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The Lyari of Bengal: As NIA raids Kolkata’s notorious Gulshan Colony, read how the area has been a hotbed of crime, illegal Rohingyas, Bangladeshis and anti-social elements

Rukma Rathore
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The Lyari of Bengal: As NIA raids Kolkata’s notorious Gulshan Colony, read how the area has been a hotbed of crime, illegal Rohingyas, Bangladeshis and anti-social elements

Aditya Dhar’s spy thrillers, Dhurandhar 1 and 2, inspired by the actual gangs of Karachi’s oldest neighbourhood, Lyari, and the story of an Indian agent who infiltrated these syndicates to tear down terror networks in Pakistan, captured the imagination of the Indian audiences. The series turned out to be an unexpected blockbuster as the characters were immortalised on the silver screen.

A few weeks later, National Investigation Agency (NIA) teams executing raids at various sites across West Bengal and Kolkata arrived at Gulshan Colony, the state’s very own Lyari, which, unbeknownst to many, has established itself as a hotspot for crime, Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltrators, violent occurrences and similarly notorious developments.

The anti-terror agency dispatched numerous personnel prior to the second phase of voting as a preventive step to ensure a peaceful electoral process and a swift response to any potential challenges in Bengal. The teams have been stationed in districts such as Purba Bardhaman, South 24 Parganas, Hooghly, Nadia, Howrah and Kolkata. According to officials, they are decisively looking into the matters pertaining to the confiscation of crude bombs, illicit weapons and ammunition.

They informed, “The agency has intensified its presence as part of precautionary measures to ensure a peaceful electoral process. The NIA teams are stationed on the ground to enable swift response to any untoward situation that may arise before, during, or after polling.” They stated that the move is intended to uphold law and order and avert any possible disruption associated with the capture of explosives or illicit firearms in sensitive regions.

NIA took over the case involving the recovery of crude bombs on 26th April and began its inquiry with a terror angle, following the registration of a fresh First Information Report (FIR) after directives from the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), owing to the severity of the incident, the probable impact on national security and the need to unearth a larger conspiracy.

The Kolkata police discovered 79 homemade explosives and other incriminating materials that were being stockpiled at a place, posing a threat to property and human life, along with the intent to instil fear and panic among the people. The matter was first reported on 25th April at the Uttar Kashipur Police Station of Kolkata’s Bhangar division.

The official complaint was submitted in compliance with the applicable sections of the Explosive Substances Act of 1908 and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) after reliable details regarding the storage of crude explosives and the components used to prepare them were received.

The authorities responded to the tip-off and recovered 9 spherical objects that seemed to be homemade bombs, tied with jute ropes alongside other evidence. These were stored by unidentified individuals in an abandoned home near a burial ground in Majherhat (Poilepara) hamlet, Uttar Kashipur police station in South 24 Parganas, which is an All-India Trinamool Congress stronghold.

The incident has, yet again, drawn attention to the Muslim-dominated Gulshan Colony, under ward number 10 of Panchannagram, is already known for its alarming activities and anti-social elements.

SIR highlighted a massive voter discrepancy in Gulshan Colony

Last November, the colony made headlines during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in the state. The Booth Level Officers (BLOs) who went there were surprised to find that they could not identify eligible voters among a population of about 200,000. According to reports, nearly 90% of the inhabitants were outsiders and stayed in the vicinity for many years.

They were not registered voters and were originally from Bangladesh, but asserted to hold Voter ID cards. The overall count of authorised voters at the booth was just 2,500 to 3,000. It was also outlined by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Amit Malviya.

The formation and expansion of the colony commenced with the rise of the TMC to power in 2011, and hundreds of buildings were constructed within a few months. There are allegations that the Kolkata Municipal Corporation does not possess any official records of the locality. Locals, who lived there before it was created, charged that Bangladeshis were settled in the area with the support of leaders from the ruling party.

Senior BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari also accused that intruders had been staying there for an extended period and only evacuated due to the execution of the SIR initiative. “If they are Indians, then why are their names not there in the voter list. If a fake identity card is created, then can anyone be called Indian? How was Gulshan Colony created? Who provided electrification there? Who provided water there,” questioned Samik Bhattacharya, president of the party’s state unit.

Union Minister Dr Sukanta Majumdar flagged the “noticeable demographic change in 13 years” in 2024, posting, “This area has become a hub for illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators and Rohingyas, fostering crime and lawlessness.”

“As Kolkata Mayor Firhad Hakim once remarked about a mini-Pakistan in Kolkata, it seems a mini-Bangladesh has now emerged,” Majumdar added, accusing TMC councillors of offering fictitious Aadhaar cards and voter IDs. “Is the Trinamool government truly unaware of the illegal constructions, encroachments and rising criminal activities here,” he asked and demanded answers.

It is evident that Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltrators have systematically occupied the colony, despite the contrary arguments of the TMC.

Gulshan Colony: The growing trouble zone

The colony has been described as a haven for offenders, and many terrorists have even been nabbed from there. Bar fights, shootings, stabbings in broad daylight, Bangladeshi hideouts and such events are persistent features of the colony.

