of the Modi government is different from the rest. For a change, the BJP failed to secure an absolute majority in 2024. The support of the allies could take the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) to about 293 seats only. For the first time in 12 years, the BJP failed to pass a constitutional amendment. It fell short of the numbers to enact the pan-India delimitation and the women’s reservation bill. But the scenario could change with the infighting breaking out in the TMC.

A rebel faction led by Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar and 19 MPs in the Lok Sabha has pledged external support to the NDA. This alone can take the total strength of the BJP-led alliance to 313. Earlier, the BJP was able to rope in non-aligned parties and secure 298 votes during the 131st constitutional amendment. Now, the NDA is looking at a figure of 318 votes.

The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), which was betrayed by the Congress party to latch onto power in Tamil Nadu, could extend support to the NDA on specific issues. For context, DMK has 22 MPs in the Lok Sabha. And that could mean the possibility of securing 340 MPs to pass important constitutional amendments and legislation. In that sense, NDA is short of 20 seats to attain 2/3rd majority in the lower House with the current strength of 540.

This gives a fighting chance to the BJP-led alliance to even think of pushing critical legislation through the Lok Sabha. As for the Rajya Sabha, the BJP’s current strength is 113, and the total NDA’s tally is 148 in a House of 235 members. Given the fact that 3 TMC MPs have resigned, the BJP can get 3 new faces to the Rajya Sabha and take NDA past the 150 mark. And the 2/3rd majority mark in the Upper House is 163 members.

While this new development has made the BJP formidable and its supporters happy, a large section of Bengalis in West Bengal is watching the development with a certain sense of anxiety. It took 15 years for a community to unite and overthrow the regime of TMC. The people of Bengal do not change their political allegiance overnight. But when they do, it is brutal! The loser has no takers. And this is what happened to Mamata Banerjee and her Bhaipo Abhishek.

TMC leaders, ranging from the local grassroot-level hooligan to its MLAs and MPs, have supported, abetted, endorsed and rationalised the killings, abductions, rapes and destruction of livelihoods of BJP workers. More than 300 Bengali Hindus lost their lives at the hands of the TMC only because they supported the Bharatiya Janata Party. The BJP’s ground-thumping victory against the Mamata Raj is a testament to the Faith that the common Bengali has put in the Modi government.

The supreme sacrifice made by these BJP karyakartas facilitated the saffron surge in Bengal. Today, a large section of Bengalis is worried that many TMC heavyweight leaders who once harassed the BJP workers would join the ranks of the BJP. This would then be a grave injustice to the 300-odd families of BJP workers, who lost their lives in political violence. I have spoken to a few Bengalis who are fearful that the killer may join the party which he had once victimised.

And this is where I share this word of caution to the BJP: Understandably, the government needs to pass strong legislation and make political compromises, keeping in mind the larger picture of the nation’s interest. As such, TMC’s rebel faction extending support to the NDA in matters of legislation, and the latter accepting the same, can be thought of as one such compromise. But in no case should TMC MLAs and MPs be incorporated into the BJP. The criminal cases against them should not be dropped.

Their crimes need to be brought to justice. They cannot be granted political immunity. Because that would be a travesty of justice. The overwhelming mandate in Bengal for the BJP was also a vote against the TMC. If party leaders from Mamata’s camp find refuge in the BJP, then the same public which once adored the saffron party will become its biggest dissidents. BJP cannot afford to lose the support and trust of these Bengalis who made 4th May 2026 a reality. BJP thus needs to walk a tightrope, balance political narratives and tread carefully. One wrong step and it risks alienating the people of Bengal.

AMCA engineering model spotted at DRDO’s Radar Cross-Section testing facility: Indicates crucial test of ability to avoid radar detection by India’s indigenous stealth fighter

Dhruv Mishra
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AMCA engineering model spotted at DRDO’s Radar Cross-Section testing facility: Indicates crucial test of ability to avoid radar detection by India’s indigenous stealth fighter

Recently, a satellite image has revealed the presence of a full-scale engineering model of India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) at a DRDO testing facility in Hyderabad. This image might be a lovely surprise for our neighbouring country. The AMCA is India’s ambitious indigenous fifth-generation stealth fighter jet project. It is directly designed to strengthen the country’s air combat capabilities in the coming decades. The model has reportedly been spotted at DRDO’s ORANGE radar cross-section testing facility, a specialised site where scientists evaluate how visible an aircraft is to enemy radar systems.

Such testing is a crucial part of developing stealth aircraft, as it helps engineers identify areas that may reflect radar signals and make design improvements to reduce detectability. While the aircraft seen in the satellite image is not a flying prototype, its presence at the facility suggests that the AMCA programme has entered an important stage of development. The testing is expected to provide valuable data that will help refine the aircraft’s stealth characteristics before the first prototypes are built and flown. The development is seen as another significant step forward in India’s efforts to build its first homegrown stealth fighter aircraft.

