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No, Kamruddin, who has been arrested by Delhi Police in a triple-murder case, is not a ‘Tantrik’: Here’s how the media gives a Hindu spin to Muslim-perpetrated crimes

The Delhi Police arrested a Muslim occultist named Kamruddin on 11th February for killing two men and a woman by giving them poisoned laddus as part of a ceremony that promised them a windfall called “Dhanvarsha.” The arrest of Uttar Pradesh’s Firozabad resident came days after three dead bodies were found in a car on the Peeragarhi flyover of Outer Delhi.  The mainstream media outlets widely covered the news; however, they described Kamruddin as a ‘Tantrik’, giving the impression that the perpetrator is a Hindu.

Kamruddin promised ‘Dhanvarsha’, delivered death: Media headlines turned a murderer, Muslim occultist, into a ‘Tantrik’

The action against Kamruddin was taken by the Delhi Police after three people, identified as Laxmi, Randhir (76), (40) and Shiv Naresh (42), were found unconscious inside a white automobile in Peeragarhi, after which cops rushed to the scene and found out that they were dead.

During the investigation, it turned out that one of the victims, Laxmi, was in touch with an occultist. The probe revealed that Kamruddin had communicated with the deceased and had promised them cash benefits through certain ‘rituals’. Kamruddin had an accomplice named Salim, who introduced Laxmi, Randhir and Shiv Naresh to him. The Muslim occultist, or Aleem and his three victims recently met in Ghaziabad’s Loni.

The police said that Kamruddin persuaded the victims to perform a rite for “Dhanvarsha” and directed them to set aside 2 lakhs in cash for the ceremony, along with cold beverages and alcohol. Kamruddin then gave them poisoned sweets and took their cash.

While the criminal and his accomplice are both Muslims, a significant section of the mainstream media used the Hindu identifiers ‘Tantrik’ or ‘self-styled Tantrik’ for Kamruddin. Although the body of these news reports mentions the name of the arrested perpetrator, the headline and main content primarily use the Hindu identifiers, leaving their readers with the impression that the arrested occultist is Hindu.

In this vein, Hindustan Times published a report with the headline: “Tantrik held in Delhi triple murder was linked to similar crimes in UP, Rajasthan.”

An India Today report’s headline reads: Tantrik arrested in Delhi car deaths linked to 5 more murders in UP, Rajasthan.”

Another leading newspaper, Indian Express, wrote the headline: A tantrik who promised to double money — and served ‘poisoned laddoos’: Cracking the Delhi flyover triple murder.”

DNA India published a profile of Kamruddin, mentioning his name in the headline; however, it chose not to use the appropriate term and used the term ‘Tantrik’.Who is Baba Kamruddin, Tantrik held in Delhi triple murder? How did he lure victims with poison ‘laddu’?” the headline reads.

Meanwhile, The Print also used the term ‘Tantrik’ and did not mention Kamruddin’s name in their report’s headline or excerpt. “Delhi cops crack triple murder. ‘Tantrik’ out on bail fed trio poisoned laddoos in name of prasad,” The Print report’s headline reads.

The Hindi media was no different, as they also followed the pattern of using misleading identifiers for the Muslim occultist.

In this vein, Aaj Tak headlined its report as: “पिछले साल डबल मर्डर, इस साल ट्रिपल…, दिल्ली के इस ‘तांत्रिक’ ने पहले भी लोगों को खिलाए हैं जहरीले लड्डू.”

Similarly, Dainik Jagran wrote, “ट्रिपल मर्डर का आरोपी तांत्रिक कौन? बचने के लिए लगाया था शातिर दिमाग; अब पुलिस की जांच में खुली क्राइम कुंडली.”

Muslim faith healers and occultists become ‘Tantriks’ in media headlines: Mainstream media conditioning people into associating occult-related crimes with Hinduism

This is not the first time that mainstream media has used misleading Hindu identifiers for Muslim occultists involved in criminal activities, including financial fraud, rape, and murder.  There have been concerted attempts by many media outlets to not only conceal the names of Muslim perpetrators but also give them a Hindu spin to depict that the crime was committed by Hindus.

Over the years, OpIndia has on many occasions called media outlets for using Hindu identifiers for Muslim Pir or Aamils defrauding people in the name of Sihr (an Islamic term for Black Magic).

Back in 2020, a Moulvi named Aslam Faizi was arrested for raping a woman who was facing family issues, on the pretext of reconciling the woman with her estranged husband. After an FIR was filed in this case, several media outfits like ‘Nayi Dunia’, gave the entire incident a Hindu spin by describing the alleged rapist as “Tantrik”– a practitioner of the “tantra vidya“, who is mainly associated with Hinduism.

In 2019, NDTV attributed the death of a 10-year-old boy because of the rituals performed by a Muslim healer to a “Tantrik”, giving a Hindu slant to the headline.

There have been several times in the past when the media has resorted to such chicanery. As per a Hindu report, a woman had accused a “tantrik” of raping her in Ajmer, after taking her there on the “pretext of offering prayers at a Dargah“.

In one case, The Times of India had carried an article titled, “Tantrik gets 10 years in jail for rape and extortion”. Like the reports mentioned above, the name of the accused was “Warsi”.

Sometimes, the mainstream media also attempts creativity even in describing crime-accused Muslim occultists. In one such case, Dainik Jagran once called a Muslim accused named Aftab, in a harassment case, “Tantrik Sufi Baba” in the headline.

In one case, Hindi News18 in its article carried the headline, “Tantrik arrested for committing misdemeanour with a minor, under the pretext of chasing away ghosts”. In this case, the perpetrator was a Muslim man named Hafiz Sajid.

In May 2025, Dainik Bhaskar calleda Muslim faith healer named Mubarik Mansuri, who trapped and raped 40-50 women under the pretence of exorcisms and ritual healing, a ‘Tantrik’ in its report.

There has been an ongoing attempt to condition people into associating heinous crimes like sexual exploitation and black magic not with the actual perpetrators, but with the Hindu identity that the media implants in their minds. The deliberate habit of concealing or downplaying the Muslim identity of the crime-accused occultists or exorcists is also found in the case of Christian priests, who are often called pūjāris, subtly transferring blame and stigma onto Hindu figures.

Criminal or not, a Muslim Pir/Aleem/occultist cannot be called a Tantrik: Why media’s ‘tantrik’ labelling of Muslim occultists is outrageously problematic

Irrespective of the fact that a self-styled Muslim faith healer, exorcist or occultist is involved in crimes like sexual exploitation or black magic, etc., or not, they cannot, in any context, be described as ‘Tantriks’. The term ‘Tantrik’ cannot be turned into a religion-neutral identifier of occultists across all religions.

A Tantrik is someone who follows the teachings and practices outlined in the Tantras, which are a large body of Hindu scriptures. Some Tantriks belong to the Shaiv tradition, some to Shakt or the one where Goddess Shakti is the main deity, and other such Hindu traditions. While the mainstream media is reducing the term Tantrik to a religion-neutral synonym for criminal occultist, true Tantriks use Tantra Vidya for spiritual liberation through mantra, yantra, Kundalini, and other sacred practices. Contrary to the notion popularised by television dramas, movies, and media propaganda, is a sophisticated esoteric path rooted in Hindu scriptures, and not generic ‘magic’.

In fact, not all Hindu occultists are Tantriks, let alone Muslim occultists being Tantriks. Yet, the media houses indulge in sloppy, misleading and essentially anti-Hindu journalism. By using selective and misleading terminology, ‘Tantrik’ for Muslim or any other non-Hindu mystic, faith healer, occultist or exorcist, especially in crime-related reports, media outlets are deceiving readers by shaping perception.

Most of the time, people may not open and read the complete report. In fact, people usually form impressions from headlines and visuals. “Tantrik arrested for killing three people”, “Another Tantrik arrested for sexually exploiting women”,  and similar headlines, especially in cases where the perpetrator(s) do not belong to Hindu religion, reinforce the stereotype that superstition-driven crime is a ‘Hindu problem’ wherein, both perpetrators and victims are mostly Hindus even as the ‘Jadu-Tona’, ‘Vashikaran’, ‘Jinn-manipulation’, and other such superstition-related crimes happen with Muslims are other non-Hindu communities as well.

In occult-related crimes, where the perpetrator essentially exploits the vulnerabilities of the victims and offers fake religion-based solutions, mentioning the correct religious identity of the accused is even more important. Not everything needs to be ‘secularised’.

Besides ideological biases, the offensive usage of the term ‘Tantrik’ in cases of Muslim occultists like Kamruddin indulging in criminal activities also reflects colloquialism and laziness. This laziness and insensitivity towards Hindu sentiments are not confined to media headlines but are also often found in police FIRs.

Who is Dr Priyanka Tripathi: Meet the IIT Patna professor who misuses Hindu scriptures and uses Shakti to circulate her agenda via research papers

The Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Patna has come under fire after it was found that its employee, Dr Priyanka Tripathi, distorted Hindu scriptures to advance her appalling agenda. “Since ages, Prakriti has been believed in Hindu mythology to be closely associated with femininity in India, and the present article will elaborate on how it energises lesbian experiences as an alternative source of Shakti (i.e., power) beyond the heteronormative Prakriti and Purusha (literal meaning man) dualism,” the research paper alleged.