An official of Kolkata police expressed, “Over the years, Gulshan Colony has become a den of criminal activities and a safe haven for criminals, several of whom come from outside the state as well as from outside the country. The dingy lanes and bylanes and closely connected buildings also allow criminals to flee and hide even during surprise raids. We have built a dedicated strong network in the area, but we have to admit, even then, it becomes difficult to prevent crimes at times,” reported The Times of India.

The illustrations of gang wars, which are more appropriate for the fictional world of Cinema rather than real life, often manifest on its streets. The same unfolded in September of 2025 after which Mohammad Nafis, Mohammad Sajid, Ahmed Hossain alias Mohammad Madhu, Raja Khan and Mohammad Firoz alias Mini Firoz were arrested as they were seen “vandalising bikes, assaulting shop owners and hurling crude country-made bombs,” adjacent to the EM Bypass of the Ananadpur police station area.

A confrontation between two local syndicates had led to the unrest, which “aimed to establish Firoz’s dominance in the area” and terrified the locals. He also enjoyed political clout and was eventually caught in Delhi after a 10-day search. Police suspected collaboration from groups within the Trinamool Congress. Locals conveyed that disagreement over ownership of a factory was the trigger, and a retaliation took place when a gang tried to threaten the proprietor.

A few months before this, a building material supplier was brutally killed with a chopper on a busy road near his house in the colony. The assailant lived in the same neighbourhood as well. Furthermore, Kasba councillor Sushanta Kumar Ghosh mentioned, “It’s a difficult place to manage. Since the Left regime, the place has been a hub of illegal construction. Multiple water bodies have been filled up, and illegal buildings have been constructed here. I have tried to stop them, but it’s a big racket, and thus I think I was attacked,” while talking to the media house.

His home is also in Gulshan Colony, and he was targeted after a plan was hatched by Mohammad Afroz (Gulzar Khan per other reports), who confessed to the murder attempt, which stemmed from a land conflict there. Severe altercations involving properties occur frequently, and violent instances transpire almost every week. People in the surrounding territories face similar dread, avoid parking their vehicles outdoors and abstain from strolling on the road late at night.

Conclusion

Gulshan Colony has been in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons, and although it may closely resemble Luyari, the gang members are illegal immigrants, unlike those in Pakistan. Additionally, the SIR exercise raised another critical inquiry: if there are barely any legitimate voters in the colony, then were Bangladeshis and Rohingyas participating in the democratic process to choose a government for the citizens of the state?

With TMC’s track record and the dismissal of 9.1 million bogus voters during the drive, this is much more plausible than improbable. On the other hand, the authorities do not intervene strongly due to the political influence and the daunting network of these criminals, which is apparently supported by the party in power in the state.

The situation is so bleak that even people from nearby areas are scared for their lives and safety, as guns and weapons are brandished, and shootouts are carried out with impunity, leaving vulnerable citizens in shock. Thus, it is hardly astonishing that the latest NIA investigation is also concentrated on the area, as these dreaded intruders and perpetrators can jeopardise national peace and security, much like they did to the state.

Madrasa in Kashmir linked to terrorists locked under UAPA: Read how Darul Uloom Jamia Siraj-ul-Uloom was connected to the Pulwama attack and other activities

Divya Bharti
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Madrasa in Kashmir linked to terrorists locked under UAPA: Read how Darul Uloom Jamia Siraj-ul-Uloom was connected to the Pulwama attack and other activities

One of South Kashmir’s largest religious seminaries, Darul Uloom Jamia Siraj-ul-Uloom in Shopian’s Imam Sahib area, has been sealed by the Jammu and Kashmir administration under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967. The action was taken after authorities found links between the madrasa and anti-national activities, including suspected terror funding, radicalisation, and irregular operations.

The order to declare the institution an unlawful entity was issued by Kashmir Divisional Commissioner Anshul Garg, who exercised powers under Section 8(1) of the law. This provision allows the government to seal premises and freeze assets if a place is found to be used for unlawful activities.

This is the first time in Jammu and Kashmir that a seminary of such scale has been declared unlawful.

Links to Jamaat-e-Islami raised serious concerns

Authorities say the madrasa had deep and continued connections with the banned outfit Jamaat-e-Islami, which has been outlawed in India since 2019. According to official records, individuals linked to this organisation were holding key administrative and academic positions in the institution.

Investigations and intelligence inputs suggested that the madrasa was not just functioning as a religious education centre but was also operating outside legal oversight. Officials pointed to a lack of proper registration, questionable land acquisition, and attempts to avoid regulatory checks.

The administration also highlighted unusual financial patterns. There were serious gaps between the funds received and how they were spent, raising fears that money may have been diverted for unlawful purposes.

A 15-acre madrasa has been under scrutiny for years

Siraj-ul-Uloom has been on the radar of security agencies for quite some time. Multiple investigations by agencies, including the National Investigation Agency and Jammu and Kashmir Police, had examined its activities over the years.