What is AMCA?

The Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) is India’s ambitious indigenous fifth-generation stealth fighter jet programme being developed by the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) in collaboration with the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). The aircraft is intended to become one of the most advanced combat platforms in the Indian Air Force. It is expected to provide capabilities such as stealth, advanced sensors, internal weapon bays and network-centric warfare.

During Aero India 2025, the full-scale model of the aircraft was publicly showcased for the first time, attracting significant attention from defence experts and aviation enthusiasts. The model was manufactured by Hyderabad-based VEM Technologies and was displayed to provide a glimpse into India’s future fighter aircraft programme. The project represents India’s effort to join the small group of nations capable of designing and producing their own stealth fighter aircraft. Once operational, the AMCA is expected to play a key role in strengthening India’s air power and reducing dependence on foreign combat aircraft for future requirements.

A Crucial Step Before First Flight

The spotting of the AMCA engineering model at DRDO’s Radar Cross-Section (RCS) testing facility is an important milestone in the development of India’s first indigenous stealth fighter aircraft. Although the airframe seen in the satellite imagery is not a flying prototype, it’s key to get the aircraft ready for future flight trials. Full-scale engineering models are built to help engineers verify various aspects of an aircraft’s design before the production of the actual prototypes.

With these models, teams can ensure that various components fit into the airframe perfectly, make sure internal components can be integrated efficiently, and discover potential design problems early on. Internal bay layout, antenna and sensor placement etc are evaluated in such models.

The engineering model is also used to evaluate maintenance requirements and ergonomics. So, the engineer can examine whether technicians will be able to access key components for repairs and servicing. Designers can assess the overall layout and practicality of the aircraft’s internal structure.

Such studies help reduce future operational and maintenance challenges. By conducting extensive evaluations on the full-scale model, developers can identify and resolve issues before moving to the far more expensive and complex stage of building the actual aircraft. This process significantly reduces technical risks and improves the chances of a successful prototype development program.

According to current projections, the first AMCA prototypes are expected to be rolled out between 2028 and 2029, with the aircraft’s maiden flight targeted around 2029. Notably, the union government is yet to finalise the private partner to build the prototypes. The defence ministry has issued a request for proposal (RFP) to Tata Advanced Systems, a L&T-BEL-Dynamatic consortium, and a Bharat Forge-BEML-Data Patterns consortium. One of the three bidders will be selected for the ₹15,000 crore project to build five AMCA prototypes at a new greenfield facility in Andhra Pradesh.

Stealth Testing Explained: Why Radar Cross Section Matters

One of the most important features of a fifth-generation fighter aircraft is its ability to avoid detection by enemy radar systems. For achieving the capability, aircraft developers must carefully study and minimise the aircraft’s Radar Cross Section (RCS). It is a measure of how visible an object appears to radar. In simple terms, radar cross-section means the amount of radar energy reflected back to a radar system when electromagnetic waves strike an aircraft. A larger radar signature makes an aircraft easier to detect and track, while a smaller radar signature allows it to remain hidden for longer periods, increasing its chances of completing missions without being intercepted.

This is why stealth aircraft undergo extensive RCS testing during their development. Engineers need to identify which parts of the aircraft reflect the most radar energy and make design modifications to reduce these reflections. The shape of the aircraft, placement of air intakes, alignment of surfaces, and use of radar-absorbent materials all play a crucial role in determining its radar visibility.

The AMCA engineering model has reportedly been spotted at DRDO’s ORANGE (Open Range) facility in Hyderabad. It is a specialised testing range designed to conduct Radar Cross Section evaluations. Such facilities are equipped with sophisticated instruments that transmit radar waves toward an aircraft from different angles and then measure the strength of the signals reflected back.

By analysing these reflections, scientists can create a detailed map of the aircraft’s radar signature. Areas that produce strong radar returns can then be redesigned or refined to improve stealth performance. This process helps engineers understand how the aircraft would appear to enemy radar systems under real-world conditions. Reducing radar visibility is critical because it allows a fighter aircraft to operate deeper inside hostile airspace with a lower risk of detection.

For a future stealth fighter like the AMCA, achieving a low radar cross section is essential to enhancing survivability, increasing mission effectiveness, and ensuring that the aircraft can compete with other advanced fifth-generation fighters being developed and operated around the world.

Testing an Evolving Design

It is important to note that the AMCA model seen in the satellite imagery does not represent the aircraft’s final design. The engineering model displayed at Aero India 2025 was based on an earlier configuration of the aircraft. Since then, the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) has reportedly incorporated several refinements, including the adoption of Diverterless Supersonic Inlets (DSI), which can improve both aerodynamic performance and stealth characteristics.

Such design changes are common in advanced fighter jet programmes, where multiple iterations are tested before the final configuration is frozen.