The obnoxious statement was written by her and Chhandita Das in the “(En)Queering Prakriti: Decolonial Ecofeminism and Lesbian Subjectivity in Out! Stories from the New Queer India,” and published by the international journal “Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics.” The authors also claimed, “Shakti in the decolonial context of queer eco-feminism can not only offer resistance to fixed heterosexual categories, but also can shape potential pathways of queer subjectivity and sustainability.”

“It is primarily the shared emphasis on fluidity and interconnectivity among species beyond any binary mechanism, that the decolonial Indian concept Prakriti and queer ecofeminism are deeply related,” the paper added and then declared that “reconstructing lesbian ecofeminism through the decolonial lens of Prakriti and its associated spiritual belief of Shakti can be effective, as it offer possibilities that can eulogise the existence of every woman and her impending relationships on the earth beyond the traditional method of othering.”

It likewise read, “The provocation of these identifications of lesbians in or as Prakriti, in turn, empowers them with Shakti.” The paper was saturated with such flagrant attacks on the core values of Hinduism, a freedom that cannot be exercised with any other religion due to the “Sar Tan Se Juda” backlash.

Moreover, the writers did not miss the chance to assail Hindutva while mocking Hinduism and mentioned, “In such cases, it is often expected that the freedom of individual choice and pre-set social standards have to be forcefully reconciled. This will, in turn, ensure pseudo-familial respectability and the making of heterosexual Indianness under the rising codes of Hindutva (Bharucha, 1995; Juluri, 1999).”

“Their unification, though in death, in the lap of Prakriti, marks the heightened Shakti of lesbianism to reject every compulsory pressure to conform, so that even death is preferable to convention. This construction does draw upon the tragic motif of the doomed lesbian story seen so commonly in western literature of the mid-twentieth century, however, here we are also arguing that for these young women, death is liberation, not just annihilation. The reconfiguration of a queer Prakriti, particularly in the natural spaces in the selected stories, is done very purposely,” asserted Das and Tripathi in repeated violations of the fundamental principles of the Hindu faith.

Who is Priyanka Tripathi

Priyanka Tripathi, who did her PhD (Doctor of Philosophy) from IIT Kharagpur, is an associate professor of English at IIT Patna and earlier served as the head of the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences there. She is also the Fellowship Coordinator for the Journal of International Women’s Studies produced by Bridgewater State University in the United States of America.

“Additionally, she holds the position of Associate Editor for the Journal of Graphic Novels and Comics (Taylor & Francis) and Global South Literary Studies (Taylor & Francis),” conveyed the official website.

It outlined that Tripathi has previously been awarded distinguished fellowships such as Charles Wallace India Trust Visiting Fellowship (2024-25) at the School of History, University of Leeds and IPD (Institute for Peace and Dialogue) Visiting Research Fellowship (2022-23) at Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities (IASH), University of Edinburgh.

The website highlighted, “Her monograph with Bloomsbury is titled The Gendered War: Evaluating Feminist Ethnographic Narratives of the 1971 War of Bangladesh (2022). Her forthcoming monograph with the National Book Trust of India is titled Mann Ki Baat & Bharatiya Art, Culture and Heritage. She works in the areas of Medical Humanities, Gender Studies, South Asian Fiction, and Graphic Novels.”

Ridiculing Hinduism under the guise of opposing patriarchy

Tripathi, with her insightful perspective, announced that Hindu men started to venerate the Shivling (the phallus) once they understood their involvement in nurturing life within the traditionally matriarchal Hindu society. Thereafter, she initiated a vitriolic discourse on the Hindu marriage system and the subjugation of women in her piece, “Women and Wounded Self: Exploring Indian Women’s Short Fiction in English.”

She expectedly invoked Hindu mythology and scriptures to prove her twisted narrative of considering women as inferior to men and relegating them to an inferior role of being dominated and subdued. These allegations which included references to feelings of anxiety with the birth of girls in the Vedic period and the treatment of the news as disastrous in the post-Vedic period, were made while engaging in a discussion about the vital subject of domestic violence.

Tripathi similarly appeared to harbour significant animosity towards the “patriarchal” Hindu society as well which she criticised while extolling the exploitative and anti-women kotha culture in “Exploring the Margins of Kotha Culture: Reconstructing a Courtesan’s Life in Neelum Saran Gour’s Requiem in Raga Janki,” which had been co-authored with Das.

The two charged, “Such othering of women is also an innate part of Hindu patriarchal societies which believe that women are unable to address their own issues of which Manusmriti, ancient text completely boasts off stating that a woman belongs to her father in childhood, to her husband in youth and in her old age she belongs to her son only (Ghosh, Manusmriti).”

The paper even declared, “Unlike Indian households where lessons of adjustment are tutored to girls, in kotha women are more familiar with taking their own decisions, reversing the constraints imposed on (Oldenburg 278),” in a startling glorification of the deeply troubled lives of the courtesans.

The IIT professor and her relationship with anti-India “Taylor & Francis”

The aforementioned is just the surface of the monstrous building that is Tripathi’s corrupt ideology and her body of work as she is clearly a habitual offender who revels in the scornful derision of Hinduism, its traditions and customs unafraid of any repercussions. She has profound ties with the United Kingdom’s Taylor & Francis, a company that has regularly disseminated anti-India and Hindu-bashing material which held “Hindu nationalist politics” also known as Hindutva accountable for supposed assaults on the Christian community.

The firm has even undermined Indian democracy as an “electoral autocracy” while admonishing the country regarding human rights asking “for adherence to, and provision of, constitutionally guaranteed rights to prevent the ongoing erosion of Indian democracy,” via another release.

It granted space to similar content which tried to interfere in the internal matters of the nation and demonised the Citizenship Amendment Act as discriminatory. Taylor & Francis’s publication did not approve of India’s sovereign approach to Ukraine and linked its strong connection with Russia to “domestic political theatre.”

Conclusion

The truth of Tripathi’s conduct has now been unveiled, however, the fact remains that she has been engaged in these antics for a long time. More importantly, the most worrying aspect is that prestigious institutions like IIT are populated with elements like her who seek to associate Hinduism with every evil in the world while simultaneously utilising it as a platform to advance their sinister agendas.

The same is apparent with the persons who have contributed to her research papers and work. Hence, this should raise concerns not only for the government but for the entire nation as its future is being shaped by individuals with such a problematic mindset.

SC reserves verdict on appeal against Karnataka HC decision of striking down Karnataka Hindu Endowments Act: Read how the law violated the Constitution

The Supreme Court on Wednesday (11th February) reserved judgment in an appeal filed by the Karnataka government challenging a 2006 Karnataka High Court verdict which struck down the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 1997. A bench of Justice P B Narasimha and Alokh Aradhe was hearing the appeal, which was filed by the Congress-JDU coalition government in Karnataka seeking reversal of the High Court decision and upholding the Act.

The 1967 Act was struck down in its entirety by the Karnataka High Court in September 2006 on the ground that it violated Articles 14 and 26 of the Constitution. The High Court, however, held that its decision to strike down the Act would operate prospectively, and thus protect the actions taken under the Act.

The Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 1997, was enacted by the then Congress government in Karnataka with the stated objective of fulfilling “a long-standing public demand to bring about a uniform law to provide for the regulation of all Charitable Endowments and Hindu Religious Institutions in the State.”

The Act replaced a bunch of earlier laws that regulated Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments across the state. Before the Act was passed, several distinct statutes regulated the Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments. Charitable Endowments and Hindu Religious Institutions, which were earlier governed by the Religious Endowments Act, 1863, the Charitable Endowments Act, 1890, and the Charitable and Religious Trusts Act, 1920, came to be governed by the 1967 Act.

It also repealed the Bombay Public Trust Act, 1950, the Madras Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act, 1951, the Coorg Temple Funds Management Regulation, 1892, the Mysore (Karnataka) Religious and Charitable Institutions Act, 1927, and the Hyderabad Endowment Regulations, 1349F, the Renuka Yellamma Devasthana (Administration) Act, 1974, and the Coorg Temples Fund Management Act, 1956.

The 1967 Act applied to Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments, but it expressly excluded maths or temples attached thereto and any Hindu religious institution or charitable endowment founded, organised, run or managed by a Hindu religious denomination. Besides, it excluded Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of Hindus.

How the case came up before the Supreme Court

Several writ petitions were filed before the Karnataka High Court questioning the constitutional validity of the Act and the notifications issued under it. A Single Bench of the High Court upheld the Act in a judgment dated September 9, 2005. The decision of the Single Bench was challenged before a Division Bench of the High Court. The appellants argued that the exclusion of maths and denomination temples under the Act and the exclusion of Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of Hindus under the Act amounted to discrimination under Article 14. They added that the earlier statutes applied to the maths and to institutions of Jains and Sikhs as well, and that the state failed to justify the exclusion under the 1997 Act.

The state government, on the other hand, argued that the 1997 Act was regulatory in nature and that it did not interfere with the observance of any customs, usage, ceremony and practice. It justified the exclusions under the 1997 Act as being based on a reasonable classification. The state government’s contentions were not accepted by the Division Bench of the High Court. In September 2006, the Division Bench held that the exclusion of maths and the denomination of temples lacked justification and defeated the stated objective of uniform legislation. The High Court struck down the entire legislation, and criticised the state government for attemtping to further divide the already fragmented Hindu religion.