The institution, spread across nearly 15 acres with a large campus and garden, had around 500 to 800 students at different times. It also ran a school offering both religious and modern education, affiliated with the Jammu and Kashmir Board of School Education.

Despite its academic presence, authorities say the environment inside the madrasa gradually became a concern. Reports indicated that over time, it created conditions that encouraged Jihadi mindset among some students.

Connection to the Pulwama terror attack

One of the most serious concerns linked to the madrasa is its connection to the Pulwama attack, in which 40 CRPF personnel lost their lives.

Investigations revealed that Sajjad Ahmad Bhat, who played a key role in the attack by arranging the vehicle used in the bombing, had studied at this madrasa. He remained associated with the institution until around 2017.

After the Pulwama investigation, it also came to light that several former students of the madrasa had joined terrorist organisations. The madrasa’s own management reportedly admitted that at least 11 students had turned to terrorism over time.

Among them were names like Mohammad Shafi Butt and Adil Ahmed, who were later killed in encounters. Many of these individuals were linked to Pakistan-based terror groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed.

Students, teachers and overground workers involved in terrorist activities

The concerns were not limited to students alone. Authorities say that even some teachers associated with the madrasa were involved in terrorist networks.

One such case is that of Shaukat Ahmed Sheikh, a teacher who was later arrested by the National Investigation Agency. Investigators found that he was linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba and had played a role in recruiting young students into terrorism. Reports suggest that he influenced and radicalised around 20 students.

In addition to this, several overground workers (OGWs) who assist terrorists with logistics and support were also traced back to the madrasa. In 2020, three such individuals arrested in Shopian were found to have studied at Siraj-ul-Uloom and were linked to Jamaat-e-Islami networks.

Financial irregularities and illegal activities

Another major factor behind the sealing of the madrasa was its financial conduct. Officials found what they described as “financial opacity,” meaning that the handling of funds was unclear and suspicious.

The institution was accused of having a flawed financial control system, with frequent changes in how funds were managed. This raised doubts about whether the money was being used for legitimate educational purposes.

Authorities also pointed out that the madrasa was not properly registered and had encroached upon government land. It was said to be using various methods to bypass legal scrutiny and continue operations without accountability.

A show-cause notice was issued to the management, asking them to explain these issues. However, the response was found to be weak and not convincing.

Government action and sealing of premises

After reviewing the evidence, the administration concluded that the premises were being used in ways that supported unlawful activities. As a result, the madrasa was declared an unlawful entity and sealed.

Security forces have been deployed outside the campus, and posters announcing the sealing have been placed at the gates. The action also allows authorities to take further steps, including freezing assets and taking control of the property.

Officials have clarified that this action is preventive in nature. It is aimed at stopping the misuse of the institution rather than waiting for criminal cases to be proven beyond a doubt.

PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti condemns the sealing of the madrasa

The sealing of Siraj-ul-Uloom has triggered political reactions in Kashmir. Mehbooba Mufti, leader of the People’s Democratic Party(PDP), strongly criticised the move.

She said that the madrasa had produced many professionals, including doctors and engineers, who have contributed positively to society. According to her, declaring the institution unlawful is unfair and ignores its educational role.

Similarly, National Conference MP Ruhullah Mehdi also opposed the decision. In his public statements, he said that shutting down such institutions affects hundreds of students and deprives them of educational opportunities.

These reactions have added a political dimension to the issue, with debates focusing on security concerns versus educational impact.

The larger network of madrasas

Siraj-ul-Uloom was reportedly linked to a broader network of institutions supported by Jamaat-e-Islami through its trust, Falah-e-Aam. At one point, hundreds of madrasas across Kashmir were connected to this network. In recent days, the Jammu and Kashmir administration has taken over 58 schools affiliated to the Falah-e-Aam trust.

Authorities believe that some of these institutions were used to influence young students, especially those from economically weaker backgrounds. According to investigations, certain students were exposed to extremist ideas and later recruited into terrorist groups.

A case that reflects a larger security challenge

The sealing of Siraj-ul-Uloom highlights the ongoing challenge faced by authorities in Kashmir, balancing education, religious institutions, and national security.

While the madrasa had a long history and provided education to many, the findings of investigations pointed towards a pattern of misuse that could not be ignored. By linking the institution to terror funding, recruitment, and even a major attack like Pulwama, the administration has made it clear why it considers the action necessary.

UAE announces exit from OPEC+ and OPEC: Read Abu Dhabi’s motives behind the decision and what it means for oil prices and global markets 

Shriti Sagar
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UAE announces exit from OPEC+ and OPEC: Read Abu Dhabi’s motives behind the decision and what it means for oil prices and global markets 

The United Arab Emirates announced its exit from the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and the broader OPEC+ alliance on Tuesday, 28th April. The decision will come into effect from 1st May.