The Road Ahead for AMCA

The AMCA programme is expected to progress in two phases. The initial AMCA Mark 1 variant is planned to be powered by the American GE F414 engine, while a more advanced Mark 2 version is expected to feature a powerful indigenous engine currently under development.

France’s Safran and the UK’s Rolls-Royce are in the fray for developing India’s next-generation fighter engine to be used in AMCA. If current timelines are met, the first prototype could take to the skies around 2029 with GE engine, with induction into the Indian Air Force expected in the following decade.

Conclusion

The satellite image itself doesn’t show any dramatic breakthrough, but it gives a rare glimpse into a crucial phase of India’s most ambitious fighter jet project. The fact that the AMCA engineering model is at a specialised radar testing facility points to crucial stealth validation work being carried out. With India making progress with its first home-grown fifth-generation stealth fighter, every such milestone brings the programme closer to reality.

Who is Neha Bora, leading the Cockroach protests? Read about the AISA national president who calls Umar Khalid innocent and openly spreads hatred against Brahmins

Aditi
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Who is Neha Bora, leading the Cockroach protests? Read about the AISA national president who calls Umar Khalid innocent and openly spreads hatred against Brahmins

Left-wing students’ organisation All India Students’ Association (AISA) recently announced a week-long nationwide campaign ‘Cockroaches on the streets’, across Delhi, demanding the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. The campaign began yesterday (11th June) and will continue till 18th June. Yesterday, AISA members wearing cockroach masks protested in Delhi University’s North Campus, Kamla Nagar, Patel Chest, Gurmandi and Vijaynagar.

This comes days after the Left-wing students’ organisation joined the farcical Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protest held at Jantar Mantar in Delhi on 6th June. The protest was organised in the name of demanding the resignation of the Union Education Minister for the recent NEET exam paper leak and raising issues related to students. However, the ground reality of the protest revealed a different story, where Leftist organisations like the AISA were seen raising slogans of ‘Azadi-Azadi’ and ‘Jai Bheem’.

While AISA has not officially declared its support for the CJP, the All India President of AISA, Neha Bora, was at the forefront of the CJP protest. It is no secret that Left-wing students organistions like the AISA push their ideological and political agenda in the guise of raising students’ issues. And that’s exactly what Bora was seen doing in the pretext of demanding reforms in the education system.

Speaking to the media, Bora linked the issues of reforms in the education system and students’ rights with the UAPA accused Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam. Blatantly whitewashing the charges against Khalid and Imam, Neha Bora claimed that ‘Godi Media’ and the ‘BJP IT Cell’ have declared them as traitors.

She referred to the anti-Hindu Delhi riots conspiracy accused as “ordinary students” and claimed that they were being subjected to “political prosecution”. She raised questions on the judiciary by pointing out that Khalid and Imam have been languishing in jail for years, as they were not granted bail. However, she cleverly conceals the fact that the Supreme Court had denied bail to Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam, observing that a prima facie case was made out against them in connection with the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi riots conspiracy.

Neha Bora’s Brahmin hatred and its justification

Neha Bora’s so-called students’ rights activism is not limited to whitewashing serious crimes like inciting riots or communal tensions; she openly advocates and promotes hatred against the Brahmin community in the name of countering caste inequality. In a post pinned on her X profile, Bora uses ‘Brahmanvaad’ (Brahmanism) as an umbrella term to refer to all kinds of discrimination prevalent in society. She defines Brahmanism as “the historical suppression of one section by another section of society”. By her logic, any discrimination in Indian society, even if it has nothing to do with caste, could be attributed to Brahmanism.

Bora justifies hatred and discrimination against the Brahmin community as a way of addressing and correcting years of alleged caste discrimination by the Brahmin community against weaker castes. In other words, hating and condemning Brahmins comes as a necessary corollary of achieving caste equality in society.

The ‘Dara Hua Musalman’ narrative

While Bora is very vocal about the caste discrimination in Indian society, at the same time, she is alarmed by calls for uniting the Hindu community by rising above caste lines. She perceives Hindu unity as a direct threat to the existence of Muslims in the country.

Speaking on a podcast, the AISA national president claimed that calls for uniting the Hindu community make the Muslim community feel unsafe in the country. She downplays the serious threat of Love Jihad with dismissive laughter. Unsurprisingly, she then goes on to selectively point out the suppression of women in Hindu society while omitting to mention the situation of Muslim women.

Neha Bora wants a free Palestine

It is no surprise that Neha Bora, being the leader of a Left-wing students’ organisation, residing in India, wants a free Palestine. She had made multiple posts on X condemning Israel, calling for the freedom of Palestine.

Bora’s ideological and political views and the strategy to use students’ issues for pushing the leftist agenda are not surprising. The so-called students’ organisations aligning with the Left-wing ideology have long sustained themselves in some of the most prestigious educational institutions in the country, using this strategy. They target uninformed and naive students by raising their issues and indoctrinating them with their political ideology. The CJP protest is yet another opportunity for the left-wing student groups to peddle their agenda.

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