Observations of the Karnataka High Court

The Karnataka High Court examined two essential arguments put forward by the appellants with respect to the constitutional validity of the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 1997. The first argument was that the Act discriminated in the matter of applicability, by excluding maths and the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs and thus violated Article 14 of the Constitution. The second argument was that the Act violated the religious rights guaranteed in terms of Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution. (118)

With respect to the first argument, the Court explained that Article 14 of the Constitution permitted reasonable classification by the state, provided it satisfied the two tests laid down by the Supreme Court. The two tests were: (i) that the classification must be founded on an intelligible differentia which distinguishes persons or things that are grouped together from others left out of the group, and (ii) that differentiae must have a rational relation to the object sought to be achieved by the statute in question. The court further explained that there must be a nexus between the basis of classification and the object of the Act under consideration.

Exclusion of Maths and religious denomination temples from the application of the 1997 Act

After analysing the Act in the light of Article 14, the High Court observed that even though the statement of objects and reasons of the Act states that it is “uniform law” to govern Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments, the state has failed to justify the exclusion of maths and religious denomination temples from the purview of the Act. “That being the object, the State ought to have enacted a uniform law in terms of the statement of objects, but in the guise of uniform religion law to the State, the State has chosen to exclude a Math or temple attached thereto for the purpose of applicability of the Act,” the High Court stated.

“Though math may stand slightly different footing from that of a temple administration in terms of religious practice/rituals, etc., but still the basic objective of religion and religious activities is being carried on in Hindu maths also. Temples are controlled, governed and managed by the maths in some cases,” the Court noted, adding that “reasonable classification is permissible, but the State has to satisfy that the classification being reasonable in the case at hand. At the cost of repetition, we would say that a state of religious institutions which were otherwise governed by the earlier local acts now stands totally excluded, and no law governs these maths.”

The High Court said that the 1997 Act failed to fulfil the objective of better management and administration of Hindu religious institutions by excluding the maths and thus violated Article 14 of the Constitution. Furthermore, the Court held that the inapplicability of the Act to a Hindu Religious institution or a charitable Endowment founded, organised, run or managed by a Hindu religious denomination is also hit by Article 14. Citing several precedents, the High Court said that religious denomination temples do not in any way stand on a different footing than the other Hindu temples.

Exclusion of Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of ‘Hindus’ under the 1997 Act

The Division Bench of Justices R Gururajan and CR Kumaraswamy criticised the exclusion of Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of Hindus under the Act. The court said that such an exclusion directly went against the Constitution, which recognised the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs as part of the Hindu fold. It pointed out that the personal laws governing Hindus also apply to the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs. Besides, the court highlighted that the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs were being governed as Hindus by the earlier local acts replaced by the 1997 Act.

“The Constitution has recognised the Sikh, Jain, Buddhist, forming part of Hindus, and their institutions are also construed to be as Hindu religious institutions. Even the personal laws in terms of Hindu law of succession, Hindu succession Act, Hindu adoption and maintenance, etc., would not exclude Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists, and on the other hand, the Hindu personal laws are equally made applicable to Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists,” the Division Bench said.

“At this stage, we must again reiterate that Jains and Sikhs were also governed by the earlier local acts as Hindus, and now they have been totally excluded while framing a uniform law in terms of the impugned legislation. Learned Single Judge, in our view, has not properly appreciated the impact of Article 14 in the matter of exclusion of Sikhs, Jains, etc., for the purpose of Article 14 of the Constitution,” the Court added.

“In fact, at this stage, we must also notice that there is no request also from Jains, Sikhs, etc., to exclude them on the ground of differences, if at all, as sought to be argued before us. The state cannot justify this exclusion in this manner without any foundation whatsoever. We cannot help but observe that the Hindu religion is already divided by way of castes and subcastes. Now tha State also wants to divide Hindus by excluding Jaing, Sikhs in terms of a Statute,” the Court sternly remarked.

The 1997 Act violates Constitutional provisions

The appellants challenged the provisions relating to the appointment of archakas and servants (Sections 9-16) and the establishment of the Common Pool Fund (Sections 17-19) under the 1997 Act as being in contravention of Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution. The appellants argued that the 1997 Act puts some restrictions in terms of the service condition of the archakas and servants, thereby affecting their hereditary/religious rights. Regarding the establishment of the Common Pool Fund, the appellants argued that it would interfere with the administration of the temple. They further contended that the appointment of the Minister as Chairman of the Advisory Committee would result in the politicisation of temple affairs.

Under the 1997 Act, the Common Pool Fund was to be created out 5%-10% the gross annual income of the concerned temples and was to be used for Hindu religious activities and charitable purposes. The appellants argued that this would violate the right of Hindus to manage their own religious institutions and would impose an arbitrary financial burden on the temples.

Regarding the provisions related to the appointment of archakas and servants, the High Court held that they were not in violation of Article 25 of the Constitution. However, regarding the Common Pool Fund, the court remarked that a Hindu religious institution cannot be compelled to provide funds to poor institutions of other religions.

Additionally, the court said that taking the fixed amount of money out of the total income of a temple would make it difficult to manage temple expenses. “If 5% is taken from the gross annual turnover, it may be difficult to manage the temple and meet the expenses. Even the administration of the Cammon Fool Fund is in the hands of the Commissioner. Laudable objects are provided in the matter of the administration of gommen pool fund. But a careful reading of certain purposes would show that the said purpose seems to be arbitrary in character,” the High Court said.

“It cannot be forgotten that money is taken out of the Hindu temple. Money is poured by Hindus. It may be a laudable object to provide to a poor institution of other religions. But it cannot be only from the funds of the Hindu temple alone. The State has to provide such assistance as is necessary to such institutions, but there can be no compulsion only from the Hindu temple to provide assistance to such institutions,” the Court added.

“This Court is not for a moment suggesting that poor institutions of other religions are not to be helped, but who is to help is the question and how to help those institutions. After all, devotees of Hindu temples provide kanike or money to that Hindu temple for temple purposes, and it cannot be spent for other non-Hindu causes without any relevance to the Hindus,” the Court remarked.

After examining the impugned provisions of the 1997 Act, the High Court noted that it was not possible to separate the provisions held to be unconstitutional from the rest of the statute and therefore struck down the entire Act. The High Court called out the state government for trying to divide the Hindu religion in the guise of creating a “uniform law”.

“The State has to draw a balance in maintaining temple discipline/temple administration in terms of the Constitution of India. The State, unfortunately, in the case at hand, in the guise of having a uniform law, has chosen to divide the religion itself in terms of our earlier discussion. Since the very Act is held to be discriminatory in this application, it is not possible to sever other parts, and hence the entire Act has to be struck down as unconstitutional, and we do so in the case at hand. We also deem it proper to observe that the intention of the Legislature seems to be a uniform law for all Hindu religious institutions,” the court said, striking down the Act.

10th Budget of Yogi Adityanath: How the BJP rebuilt UP’s education, health, infrastructure and jobs after the misrule of Akhilesh Yadav

Over the past ten years, Uttar Pradesh’s budget story has seen a dramatic shift. A comparison between the 2016-17 budget presented by Akhilesh Yadav and the 2026-27 budget, which is the 10th budget of Yogi Adityanath, shows how the state’s political and economic thinking has shifted.

A budget is not just about numbers. It shows what a government wants to prioritise and how it plans to shape the future. Looking at the figures and schemes from both periods makes it clear that the approach has changed from limited expansion and subsidy-based support to large investments and system-building.

Budget size in 10 years

In 2016-17, the final budget of the Akhilesh Yadav government stood at around ₹3,46,935 crore. At that time, it was called the biggest budget in the state’s history. The government highlighted expressways, laptop distribution and rural schemes as its development model. However, a large part of the spending went into revenue expenditure and planned announcements.

In 2026-27, the Yogi Adityanath government presented a budget of about ₹9.13 lakh crore, nearly two and a half times more than a decade ago. The rise is linked not just to inflation but to big spending on roads, expressways, industrial corridors, energy and major infrastructure projects.

Capital expenditure alone is pegged at ₹2.52 lakh crore, which is around 22% of the total budget. The focus now is on building long-term assets rather than only announcing schemes.

Infrastructure: From rural roads to expressway network

In 2016-17, the Public Works Department (PWD) received ₹14,721 crore. This included ₹1,923 crore for rural road connectivity, ₹1,111 crore under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY), and ₹1,180 crore for rural bridges. Projects like the Bijnor-Meerut four-lane road and the Ganga Bridge were highlighted. The emphasis was largely on rural roads and basic connectivity.

In 2026-27, the allocation for PWD has jumped to ₹34,468 crore, while total capital outlay for roads and bridges stands at ₹38,343 crore, about 2.3 times more than in 2016-17.

₹1,050 crore has been set aside for four expressways: Ganga Expressway, Vindhya Expressway, Bundelkhand-Rewa Link Expressway and the Agra-Lucknow Expressway Extension. ₹3,000 crore has been kept for bridge maintenance and ₹200 crore for the Chief Minister’s Village Road Repair Scheme.

The Global Investors Summit is targeting ₹36 lakh crore in MoUs, with infrastructure as the biggest attraction.

Other infrastructure differences are also visible. In 2016-17, the Lucknow Metro was launched, plans for a bullet train were discussed, 40,000 solar streetlights were installed, and rural tanks and canals were constructed. In 2026-27, ₹50 crore has been provided for the Lucknow Metro extension, the bullet train project has seen updates, and ₹25,400 crore has been allocated for urban development, including ₹400 crore for smart cities and ₹800 crore for green roads.