The announcement, reported by the country’s state news agency, cited Abu Dhabi’s long-term economic vision as the key reason behind the move. It comes at a time when global oil markets are already under pressure due to the ongoing tensions linked to the US-Iran war, which has disrupted supply routes and raised concerns about energy security worldwide.

What is OPEC and the UAE’s role in it

OPEC is one of the world’s largest and most powerful oil cartels, formed in 1960. The organisation’s primary objective is to organise and regulate the oil production of member countries and keep global crude oil prices balanced by controlling supply.

The United Arab Emirates has been one of the integral members of the cartel from the beginning. The country joined the group in 1971, coinciding with the emergence of the seven-emirate federation. 

However, Abu Dhabi, which holds a staggering 95% of the UAE‘s oil reserves, actually joined the group even earlier, in 1967. Back in the 70s, OPEC was at the height of its power. It completely changed the balance of power between countries that produce oil and those that consume it, helping former colonies take control of their own natural resources away from Western dominance.

In 2016, OPEC further enhanced its market position by establishing OPEC+. The organisation now includes such non-OPEC oil giants as Russia, thus gaining a monopoly over 40% of global crude oil production and 60% of globally traded petroleum.

By leaving, the UAE removes one of the few “swing producers” that can quickly change production levels. This seriously weakens OPEC’s ability to react to fast-moving market changes in the future. Unlike smaller exits in the past, such as Qatar in 2019 or Angola in 2024.

OPEC’s role in the Global economy 

OPEC has often been compared to a central bank for the global oil market. Its biggest tool is its ability to control supply. By setting production quotas for each member country, OPEC ensures that oil production is adjusted according to global demand.

If there’s too much oil in the market and demand is low, they order members to pump less to prevent a price crash. On the flip side, if there’s a shortage, they can increase production to stop prices from skyrocketing. For countries that rely almost entirely on oil money to fund their schools, hospitals, and roads, these mandates are a safety net that protects their domestic budgets from sudden market shocks.

These quotas, however, also mean that countries cannot always produce oil at their full capacity. For some members, especially those looking to expand production, this has often been a point of frustration.

Why the UAE decided to exit 

The UAE’s decision to leave OPEC did not come out of nowhere. For several years, there have been differences between Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia over how oil production should be managed.

These differences became visible during OPEC+ meetings in 2020 and 2021. At the time, the UAE wanted to increase production after cuts made during the COVID-19 pandemic, while Saudi Arabia preferred to keep output low to maintain high oil prices.

This difference reflects the economic realities of both countries. Saudi Arabia relies heavily on high oil prices to fund its large-scale projects. The UAE, on the other hand, has a more diversified economy and has been less dependent on oil revenues.

Instead of restricting output, Abu Dhabi has been investing heavily in expanding its production capacity. It aims to increase output from around 3.4 million barrels per day to 5 million barrels per day by 2027. This shows a clear intention to produce and sell more oil while demand still exists, especially as the world slowly moves towards cleaner energy.

UAE Energy Minister Suhail Mohamed al-Mazrouei confirmed that the move was carefully planned. “This is a policy decision. It has been done after a careful look at current and future policies related to the level of production,” he said.

Another key factor is infrastructure. The UAE has developed independent export routes like the Fujairah pipeline, which allows it to bypass the Strait of Hormuz and export oil more freely. This gives it the flexibility to increase production without being tied down by OPEC quotas.

Role of the Iran War and regional tensions 

The ongoing tensions linked to the US-Iran conflict have also played a major role in shaping the UAE’s decision. The Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most important oil routes, has seen disruptions, with fewer ships passing through due to security concerns.

Before the conflict, nearly one-fifth of the world’s oil supply moved through this narrow passage. However, recent attacks and instability have made the region more unpredictable. Oil infrastructure in the Gulf has also been at risk, adding to the uncertainty.

With Iran itself being a founding member of OPEC, the organisation’s consensus-based system can limit how quickly countries like the UAE respond to such challenges. By exiting OPEC, the UAE now gains more control over its oil policy and can act independently to secure its exports.

There is also a larger geopolitical shift at play. Gulf countries have traditionally depended on the United States for security. However, recent events have raised questions about how effective that protection is during regional conflicts.

By stepping out of OPEC, the UAE is giving itself more room to use its oil resources strategically, not just for economic gain, but also to build new global partnerships and strengthen its position beyond traditional alliances.

A shift towards a broader economic vision   

Beyond immediate concerns, the UAE’s exit from OPEC also aligns with its long-term strategy. The UAE has been making efforts towards economic diversification, with investments in industries such as technology, education, tourism, and finance.

However, the UAE knows that oil exports play a critical role in financing these efforts. By ramping up oil exports now, the UAE aims to capitalise on the value of its reserves in anticipation of falling demand for oil globally in the coming years.

With substantial investments via the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company, the UAE intends to enhance its agility and competitiveness in the international energy market. Being a member of OPEC could potentially hinder the UAE in meeting its strategic objectives.

In many aspects, this step by the UAE reveals its unwillingness to be associated exclusively with oil production and its dependence on cartel policies. Instead, the UAE sees itself as a player in the global economy that is capable of making decisions based on its own interests.

UP’s ‘Singham’ warns TMC strongman Jahangir Khan: Who is ‘encounter specialist’ Ajay Pal Sharma currently posted as police observer in Bengal

Rukma Rathore
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UP’s ‘Singham’ warns TMC strongman Jahangir Khan: Who is ‘encounter specialist’ Ajay Pal Sharma currently posted as police observer in Bengal

The politically charged climate in West Bengal is rising as it nears Phase II of the assembly election voting on 29th April (Wednesday). Now, a fresh issue has come to light concerning an IPS officer, Ajay Pal Sharma, from the Uttar Pradesh cadre who has been assigned to the state as a police observer.

The matter began when his video surfaced online on 27th April (Monday). IPS Sharma visited the home of Jahangir Khan, who is reportedly close to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee and is an All India Trinamool Congress candidate (AITC or TMC) from Falta, to confront his goons on the last day of the election campaign.

“All of you comprehend this fully that strict action will be taken against anyone attempting to create trouble. If any instances of issues or problems are reported, appropriate measures will be enforced. Jahangir’s family members are present here. Inform him that we are receiving frequent information about his men threatening people. We will take firm action against him. Do not cry or repent later,” Sharma warned.

Sharma also discovered that 14 West Bengal police officers were stationed there and was told that 10 cops had been assigned to provide Khan with Y-category protection. He pointed out the disparity and sent out a notification to the Superintendent of Police demanding an explanation for the additional deployment.

Khan promptly responded to the occurrence and alleged, “Around 3 pm yesterday, he came and tried to threaten my security at this party office. Then he went and tried to threat my family. Is this the duty of a police observer? If he has to say something he has to tell the SP (Superintendent of Police) or IC (Inspector-in-Charge).”

He charged that Sharma acted beyond the scope of his authoritative jurisdiction as assigned by the Election Commission of India to aid the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and threatened the members of his party. “There is no rule of ECI that says that a police observer can go and threat people at their houses. To aid BJP these people are doing illegal things. They are trying to threaten TMC workers and leaders because they know that they won’t win but we are not afraid,” Khan claimed.

“This is Bengal. If he is Singham, I am Pushpa. No amount of threat or coercion by the BJP-appointed police officials from Uttar Pradesh will be allowed in Falta. They came with forces and tried to pressure my people and me. Such actions are not acceptable in a democratic system,” Khan further retaliated.

On the other hand, TMC Lok Sabha MP Mahua Moitra, senior Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate and the opposition ecosystem resorted to sharing a video where a man was seen enjoying the dance of a scantily-clad woman to claim it was IPS Sharma. A “journalist” deleted the clip afterwards. However, formal complaints are reportedly being registered concerning this matter.

Sharma was spotted raiding Khan’s residence following grave accusations of voter intimidation by the latter’s supporters. He was joined by a combined team of Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB), Flying Surveillance Team (FST) and Quick Response Team (QRT). Sharma is one of the 11 police observers that the Election Commission has provided for the peaceful organisation of second round of voting in the state. He is deployed to the district with the largest allotment, South 24 Parganas, along with 2 others.

TMC’s efforts to stop Ajay Pal Sharma from discharging his duties in Bengal have also been thwarted by the Calcutta High Court. A writ petition was filed today to claim his warning to Jehangir Khan is a violation of the Model Code of Conduct and he should be recalled from his current duties as Election Observer in the state.

The High Court refused to entertain the plea, stating, “We will not intervene until April 29. We will not interfere in the work of those entrusted with election duties.”

Meet the “encounter specialist” of Uttar Pradesh

Sharma, who was born in Punjab’s Ludhiana on 26th October 1985 is renowned for his strict and unyielding approach to law enforcement. He joined the Indian Police Service in 2011 after completing his training as a dental surgeon at Government Medical College in Patiala.

The 40-year-old has reportedly participated in over 500 police encounters over the years, earning the title of “encounter specialist.” During these operations, nearly 15 criminals were killed, and numerous others were taken into custody. Notably, he launched 136 encounters in just 22 months as SP in Jaunpur, which is regarded as one of the greatest figures for a district assignment.

Sharma has also handled important tasks at Prayagraj, especially during the Kumbh Mela and served as SP/SSP (Senior Superintendent of Police) in Hathras, Shamli, Rampur and Jaunpur. He is presently Prayagraj’s Additional Commissioner of Police (Law and Order).

“We need IPS officials like Ajay Pal Sharma to tackle crime in our state. I would urge officials in my state to take inspiration from IPS Sharma and learn techniques to curb crime in the state,” former Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar declared while facilitating Sharma at a function in Karnal in 2017.

CM Yogi had also announced that the new law and order in place had put an end to the “Kairana-like exodus,” with local traders breathing a sigh of relief, when Sharma was posted in Shamli.