Health: From basic care to medical expansion

In 2016-17, the Medical Health and Family Welfare Department received about ₹8,500 crore, which was around 2.5% of the total budget. ₹100 crore was set aside for mobile medical units in remote areas. Over ₹3,000 crore was allocated for rural health services under the NRHM. ₹500 crore was for repair and equipment in district hospitals, ₹200 crore for reducing infant mortality, and ₹300 crore for a malnutrition-free Uttar Pradesh. The state had 36 medical colleges at that time.

In 2026-27, the health budget has reached ₹37,956 crore, nearly 4.5 times higher and around 6% of the total budget.

₹1,023 crore has been allocated for 14 new medical colleges. ₹315 crore has been set aside for the Lucknow Cancer Institute and ₹130 crore for free treatment of serious diseases. The NRHM allocation has increased to ₹8,641 crore. ₹2,000 crore has been kept for Ayushman Bharat and the Chief Minister’s Jan Arogya Yojana, expected to benefit 49.22 lakh families.

Medical education has expanded sharply. MBBS seats have increased from 4,540 to 12,800, PG seats from 1,221 to 4,995, and medical colleges from 36 to 81, of which 45 are government-run.

Institutional deliveries have gone up from 3.474 million to 4.1 million. Mental health programmes are running in 75 districts, and disease tracking has been digitised through a surveillance portal.

Education and jobs

In 2016-17, education received around ₹28,000 crore, about 8% of the budget. More than ₹12,000 crore went to basic education. ₹5,000 crore was for secondary education, including 100 new Kasturba Gandhi Vidyalayas. ₹2,500 crore was for higher education. Around 1.5 million students received laptops. ₹300 crore was for the Chief Minister’s Meritorious Student Scheme and scholarships for 25 lakh students. ₹100 crore was set aside for Sanskrit schools.

In 2026-27, education’s share has risen to 12.4%, with an allocation of about ₹1.13 lakh crore, nearly four times higher.

57 new Chief Minister Model Composite Schools are being built, each with ₹25 crore for construction and ₹5 crore for equipment. ₹2,000 crore has been allocated for basic education infrastructure, ₹666 crore for Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, ₹479 crore for government higher secondary school buildings, and ₹454 crore for digital libraries in villages.

₹300 crore has been kept for the PM Shri scheme and ₹10 crore for smart classes in polytechnics. Higher education includes ₹600 crore under the Prime Minister’s Higher Education Mission, a scooty scheme for girls, ₹25 crore each for Sainik Schools in Gorakhpur and Lucknow, and ₹20 crore for Sanskrit scholarships.

On employment, 2016-17 had ₹4,500 crore under MNREGA and a target to train 5 lakh youth. ₹1,000 crore was provided as a loan guarantee for MSMEs.

In 2026-27, the Tech Yuva Samarth Yuva Yojana aims to create 10 lakh jobs. The ₹36 lakh crore MoUs from the Global Investors Summit aim to generate 20 lakh jobs. ₹1,000 crore has been allocated for a startup fund and ₹2,500 crore for skill development, targeting the training of 1 crore youth. IT parks and electronics hubs are being promoted, along with unemployment allowance schemes.

Agriculture: From subsidy support to modern farming

In 2016-17, agriculture got around ₹12,500 crore, about 3.6% of the budget. ₹1,200 crore went for irrigation pump subsidies, ₹800 crore for seeds and fertilisers, ₹2,500 crore for MSP procurement, ₹100 crore for Farmers Accident Insurance, ₹200 crore for rural cow shelters and ₹150 crore for the Chief Minister’s Farmer Accident Welfare Scheme.

In 2026-27, agriculture received nearly ₹1 lakh crore, around 11% of the total budget.

₹2,000 crore has been allocated for PM Kisan Samman Nidhi to benefit 2.5 crore farmers. ₹5,000 crore has been kept for Mukhyamantri Krishak Samriddhi Yojana. ₹3,200 crore is for crop diversification and horticulture. ₹500 crore has been set aside under the Drone Didi Yojana to provide 10,000 drones. ₹1,000 crore is for organic farming clusters in 50 districts.

₹2,500 crore is for cold chains and warehouses. ₹10,000 crore has been earmarked for MSP procurement to benefit 50 lakh wheat and paddy farmers. ₹4,000 crore has been allocated for animal husbandry and ₹800 crore for fisheries. Agricultural investment worth ₹10 lakh crore is being discussed through the Global Investors Summit.

Tourism: From limited promotion to global branding

In 2016-17, tourism received ₹800-1,000 crore, about 0.3% of the budget. ₹307 crore was for development of historical and religious sites. The Lucknow-Agra Expressway was linked to tourism growth. The Kumbh Mela and Sangam region were also developed. Tourist numbers were around 23 crore annually.

₹1,500 crore has been earmarked for Ayodhya and the Ram Temple development. ₹800 crore is for the Kumbh Mela and related infrastructure in Prayagraj. ₹200 crore has been set aside for helicopter tours and cruise tourism. ₹500 crore is for branding in 75 districts under ODOP 2.0. Tourism investment of ₹5 lakh crore has been announced through the Global Investors Summit.

Women: From assistance to wide coverage

In 2016-17, around ₹2,000 crore was allocated for women’s welfare, about 0.6% of the budget. ₹200 crore went to Kanya Vivah Sahayata Yojana. ₹300 crore was for nutrition schemes. ₹400 crore supported self-help groups. Around 10 lakh girls were targeted.

In 2026-27, more than ₹15,000 crore has been allocated for women and girls, about 1.6% of the total budget.

₹700 crore has been set aside for the Chief Minister Kanya Sumangala Yojana, targeting 25 lakh beneficiaries. ₹550 crore is for the Chief Minister’s Mass Marriage Scheme. ₹150 crore is for marriage grants for poor daughters of SC, ST and general categories, and ₹200 crore for backward class daughters.

₹971 crore has been allocated for Anganwadi workers’ honorarium. ₹170 crore is for working women’s hostels in seven cities. Scholarships include ₹968 crore for SC students, ₹900 crore for the general category, ₹365 crore for minorities and ₹2,825 crore for backward classes. Computer training and a free scooty scheme are also included.

A bigger economic vision

The biggest change between the two budgets is scale and ambition. The 2016-17 budget focused more on limited schemes and support. The 2026-27 budget talks about expressways, 81 medical colleges, higher capital spending, a ₹36 lakh crore MoU target, and the idea of building a trillion-dollar economy.

The message from the current budget is that spending is being linked to long-term assets and growth. Whether this shift fully delivers on its promises will depend on implementation, but the numbers clearly show that Uttar Pradesh’s budget thinking has moved from small steps to a much larger economic framework.

Central Vista Project: Qadeemi Masjid omitted from the layout of Krishi Bhawan redevelopment project

In 2024, the Delhi High Court dismissed a plea filed by the Waqf Board seeking protection for six mosques inside the Central Vista area undergoing redevelopment. This decision was made in view of the Central government’s submission in 2021, which stated that there were no plans to affect these structures at that time. However, the construction of one of these mosques is omitted in the new redevelopment plan.

A tender floated on 19th January 2026, by the Central Public Works Department (CPWD) for the redevelopment of Krishi Bhawan and Shastri Bhawan, reportedly makes no mention of the supposedly 100-year-old Qadeemi Masjid. This mosque is located in the open court within the Krishi Bhawan compound.

Also known as the ‘Krishi Bhawan Masjid’, the Qadeemi Masjid is a notified Waqf property reportedly listed in the Delhi administration gazette of 1970.

An Indian Express report says that while the tender does not place Qadeemi Masjid in the list of structures to be removed, the detailed drawings attached to the tender do not show the mosque at its current location in the proposed new building layout.

Operating under the Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA), CPWD floated a tender in January this year for the construction of Common Central Secretariat (CCS) buildings 4 and 5, at the site of the Krishi Bhawan and Shashi Bhawan. This project is estimated to cost around Rs 3,006.07 crore and take 24 months.

“The work shall be carried out within a designated land parcel currently housing the buildings of Shastri Bhawan and Krishi Bhawan, located at plot No.120 Dr. Rajendra Prasad Road, New Delhi, after dismantling the existing buildings,” the tender document states, adding that the bid is open till 13th February.

Earlier, a temple and a mosque situated on the premises of the erstwhile official residence of the Vice President at 6, Maulana Azad Road, were removed for the Central Vista redevelopment.

However, the omission of the Qadeemi Masjid in the detailed drawings is being framed by the mainstream media as the mosque’s future being under ‘threat’, suggesting that the mosque will be demolished.

Delhi HC had Waqf Board plea seeking protection of six mosques

Back in 2021, the Delhi Waqf Board filed a petition, through its counsel, Sanjoy Ghose, in the Delhi High Court seeking protection and preservation of the six mosques in the Central Vista area amid the redevelopment.

The six mosques in question included the Qadeemi Masjid, Masjid Zabta Ganj, Jama Masjid (Red Cross Road/Parliament Street), mosques/mazar on Sunehri Bagh Road, and one at the Vice President’s residence. The Delhi Waqf Board called these mosques its ‘heritage properties’.

In its plea, the Delhi Waqf Board has argued that the mosques in question were “more than ordinary mosques, and have a distinction attached to them.” They further claimed that “neither the British Government nor the Government of India have ever created any hindrance in the observance of religious practice” at these ‘preserved’ properties. It was also highlighted in the petition that all these Waqf properties are over 100 years old and have been in continuous use for Islamic purposes.