The region witnessed the killings of 4 infamous criminals as 20 others were wounded, while he was praised from all quarters. Locals gave him a chariot ride after the cops shot and killed two notorious criminals in two consecutive shootings. Dreaded criminals surrendered out of fear of similar action under his authority. Furthermore, offenders were writing to courts to express their desire to remain incarcerated and promised never to engage in any illicit activity.

From Sharma to “Singham”

Sharma first became popular in 2018 while serving at Rampur when he was searching for a man who raped and murdered a 6-year-old girl. A brief encounter ensued while attempting to apprehend the accused who was shot 3 times and nabbed. The police officer gained a lot of attention as a result of the instance. He was facilitated by Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in March 2018. Afterwards, he was moved to Noida and became SSP.

Interestingly, Sharma is acknowledged for monitoring not only criminal gangs but also his own force. He was tipped off about a supposed list of bribe rates among police officers while he was posted in Noida. He made the decision to act independently and carried out an unexpected inspection. He dressed plainly, got into an autorickshaw and drove through the streets of Noida and Greater Noida. He succeeded in suspending a sub-inspector after catching him red-handed. There are numerous such tales about him in police circles.

Sharma has even shared his opinions regarding his designation as an “encounter specialist.” He voiced, “These encounters did not happen by will, it was just chance. We want to arrest criminals, make recoveries and collect the maximum information on their hiding places, their other gang members, etc. This is the last option. We do not know what situation arises on the ground,” in a conversation with The Print.

Sharma admitted that he killed at least 9 accused and wounded about 190 others during these violent face-offs. He actively pursued many wanted criminals, with bounties varying from ₹5,000 to ₹100,000 and effectively neutralised several of them. He even took decisive action, including the invocation of the National Security Act (NSA) against the mining mafia. He initiated disciplinary actions against almost 63 police personnel, demonstrating his unwavering stance against corruption.

Allegations of corruption and a significant presence on social media

There have been some controversies in Sharma’s career as well. He was ousted as Rampur SP in 2020 due to claims of posting irregularities. A vigilance investigation was then suggested by a Special Investigation Team (SIT). He was charged under the Prevention of Corruption Act in Meerut for allegedly pushing for his relocation and posting.

Additionally, a woman accused Sharma of cheating under the guise of marriage, which resulted in the filing of a First Information Report (FIR) in Lucknow. The scandal hindered his career advancement for a while even though he eventually earned a clean chit.

Sharma has a large social media fan base. He has about 1,40,000 followers on a Facebook page in his name. His younger brother, Amit Pal Sharma, is also a 2015 batch IPS officer from Uttar Pradesh cadre.

What is Super El Nino: Is this global phenomenon behind the intense heatwave in Asia and India’s record-breaking summer

Divya Bharti
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What is Super El Nino: Is this global phenomenon behind the intense heatwave in Asia and India’s record-breaking summer

A strong and early summer has gripped large parts of India and other regions of Asia, with temperatures crossing dangerous levels in April itself. Weather experts are now watching a global climate pattern called El Nino and an even stronger version known as “Super El Nino” to understand whether it is driving this extreme heat and what lies ahead for the coming months.

Heatwave tightens grip across India

Several states across north, central and eastern India are already seeing a sharp rise in temperatures, even before peak summer has fully set in. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has issued heatwave alerts across multiple regions, including Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Odisha.

On 25th April, Banda in Uttar Pradesh recorded a scorching 47.4°C, the highest temperature in the country this year so far. In Delhi, temperatures touched 42.8°C at the Safdarjung observatory, which is more than 5°C above normal and qualifies as a heatwave.

In general, most parts of the country have been seeing daytime temperatures between 40°C and 45°C. Night temperatures are also staying unusually high, especially in Delhi, Haryana and Odisha, making conditions more uncomfortable.

The IMD says heatwave or severe heatwave conditions were active in at least 11 states and union territories, with some regions like Himachal Pradesh and eastern Uttar Pradesh seeing more extreme warnings.

A global heat signal, not just India’s problem

This extreme heat is not limited to India. Scientists say the current conditions are part of a much larger global pattern.

Data from NASA’s GISTEMP shows that March 2026 was among the hottest ever recorded globally, with temperatures about 1.27°C above the 1951-1980 average. Meanwhile, Europe’s Copernicus climate service pegged it at 1.48°C above pre-industrial levels, making it one of the warmest March months on record.

One of the most striking anomalies came from eastern Siberia, particularly the Yakutia region of Russia, where temperatures were recorded at more than 10°C above normal for March, something scientists say would have been “virtually impossible” without human-driven climate change.

Heat maps for late April show large parts of north India, the Sahel in Africa, and the Arabian Peninsula crossing 45°C, indicating a widespread heat zone.

What exactly is El Nino?

El Nino is a natural climate pattern that occurs every 2 to 7 years in the Pacific Ocean. Normally, strong trade winds push warm ocean water towards Asia. But during El Nino, these winds weaken, allowing warm water to shift eastward towards the central and eastern Pacific.

This warming of ocean surface temperatures changes global wind patterns and rainfall systems. As a result, it can influence weather across continents, including heat, storms, and monsoons.