“It is not the case that the government buildings were built first and thereafter these properties came into existence; to the contrary, these properties were well in existence when the government buildings were constructed around them or in the vicinity,” the plea stated.

During the hearing on 1st December 2021, the Central government, represented by Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, assured the court that the Central Vista Redevelopment Project has not reached “anywhere near” the Waqf Board’s properties in question.

“It (redevelopment project) is a long-term plan. Kindly have it after three weeks. Nothing is happening to these properties. My learned friend (petitioner) can rest assured,” SG Mehta said back then.

While the Waqf Board wanted that SG Mehta’s assurance be taken on record, the single judge bench of Justice Sanjeev Sachdeva denied the request, stating that it has “full faith” in Mehta’s assurance.

In July 2024, the matter regained attention as the Delhi High Court dismissed the Waqf Board’s petition regarding the six mosques located in the Central Vista area.

Justice Purushaindra Kumar Kaurav had noted back then that the overall Central Vista Redevelopment Project was already approved by the Supreme Court. The Delhi High Court, however, granted liberty to the Waqf Board to approach it again “in case the petitioner realises any threat to the properties”.

The court asked the Delhi Waqf Board to withdraw its petition seeking protection and preservation of the six mosques, stating that there was no need to complicate the matter.

“Withdraw this petition. We do not want to complicate. As and when they take any action, you can come,” Justice Kaurav said.

Interestingly, the tenure of the last Waqf Board ended in 2023, and has since not been reconstituted.

Then-AAP MLA Amanatullah Khan’s threats against the demolition of mosques in the Central Vista

It must be recalled that the Central Vista Project had faced criticism and opposition in 2021 from anti-BJP political parties like Congress and Aam Aadmi Party, left liberal cabal, and Islamists alike. Propaganda campaigns were run to portray the project as an absolute waste of money, even as the reality suggested otherwise. Several petitions were filed with the motive of stalling the project, which were eventually dismissed by the courts.

Amidst the political storm and legal challenges, then-MLA from the ruling Aam Aadmi Party, Amanatullah Khan, had gone a step ahead and ‘warned’ Prime Minister Narendra Modi against demolishing mosques within the government premises under the Central Vista project. Until 2023, Amanatullah Khan was also the chief of Delhi’s Sunni Waqf Board.

In a letter to PM Modi, Khan, the AAP MLA from Okhla, voiced concern that people on social media have shared their fears that some mosques were “on the verge of being demolished” as a result of the project. Amanatullah Khan has a record of making anti-Hindu comments and orchestrating violence against Hindus, and threatened that any attempts to demolish the mosques inside the government premises under the Central Vista project, “will not be tolerated”.

“Zabta Ganj mosque at Mansingh Road, the mosque at Vice President’s residence and the mosque at Krishi Bhawan may face damage due to the Central Vista project. I will discuss the issue with PMO and Hardeep S Puri (Union Housing and Urban Affairs minister). No damage to these mosques will be tolerated,” he wrote in an X post.

Speaking to Indian Express, Amanatullah Khan claimed that the Central government gave assurance that the mosques situated in the Central Vista area would not be affected, and thus, it would be wrong if they were to demolish them now.

“The government had said in court that the mosques would not be affected. If they are now going to demolish it, it is wrong,” Khan said.

While there is no official confirmation if the Qadeemi Masjid will be demolished or not, the mainstream media’s framing of the absence of the structure in the tender’s design drawings is such that the Central government is somehow backtracking from its promise. However, the assurance given by the Solicitor General in the Delhi High Court back in 2021 was not a permanent or absolute commitment that the six mosques would never be affected by the Central Vista Redevelopment project. Thus, the Central government did not promise any eternal safeguard to the mosques.

Construction of ‘Babri Masjid’ begins ahead of West Bengal election: Read how this is a ploy by Mamata govt to counter Hindu consolidation, strengthen Muslim vote bank and why Humayun Kabir’s suspension is an eyewash

On 9th November 2019, the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute, which was settled by the Supreme Court, brought closure to the debate regarding the disputed structure. However, the phantoms of Mughal tyrants continue to linger in this country owing to the highly communal political manoeuvres masquerading as ‘secularism’.

Now, the “suspended” All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir, who recently founded Janata Unnayan Party (JUP), has taken it upon himself to promote the politics of division and cater to his Muslim electorate. It seems that the only “janata” he is concerned with primarily are his fellow co-religionists as he seeks to fan the flames of communal discord by erecting a mosque named after Mughal ruler Babar to replicate the demolished contentious building at Ayodhya. The foundation stone of the mosque was laid on 6th December after which he set up the new party.

A new “Babri Masjid” in town

On 11th February (Wednesday), Humayun began building a mosque to resemble the “Babri Masjid” in Beldanga of the Murshidabad district. According to him, the work is going to be concluded in two years and will cost between ₹50 and ₹55 crore. The bricklaying took place in the afternoon and thousands of Muslims joined the construction crew.

“To those who are opposing, I would say step aside. People are free to follow their own religions and build temples, churches or whatever they wish. I will not oppose anyone in the name of Islam. My effort is for Islam to please Allah and perform my devotion, it is not about imposing anything,” he alleged and conveniently ignored that the issue is not the establishment of a mosque but rather his efforts to resurrect a settled religious dispute and provoke communal strife to satisfy his voter base.

However, he soon discarded his placated demeanour and revealed his true infamous self, warning, “There’s no force on earth which can stop the construction of this mosque. By the grace of God, we will finish its construction within two years. It will be built at a cost of 50-55 crore.”

The JUP head then declared that he would temporarily postpone the planned “Babri Yatra,” a 235-kilometre rally from Nadia’s Palashi to Itahar in the Uttar Dinajpur district in light of the current board examinations.

He stated, “I have been informed by Malda police that the Babri Yatra would inconvenience the examinees of Madhyamik exams. I have, hence, decided to postpone that event which was supposed to be held with a convoy of 100 cars. Instead, I will hold a march on foot from Palashi to Beldanga, the site of the under-construction mosque, with 50,000 people.”

Humayun claimed that West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee will lose votes as a result of his suspension over the mosque which is a monument associated with Muslim sentiment. “Mamata Banerjee made Muslims her votebank with false assurances and minorities have understood it. She suspended me as I announced the setting up of the Babri Mosque with people’s support,” he accused in an apparent show of purported disdain.

He added that she will be the former chief minister in 2026. “If I had remained in TMC, they would have benefitted from the construction and got more votes,” he outlined.

Humayun also elucidated the real motivation underlying the move and pointed out, “BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) has built the Ram Mandir and is getting benefits. It is increasing its vote bank in Bengal by speaking for Sanatanis, but I will not allow that to happen.”

Two sides of the same coin

Humayun, who commenced his political journey with the Indian National Congress, has been infamous for his actions, including threatening the Leader of Opposition, Suvendu Adhikari and declaring intentions to drown Hindus in the Bhagirathi River as they constitute only 30% compared to a 70% Muslim population. Notably, Murshidabad has already witnessed brutal attacks on Hindus by Islamists.

He later voiced that Mamata instructed him to make these communally charged statements to ensure the victory of former cricketer and TMC candidate Yusuf Pathan in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. His alarming anti-Hindu stance and hostile antics had no bearing on his career as he remained an integral part of the party and continued to consolidate the Muslim vote.

If Humayun’s assertions are to be taken seriously, the TMC supremo was behind his controversial comments. More importantly, she has never hesitated to express her favouritism towards Muslims, including the jihadi elements, overlooking the fact that she is the chief minister for the entire state and not just a particular community.

The hunger for Muslim votes is so intense that it has overflowed beyond the borders of Bengal and reached Bangladeshi infiltrators who are not only embraced but also facilitated by her administration. It is evident that these two leaders are aligned in their approach towards Muslim appeasement.

A devious strategy for the upcoming state assembly poll

Humayun and TMC leadership have experienced their own set of confrontations throughout the years, yet their common goal of securing the loyalty of Muslims to remain in power continuously bonded them, despite short-lived separations. Interestingly, he has been previously removed from the party but he always found a way back and has been accepted.

Therefore, he can once again rejoin TMC after effectively consolidating the votes of their preferred demographic, especially in relation to the “Babri” mosque before the assembly election in the state. There is clearly no substantial ideological or serious disagreement between the two sides as demonstrated by their past records. Hence, what is preventing him from returning to the TMC fold after serving his purpose while the drama surrounding his ouster turns out be a complete farce? Their history at the very least suggests the same.

“Who is Humayun Kabir? He is still with the TMC. This is their plan B. TMC is trying to get the Muslim votes from the back door and they will make him deputy chief minister. The region was divided once and that is how West Bengal was formed which is being turned into Bangladesh, they are making the entire environment into mini Pakistan. So against this all the Hindus of the country should unite,” BJP state president Shamik Bhattacharya charged.

The party has seemingly recognised the dubious plot crafted by TMC and Humayun who admitted that the mosque is intended to act as a counter to the unification of Hindus, additionally suggesting a covert conspiracy to enhance their Muslim voter base and trick the people.

Fear of Hindu consolidation

The nation has seen a robust saffron wave following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rise to power in 2014 with West Bengal being no exception. The state has experienced an extraordinary revival of Hindu identity in the past few years which is also evident from the fact that the BJP has managed to secure a significant number of seats in both the assembly and general elections.

Predictably, the development has created challenges for both the TMC and Humayun who have traditionally positioned themselves as advocates for the Muslim community. Mamta once infamously articulated her unabashed pandering to Muslims by stating, “Je goru doodh daye, tar lathi khete raji achhi. (I am ready to be kicked by the cow that gives milk).”

However, the Islamists have not only “kicked” the TMC government but also the entire state, particularly the Hindus. Moreover, a series of unfortunate events further escalated the isolation of the largest community, driving them to come together in search of an alternative. This is where the BJP intervened, supporting the victims and demanding justice while openly opposing the TMC. Thus, the Hindus started to find hope in the party which displeased the TMC, leading it to resort to political gimmicks of distancing itself from its notable Muslim face.

TMC government’s biased affection for Muslims fostered Hindu solidarity

The depraved Muslim catering of the TMC was highlighted when it decided to shield its hooligan Sheikh Shahjahan, a seasoned offender, implicated in various cases such as attacks on enforcement directorate officers, land grabbing and subjecting Hindu women to rapes in Sandeshkhali.

Sheikh persisted in oppressing Hindus but his party chose not to penalise him for his heinous offences and, in fact, helped in the growth of his criminal empire. He was eventually exposed and the TMC first took all possible measures to avoid arresting him but was forced to act due to the pressure from the people, the BJP and the judiciary.

Afterwards, it again implemented every tactic to protect him from the law, insisting on his innocence. The government’s endorsement of its leader surpassed all boundaries, compelling the Calcutta High Court to harshly criticise it for protecting him and harassing the locals.

The TMC government has likewise shown a pattern of inaction towards criminal and radical Muslims who have consistently unleashed violence in the name of agitations such as the anti-Citizen Amendment Act and rejection of the Waqf Amendment Act which offered additional opportunities for Muslim mobs to perpetrate attacks on Hindus.

During the violence in Murshidabad last year, the authorities not only behaved like silent spectators but also declined to respond to repeated pleas for assistance from distressed Hindus. Furthermore, a TMC councillor played a key role in the targeted assaults on the marginalised community whose properties were set ablaze, forcing them to flee their homes with their women and children.

As previously explained, the Muslim affinity for Mamata is not confined to the borders of Bengal or India which is repeatedly exemplified by her deceitful objection to the CAA, National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Special Intensive Revision (SIR) initiatives. She not only endorses the presence of these Muslim intruders in the country but is also fighting for their nonexistent and unlawful right to vote which contradicts the tenets of democracy and the Constitution.

On the other hand, she exhibits no sympathy for the minority Hindus of Bangladesh as merely a march against the atrocities committed against them triggered a brutal crackdown from her police administration.

Mamata, who is viewed as a feminist icon by liberals, has often displayed a remarkable indifference towards Hindus, including victims of rape which had been proven by Sandeshkhali and RG Kar Medical College occurrences where the family of the murdered doctor voiced its dissatisfaction with the investigation.

The chief minister is also notorious for her outrageous statements sanitising rape and advising girls to stay indoors to prevent sexual assault. Her administration has similarly portrayed stunning negligence in its inquiry after such instances.

Additionally, the aforementioned instances are only the tip of the iceberg because Mamta and her party’s distorted desire to pacify Muslims at the expense of Hindu lives and dignity has massively contributed to the consolidation of Hindu voters alongside the rise of the BJP as a formidable political entity in the state.

Conclusion

Given the circumstances and the approaching pivotal election in the state, the TMC and Humyana appeared to have joined hands to fortify their Muslim vote bank with the mosque serving as a crucial underpinning. He might have been shown the door because Mamata wanted to preserve her waning “secular” image and mislead the Hindus. However, the two colluded as she was apprehensive that her party could suffer a shocking defeat at the hands of the BJP due to the consolidation of Hindu voters. The current supposed rivalry between the two and the strong statements against each other could be a component of the game plan.

Expansion, temples and jizya: Putting Audrey Truschke’s Aurangzeb argument to a historical stress test

Today, Audrey Truschke is among the most controversial foreign academics commenting on Indian history, having acquired widespread notoriety in a relatively short span.  She is one of the most vocal public defenders of Aurangzeb, repeatedly arguing that his negative portrayal in India is the result of political imagination rather than historical reality. In multiple interviews and public discussions, she challenges the popular characterisation of Aurangzeb as a religious tyrant and instead presents him as a pragmatist whose actions must be understood within the norms of pre-modern empire-building. Recently, she went to Pakistan and gave an interview to Aeon, a Pakistani Podcaster. This article examines her claims through her statements and arguments on the podcast. 

Redefining “success”: When expansion is treated as achievement

At the very beginning of her argument, Truschke frames Aurangzeb as the “most successful” Mughal ruler by foregrounding territorial expansion, emphasising that he added nearly a quarter more land to the empire and ruled over a larger population than any other pre-modern Indian monarch. While these claims might seem true, they rest on an impoverished definition of success that treats conquest as a self-justifying achievement. What remains conspicuously unexamined is the cost of this expansion, which includes the decades of continuous warfare, fiscal depletion, administrative overreach, and the systematic erosion of provincial governance. After his death, the Mughal state began unravelling almost immediately. By isolating territorial scale from its consequences, this framing converts imperial overstretch into accomplishment and reduces “success” to mere acreage, while excluding durability, legitimacy, and state capacity from the historical assessment.

The ‘not a religious tyrant’ claim: Dilution through context

After presenting Aurangzeb as a “successful” ruler, Truschke goes on to argue that he has been wrongly portrayed as a religious tyrant. According to her, his negative image is exaggerated, shaped by British colonial writing, and amplified today by Hindutva politics. While challenging colonial exaggerations is valid, the problem arises in what follows. In pushing back against one extreme, she creates another, where well-documented actions such as temple destruction, the re-imposition of jizya, restrictions on Hindu religious practices, and punitive measures against Shia groups are repeatedly explained away as practical or political decisions rather than part of a broader religious policy. 

This downplay becomes difficult to sustain when one looks at indigenous Mughal-era sources themselves. Court chronicles such as Maʾāsir-i-ʿĀlamgīrī, written by Saqi Must‘ad Khan during Aurangzeb’s reign, explicitly record the 1669 imperial order directing provincial governors to act against the “schools and places of worship of the infidels,” followed by the destruction of major temples at Banaras and Mathura.Similarly, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab by Khafi Khan is hardly a hostile work or documents the re-imposition of jizya and the suppression of non-Islamic practices as part of imperial policy. Even Mughal court histories authored by Hindu officials, such as ‘Futuhat-i-Alamgiri’, acknowledge temple demolitions and religious regulations, despite being written under imperial patronage. These records predate British colonial rule and cannot be dismissed as colonialinventions.


This way of interpreting Aurangzeb’s actions quietly shifts the debate. Instead of examining how Islam  played an important and consistent role in his rule, the discussion is shifted to explaining each controversial act one by one as a special situation. When every action is treated as an exception, the overall pattern disappears. The events are not denied, but their importance is steadily reduced. What finally emerges is an image of Aurangzeb as just another power-hungry medieval ruler, rather than a king whose reign clearly marked a turn towards stricter Islamic policy compared to earlier Mughal emperors.

At the same time, the argument changes the nature of the debate itself. The focus moves away from Aurangzeb’s policies and towards the motives of those criticising him. Dissenters are portrayed as driven by modern political agendas, while the defence is framed as objective scholarship.  

Colonial propaganda argument: From correction to overcorrection

Audrey Truschke’s justification of Aurangzeb is based in large part on the assertion that his unfavourable reputation is a product of British colonialism. Colonial historians selectively accentuated Mughal brutality to justify imperial control.  However, acknowledging colonial distortion does not automatically invalidate the underlying historical record.

The problem arises when this corrective effort turns into overcorrection. Truschke’s argument frequently implies that because the British amplified Aurangzeb’s cruelty, the foundational evidence itself must be treated with suspicion. This overlooks the fact that long before British historians wrote about Aurangzeb, Mughal-era Persian sources recorded temple destruction, religious decrees, and the re-imposition of jizya as matters of state policy. Texts such as Maʾāsir-i-ʿĀlamgīrī and Muntakhab-ul-Lubab were composed by court historians during or immediately after Aurangzeb’s reign. These were not colonial fabrications but internal records of the Mughal state.

Although they may have influenced tone and focus, colonial writers did not create the events. One distortion is replaced by another when colonial mediation is used as an excuse to completely ignore indigenous facts. Erasing unfavourable primary sources because they contradict a preferred narrative is not the same as historical rectification.

Temple destruction as ‘politics’: Where the explanation breaks

Truschke frequently contends that Aurangzeb’s destruction of temples was situational and political, connected to uprisings or threats to imperial authority rather than religious motivations. Political motivations certainly played a role in several cases, but as a general model, this argument falls apart.

Over several decades, Aurangzeb demolished temples in Banaras, Mathura, Maharashtra, and the Deccan. It is difficult to link many of these incidents to immediate uprisings. More significantly, even throughout protracted military engagements, Aurangzeb has not ordered the destruction of any mosques against competing Muslim powers. One would anticipate comparable acts against Islamic places of worship if temple destruction were only a political tactic. They are noticeably missing.

Furthermore, a number of documented instances transcended devastation and descended into symbolic religious humiliation. According to Persian chronicles, idols taken from temples were positioned beneath the steps of mosques so that worshippers would trample them. Political expediency alone is insufficient justification for such actions. Devastation stops appearing random and begins to resemble policy when it persists over time, is repeated across regions, and is accompanied by overt religious symbolism. 