In India, El Nino years are usually linked to hotter summers and weaker monsoons.

What makes a “Super El Nino” different?

A “Super El Nino” is simply a much stronger version of the same phenomenon.

While a regular El Nino sees sea surface temperatures rise by about 0.5°C to 1.4°C above average, a Super El Nino involves a spike of more than 2.0°C in the central Pacific.

Scientists track this using different climate models and indices, including the Super El Nino Index (SEI), which has shown a rising trend since the 1980s, something experts link to global warming.

According to forecasts from the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts, the current developing El Nino could turn into one of the strongest seen in over a century.

What are scientists saying right now?

Climate agencies, including the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), say there is growing confidence that El Nino conditions will develop between May and July 2026, after a neutral start to the year.

Wilfran Moufouma Okia, Chief of Climate Prediction at WMO, has said that climate models are now “strongly aligned” on the onset of El Nino, with the possibility of further strengthening later in the year.

However, he also pointed out a key challenge known as the “spring predictability barrier”, which makes it harder to forecast the exact strength of El Niño during this time. Forecast accuracy generally improves after April.

Some scientists have also warned that there is even a small chance that global temperature anomalies could briefly approach +2°C, which would be extremely unusual.

Is Super El Nino behind the current heat?

While it is still early to say that a Super El Nino is directly causing the current heatwave, experts believe it could intensify and prolong the conditions we are already seeing.

The IMD has already predicted above-normal heatwave days from April to June across parts of east, central and northwest India, as well as the southeast peninsula.

The current heat pattern over India also matches a broader global trend seen in recent weeks, suggesting that multiple factors, including background global warming, are at play.

What could this mean for India in 2026?

If a strong or Super El Nino develops later this year, it could have several impacts on India:

1. Longer and harsher heatwaves
Daytime temperatures could remain high for longer periods, and nights may stay warmer than usual. IMD has already recorded “warm night” and even “severe warm night” conditions in some northern regions.

2. Pressure on monsoon rainfall
El Nino is often associated with below-normal monsoon rainfall. Since the monsoon provides nearly 70% of India’s annual rainfall, any drop could lead to drought-like conditions.

3. Impact on agriculture and economy
 Agriculture contributes around 18% of India’s economy and supports nearly half the population. A weak monsoon could mean smaller harvests and financial stress for farmers.

4. Water and power stress
 India has already seen 60% below-normal rainfall in January-February 2026. If heat increases further, demand for water and electricity will rise sharply, increasing the risk of shortages and power cuts.

Short-term relief, but not a long-term fix

There may be brief breaks in the heat. For instance, weather systems like western disturbances can bring temporary cooling of 3-5°C, as expected around late April.

However, such relief is usually short-lived. Forecasts suggest temperatures could rise again in early May, showing that the heat cycle is far from over.

The bigger picture

The current situation highlights how local weather events are increasingly linked to global climate patterns.

India’s heatwave is not an isolated event but part of a larger warming trend seen across continents. The possibility of a Super El Nino adds another layer of uncertainty, one that could shape weather patterns not just in India, but across the world.

For now, scientists say nothing is fully certain yet. A timely and strong monsoon could still ease some of the pressure. But as things stand, the early signs point to a challenging summer and possibly an even tougher year ahead.

Wanted to terrorise society through IED blasts, raised funds for ISIS and more: NIA court sentences terrorist Mohamed Shariq to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment in 2022 Mangaluru pressure cooker blast case, read what the probe revealed

Aditi
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Wanted to terrorise society through IED blasts, raised funds for ISIS and more: NIA court sentences terrorist Mohamed Shariq to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment in 2022 Mangaluru pressure cooker blast case, read what the probe revealed

A special NIA court in Bengaluru has sentenced Mangaluru cooker blast case accused Mohamed Shafiq to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment in the 2022 Mangaluru Pressure Cooker Blast Case. The court has also imposed a total fine of ₹92,000 on him. A statement released by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Monday (27th April) stated that it was found during the investigation that the accused was radicalised into the ISIS ideology by his associate Arafath Ali, who is an accused in the Shivamogga IS Conspiracy case and is already undergoing 6 years’ rigorous imprisonment.

“Mohamed Shariq had conspired with co-accused Syed Yasin and a foreign-based IS online handler to promote IS terror activities in India with the aim to terrorise the society through IED attacks. He was also involved in fundraising activities for IS,” the NIA said. He exchanged explosive materials with Syed Yasin on the instructions of his online handler. After the arrest of Yasin & others in the Shivamogga IS Conspiracy case in September 2022, he absconded. He forged identity documents, used fraudulently obtained SIM cards and bank accounts for terror financing, and frequently changed mobile phones to destroy evidence.

According to the NIA, Shariq had set up a hideout in Mysuru, procured IED raw materials and conducted reconnaissance of sensitive target places across Mangaluru, Davanagare, and Udupi areas of Karnataka. In November 2022, he carried a Pressure Cooker IED in an auto rickshaw with the intent to plant it at a temple in Mangaluru. However, the IED exploded prematurely, injuring Shariq and another person, who later filed a complaint with the police.