Court praise and ‘Hindu officials’: The problem of court sources

The existence of Hindu officials and court records written by Hindus endorsing Aurangzeb is another recurrent point in Truschke’s defence. She contends that this disproves allegations of religious persecution. This is flawed because the nature of court sources is not understood.

Neither Muslim nor Hindu chroniclers of the Mughal court were impartial observers. They were totally dependent on imperial patronage for their jobs, earnings, and safety. In court histories, praise indicates closeness to authority rather than freedom of speech. Knowing that deviating from imperial expectations could result in either professional or personal destruction, a Hindu official working in the Mughal government wrote under tight restrictions. Therefore, using court praise or Hindu participation in the state as proof of religious tolerance confuses proximity to power with genuine social harmony.

Dara Shikoh vs Aurangzeb: A false comparison that hides real differences

Truschke rejects the common comparison that presents Dara Shikoh as more open or pluralistic and Aurangzeb as rigid or orthodox. She argues that neither was “secular” and that both used religion for political purposes. While it is true that modern ideas of secularism cannot be applied to pre-modern rulers, this does not mean the two were the same in practice.

Dara Shikoh supported the translation of philosophical texts, engaged seriously with non-Islamic traditions, and encouraged intellectual exchange across religious lines. Even though his worldview remained Islamic, his approach to culture and governance was relatively open. Aurangzeb, on the other hand, reduced religious flexibility, prioritised Islamic law in state policy, and rolled back several accommodative practices followed by earlier Mughal emperors.

These distinctions remain even if one accepts that neither ruler satisfies contemporary secular norms. Important differences in how they governed and how religion influenced their policies are flattened when both are treated as merely “political users of religion”.

Conclusion: Nuance cannot become neutralisation

The issue about Aurangzeb isn’t about whether history should be nuanced. The question is whether nuance should be utilised to clarify the record or to gradually dilute it. Audrey Truschke describes herself as addressing colonial misconceptions and present political exaggerations. That remedial impulse is, in principle, valid. However, rectification does not imply selective reductionism.

Territorial growth cannot be considered unquestionably successful while administrative collapse is ignored. Repeated temple demolitions cannot be permanently reframed as independent political activities when they occur across regions and decades. Jizya re-imposition cannot be dismissed as pragmatism because it formalised religious differentiation inside state policy. Court appreciation cannot be confused with civilisational endorsement. And dismissing modern secular designations does not eliminate significant religious disparities among Mughal princes.

The primary sources of his own era record decisions that shaped the Mughal Empire in lasting ways – politically, legally, and religiously. Recognising those realities is a historical responsibility. Nuance is valuable, but when it consistently bends toward reduction, it ceases to illuminate and begins to obscure.

From Vedic hymns to Puranic legends, where Shiva Himself took His seat: Read the history of Junagadh’s Bhavnath Mahadev Temple

At the foothills of the Girnar mountain in Junagadh, the Bhavnath Mahadev Temple is not merely a place of worship; it is a living centre of Sanatan consciousness flowing uninterrupted for thousands of years. On one hand, the Girnar range has been a sacred land of penance for sages and seers; on the other, Bhavnath Mahadev stands as the pole star of that spiritual energy which makes this land truly Shiva-filled.

While the fair held here on the occasion of Mahashivratri attracts the general public, the temple’s history, its architecture, and the Puranic traditions associated with it form a vast narrative in themselves. Located just a few kilometres from Junagadh in Gujarat, its significance extends across the country, especially during the Mahashivratri fair, often referred to as the ‘Mini Kumbh’.

Girnar and the Shaiva tradition: Vedic-Puranic context

In ancient texts, Girnar is referred to as ‘Revatak’ or ‘Revatachal’. The Prabhas Khand of the Skanda Purana describes the Girnar region as an extremely sacred land of Shiva. The Shiva Purana states that wherever penance and self-restraint reach their highest peak, Shiva resides, and Girnar is one such sacred seat of austerity.

According to local belief, the Shiva Linga of Bhavnath Mahadev is swayambhu, self-manifested, meaning it was not installed by human hands but appeared on its own. This is why he is worshipped as ‘Bhavnath’, the Lord of Creation. The Girnar region has long been a confluence of Jain, Vaishnava, and Shaiva traditions, but the unbroken Shaiva stream visible here finds its centre in Bhavnath Mahadev.

The legend of the Bhavnath temple is described in the Prabhas Khand of the Skanda Purana and in the Vastrapath Kshetra Mahatmya. According to the Purana, Lord Shiva once left Kailasa and came to Earth, choosing Girnar (Revatachal or Ujjayant Parvat) for his penance. Unaware of this, Goddess Parvati set out in search of him. When the gods and Parvati performed penance, Shiva manifested here in the form of Bhavnath as a swayambhu Linga. It is believed this divine manifestation occurred on the full moon day of the bright fortnight of Vaishakh. Thereafter, Goddess Parvati also took her seat on Girnar in the form of Ambika.

Another well-known legend says that when Shiva and Parvati were travelling through the sky in a celestial chariot, one of Parvati’s divine ornaments (or garment) fell near Mrigi Kund. Because of this, the region became sanctified as ‘Vastraputa Kshetra’, and the Shiva Linga manifested here. This account is also recorded in the book Gujaratna Lokotsavo ane Melapublished by the Gujarat Government’s Information Department (pp. 12–13).

The Skanda Purana describes Girnar as a confluence of Shiva, Vishnu, and the Goddess. Shiva established his seat here, Parvati resided as Ambika, and Vishnu dwelt as Damodar at Damodar Kund. In this sense, the Bhavnath temple is like a spiritual triveni sangam, where the grace of all three deities is believed to flow.

Historical and Puranic background

The Bhavnath temple is not considered a human construction but the result of Shiva’s divine manifestation. The Puranas place it in ancient times, and some local traditions trace it back to the era of the Mahabharata (around 5,000 years ago). There are two Shiva Lingas here: a smaller swayambhu one and a larger one, which, according to legend, was installed by the immortal Ashwatthama.

Girnar is believed to be the abode of eighty-four Siddhas. The Navnaths, 84 Siddhas, 64 Yoginis, and 52 Viras are said to have their seats here. Folklore holds that immortals like Ashwatthama, the Pandavas, Gopichand, and Bharthari come to bathe in Mrigi Kund on the midnight of Mahashivratri and then visit Bhavnath for darshan, moving among the ascetics during the Bhavnath Kumbh fair in the guise of sadhus.

The areas around the temple, such as Sudarshan Lake (from the Mauryan period, 3rd century BCE), are ancient, but the temple itself is considered even older. Over time, it fell into disrepair and underwent several phases of renovation and restoration, including strengthening after the 2001 earthquake.

Historians believe the present structure took shape in the medieval period. The Junagadh region was ruled by the Mauryas, Guptas, Chalukyas (Solankis), and later the Chudasamas. Especially between the 10th and 12th centuries, many Shiva temples were built in Gujarat under the Solanki rulers. The architectural style of the Bhavnath temple also reflects the Solanki era, particularly in its stone carvings and the design of the sanctum.

Although epigraphic evidence is limited, local tradition and regional historians agree that the temple’s मूल form is ancient and has been preserved through successive restorations over different periods.

Architectural style

The architecture of the Bhavnath Mahadev temple does not aim at grand spectacle but reflects the gravity of penance and spiritual discipline. The sanctum is relatively small and houses the Shiva Linga. The shikhara follows the traditional Nagara style, representative of North Indian temple architecture. Its stone construction, restrained ornamentation, and harmony with the natural surroundings are its defining features.

Here, architecture serves not merely aesthetic purposes but spiritual focus, as if the entire structure is designed to draw the seeker inward on a journey of inner contemplation.

Naga Sadhu tradition and spiritual mystery

The very mention of Bhavnath Mahadev evokes the image of the Naga sadhus’ midnight procession on Mahashivratri. Considered custodians of the Shaiva akhara tradition, the Naga ascetics regard this place as a centre of exceptional spiritual power. It is believed that on the night of Mahashivratri, Shiva himself roams the Girnar region. This tradition is not merely a religious event but a symbol of the unbroken continuity of the Sanatan ascetic tradition.

In Junagadh’s cultural identity, Bhavnath Mahadev occupies a central place. This is not just a site of worship but also a space of social and cultural interaction. For centuries, it has been a meeting point for seekers, pilgrims, and saints. Situated at the foothills of Girnar, the temple remains as alive today as it was centuries ago.

When we look at Bhavnath Mahadev, we do not see just a temple. We see a tradition that stretches from the hymns of the Vedas to the narratives of the Puranas. This temple shows that Indian spirituality is not confined to texts alone but is also inscribed in geography itself. The winds that strike the peaks of Girnar seem even today to repeat the same message, Shiva is eternal, and so is his tradition. Bhavnath Mahadev stands as the living symbol of that very eternity, steadfast, serene, and infinite.

Delhi triple murder case: Occultist Kamruddin was booked at least twice in murder cases in UP and Rajasthan; read how he killed two Hindus in 2025 in Firozabad

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An occult practitioner identified as 70-year-old Kamruddin, also known as ‘Baba’, has been arrested in connection with the triple murder case in Delhi. Three people were poisoned with laddus during a so called “Dhanvarsha” ritual by Kamruddin. During the preliminary investigation, Delhi Police found that Kamruddin had already been booked last year in Uttar Pradesh in a separate murder case and was also named in a 2014 murder case in Rajasthan.

OpIndia accessed case files of the 2025 UP murder case, which revealed that he was denied bail twice by the sessions court in Firozabad. In that case, the modus operandi was similar to the current case of triple murder in the national capital.

Kamruddin poisoned two Hindus in Firozabad, UP

During the probe, Delhi Police discovered multiple murder cases across states where Kamruddin is an accused. One such case was registered at Makkhanpur Police Station in Firozabad district of Uttar Pradesh in 2025. The case was registered under Sections 103(1) and 123 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). He was earlier booked in a 2014 murder case as well. That particular case was registered under Sections 143, 363 and 302 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) in Dholpur, Rajasthan.

Furthermore, during research Opindia found that he was booked under Section 304, culpable homicide not amounting to murder, at North Police Station in Firozabad as well. However, details of that case, and the Rajasthan case were not available at the time this report was published.

OpIndia accessed the orders passed by the Sessions Court in Firozabad in the dual murder case. The documents showed that his bail application was rejected twice, first on 18th June 2025 and again on 18th August 2025.

What happened in the Firozabad case

The FIR in the UP case was lodged by Ram Singh, a resident of Nagla Gokul in Firozabad district. He alleged that his elder brother Ramnath and a relative named Pooran were close friends and had been visiting Kamruddin’s residence for some time. Kamruddin claimed to perform occult rituals and had taken a substantial amount of money from Ramnath and Pooran under the pretext of occult practices. When they demanded their money back, he allegedly bore a grudge.

Source: UP Police

On 8th May 2025, Kamruddin called Ramnath and Pooran to his house and promised that through a special occult ritual he would help them recover buried treasure. The complainant stated that Kamruddin used his influence and trust to administer some poisonous substance during the ritual and instigated them to commit suicide.

Source: UP Police

Ramnath and Pooran reportedly spent the entire day at his house. When their family members went searching for them, they allegedly saw Kamruddin performing rituals and persuading the two men towards self harm. Attempts were made to take them away, but Kamruddin allegedly did not allow them to leave.

The next morning, on 9th May 2025, the bodies of Ramnath and Pooran were found inside the boundary wall of a closed glass factory. Two glasses, laddus, lemons and other ritual items were found near the bodies, along with a motorcycle belonging to one of the deceased.

Court observations and bail rejection

Post mortem reports in the Firozabad case noted that the immediate cause of death could not be ascertained and the viscera was preserved for chemical analysis. However, the court recorded that there was supporting material in the case diary and statements under Section 180 of the BNSS that indicated the accused had allegedly administered a poisonous substance and instigated the victims.

On 18th June 2025, the Additional Sessions Judge, Firozabad, rejected his first bail application. The court observed that he was specifically named in the FIR and the allegations involved administering poison through occult rituals and abetment to suicide. Considering the gravity of the offence and the material on record, the court held that there was no sufficient ground to grant bail.

Source: Firozabad Sessions Court

Subsequently, after the filing of the charge sheet, Kamruddin moved a second bail application. On 18th August 2025, the Sessions Judge, Firozabad, again rejected his plea, noting the seriousness of the crime, the evidence collected during the investigation and the earlier rejection on merits.

Source: Firozabad Sessions Court

The court emphasised that without expressing any opinion on the merits of the case, the nature and gravity of the allegations did not justify his release on bail.

Delhi triple murder and the dhanvarsha promise

On 8th February, a PCR call alerted Paschim Vihar East Police Station about three people lying unconscious inside a white car near the Peeragarhi flyover in Outer Delhi. The victims, identified as Laxmi, Shiv Naresh and Randhir, were rushed to Sanjay Gandhi Memorial Hospital, where doctors declared them brought dead.

Police recovered liquor bottles, cold drink bottles, empty glasses, sweets, personal belongings and documents from the vehicle. While there were no visible external injuries, families of the deceased ruled out suicide and expressed suspicion, prompting a deeper probe.

Technical analysis of call data records and location tracking revealed that the three had been in contact with Kamruddin, who allegedly promised them financial gain through occult rituals. Investigators found that he boarded their vehicle in Loni, Ghaziabad, and later exited it before abandoning the car at the spot where the bodies were discovered.

According to police, Kamruddin lured the victims with promises of “Dhanvarsha”, asked them to arrange Rs 2 lakh in cash along with liquor and cold drinks for the ritual, and then fed them laddus mixed with poison during the journey back to Delhi. After they fell unconscious, he allegedly took the cash and fled.

During questioning, he reportedly confessed to the crime and admitted that an accomplice named Salim had introduced him to one of the victims.

Promised ‘Dhanvarsha’, delivered death: Occultist Kamruddin poisoned three with laddus, stole Rs 2 lakh; already booked in two murder cases

On 11th February (Wednesday), an occultist was taken into custody for killing two men and a woman by giving them poisoned laddus as part of a ceremony that promised them a windfall called “dhanvarsha.” The murder mystery is resolved with the arrest of Kamruddin, also known as Baba, who lived in Uttar Pradesh’s Firozabad, days after the bodies were discovered dead in a car on the Peeragarhi flyover of Outer Delhi.

Three people were found unconscious inside a white automobile in Peeragarhi, after which cops rushed to the scene and found out that they were dead. The trio was identified as Laxmi (40) and Shiv Naresh (42), who were in the back seat, while Randhir (76) was in the driver’s seat.

“The case came to light on 8th February (Sunday) when a PCR (Police Control Room) call was received at Paschim Vihar East Police Station regarding three people, including a woman lying unconscious inside a car,” informed Deputy Commissioner of Police (Outer) Sachin Sharma.

“All three were shifted to Sanjay Gandhi Memorial Hospital, where doctors declared them brought dead. During inspection of the vehicle, police recovered liquor bottles, cold drink bottles, empty glasses, mobile phones, cash, helmets, jackets, Aadhaar Cards and other personal belongings and documents,” he stated.

How the case was solved

The authorities opened an investigation when the family members voiced scepticism about the deaths, even though they had ruled out suicide. The bodies showed no immediate indications of external damage either. Hence, the case was granted top priority for investigation.

Both Randhir and Shiv, real estate brokers from the Baprola area of Najafgarh, were acquainted, but their relatives expressed that they had never heard of Laxmi. On the other hand, her family provided the first hint to the police and conveyed that she was in contact with a “godman.”

According to a thorough technical examination that included location monitoring and call data records, Kamruddin had communicated with the deceased and had promised them cash benefits through rituals. The investigators uncovered that they had been to Loni in Ghaziabad just a day prior to the tragedy. They went back to the place on the day of their deaths and continued to communicate with the offender.

The police unearthed that a fourth person joined them as they were travelling back to Delhi. It subsequently emerged that this man was Kamruddin. They highlighted that he entered the car in Loni and then left it where the corpses were located.

The police uncovered that the three were driving back to Delhi and there was another person in the vehicle. “Further analysis established that the person was Kamruddin, who had boarded the vehicle in Loni and later abandoned it at the place where it was found,” Sharma added.

How victims were lured and murdered

Kamruddin was nabbed and interrogated. He made an initial effort to deceive investigators but was unable to deliver adequate responses. During further questioning, he confessed to having an accomplice named Salim who introduced him to Laxmi around two months ago. She later brought Randhir and Shiv Naresh to him.

Afterwards, he persuaded them to perform a rite for “Dhanvarsha” and requested that they set aside 2 lakh in cash for the ceremony, along with cold beverages and alcohol. Kamruddin then gave them poisoned sweets and took their cash.

“He prepared laddoos mixed with poison and accompanied the three in their car. During the journey, he persuaded them to consume liquor, cold drinks and sweets. After they started feeling unwell and eventually lost consciousness, he took the cash and fled, abandoning the vehicle,” Sharma outlined.

“He was apprehended following a detailed technical and field investigation. He was involved in a well-planned conspiracy to eliminate the victims and rob them of cash and valuables,” the official mentioned. The police stated that there is circumstantial and technical proof that he was in the car at the time.

Kamruddin’s dark past and more murder cases

According to police, the perpetrator ran an occult centre in both Loni and Firozabad. Their inquiry revealed that he had used rituals to entice unwary individuals in the name of unexpected cash gain. He would first win the trust of his victims, influence them and then kill them with poison put into laddus. Afterwards, he robbed them of their money and jewels. Police mentioned that he has a history of committing horrible acts and is a habitual offender.

“He lured people by making promises of quick money, claiming that he could multiply wealth through occult practices and tantric rituals. He projected himself as someone who could double or even triple money through tantrik methods,” revealed an officer.

The culprit had been involved in two murder cases. “He was earlier booked in 2014 under sections 143, 363 and 302 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) at Raja Khera Police Station in Dholpur in Rajasthan. He was also named in another First Information Report (FIR) in 2025 under sections 103(1) and 123 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) at Makhkhanpur Police Station in Firozabad in Uttar Pradesh,” Sharma underscored and remarked, “We are now examining whether he may have targeted others using similar tactics.”

A case has been filed by the police at the Paschim Vihar East Police Station, and an additional probe is underway to find any potential collaborators alongside forensic analysis to identify the precise nature of the poison. They conveyed that some of Kamruddin’s previous clients had either disappeared or passed away in dubious ways.