A case was registered by the Karnataka Police, which led to the seizure of a large quantity of IED raw materials from the accused’s hideout in Mysuru. Later, the NIA took over the case and arrested two individuals, which led to the exposure of a larger ISIS module involved in an anti-India conspiracy. The investigation into the conspiracy is underway.

Multiple sentences ordered by the Special NIA court

While the special NIA court in Bengaluru sentenced Mohamed Shariq to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment, it handed him down multiple sentences for various offences committed under different laws. The court ordered the substantial sentences to run concurrently.

The court granted Mohamed Shariq 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment each for the offences of conspiracy, waging war against India, attempted murder, and causing grievous hurt under Sections 120B, 121A, 122, 307, and 326 of the Indian Penal Code.

It convicted Shariq of the offences of forgery and using forged documents under Sections 465 and 471 of the IPC and sentenced him to 2 years’ rigorous imprisonment. The court also convicted him of the offences of committing terrorist acts, funding, conspiracy, and membership/support of a terrorist organisation under Sections 16(b), 17, 18, 20, 38, 39, 40 of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) and granted him 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment for each offence.

Mohamed Shariq was also convicted by the special NIA court under Sections 3(a) and 5(a) of the Explosive Substances Act and was granted 10 years of rigorous imprisonment. In addition to that, a total of ₹92,000 fine was imposed on Shariq, and if he fails to pay the amount, he will have to undergo rigorous imprisonment ranging from one month to six months for each offence.

All the 10-year rigorous imprisonment sentences granted to Shariq will run concurrently. The period of imprisonment already undergone by him will be set off against the total 10-year rigorous imprisonment period under Section 428 of the Cr.P.C.

The Mangaluru Cooker Blast

On November 19, 2022, an explosive being carried by Shariq in an autorickshaw in Mangaluru exploded in his lap. The explosion caused by a timer error left him with severe burn injuries. He was admitted to a hospital for treatment. After being discharged from the hospital, he was arrested by the NIA.

On April 20, 2024, Shariq denied all the criminal charges framed against him. Later, in December 2025, he changed his stance and filed an application under Section 229 of the CrPC, pleading guilty to all the charges. His application was accepted by the court on March 26, 2026.

Mohamed Shariq is suspected of being a part of an Islamic State-inspired terror outfit operating from Shivamogga and has been involved in many incidents since 2020. He is accused of providing training for manufacturing IEDs and is wanted in the Shivamogga IS Conspiracy case filed in September 2022 for the testing of IEDs. He sent cryptocurrency funds to co-accused Syed Yasin to help build and test explosive devices.

Notably, the members of the Shivamogga module were also involved in the Rameshwaram Cafe blast in Bengaluru, which happened on March 1, 2024. The IED used in the blast was said to be similar to the one Shariq carried in the Mangaluru blast. Besides, key accused in that case include Mussavir Hussain and Abdul Matheen Taha, both linked to the same network.

Preventing demographic change, ending corruption, preserving Hindu identity and more: Decoding BJP’s strategy to counter TMC in West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election

Dibakar Dutta
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Preventing demographic change, ending corruption, preserving Hindu identity and more: Decoding BJP’s strategy to counter TMC in West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election

The Pishi-Bhaipo regime of Mamata and Abhishek Banerjee has set West Bengal back decades. Once, the slogan of ‘Maa Mati Manush‘ evoked hope and prosperity. Today, it is a constant reminder of a corrupt government, which weaponised appeasement politics and drastic demographic shifts to remain in power for 15 years.

While many might believe that there is no respite in sight, we must remember that no one is invincible in politics. At one time, it was unimaginable to shake the foundation of the Left regime in West Bengal. By the 2021 West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election, the party that had ruled Bengal for 34 years was reduced to 0 seats. Change is inevitable, but the question is when?

It is not a hidden fact that West Bengal remains one of the last frontiers for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). While the party has gone from 3 seats in 2016 to 77 in the 2021 Vidhan Sabha election, the BJP needs at least 148 seats to form the government in the State. The Trinamool Congress is faced with the imminent challenge of anti-incumbency, coupled with the public angst against the Pishi-Bhaipo regime.

Concerns over growing corruption, unemployment, economic downturn, Bangladeshi infiltration, Muslim appeasement and systematic erasure of Hindu identity and culture have shoved the TMC against the wall. The iron is hot to strike!

A party like the BJP, with political heavyweights such as Narendra Modi and Amit Shah at the helm of affairs, understands it better than anyone. This is why a 4-pronged strategy has been adopted to change the destiny of West Bengal this time.

Preserving voter integrity and preventing demographic change

It has been a long-held belief that Mamata was unfairly winning Vidhan Sabha elections in Bengal with the help of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. While the concerns remained, nothing was done to fix the situation. All of that changed in 2025 with the rollout of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in the State. So far, 91 lakh names have been removed.

Without the SIR, an additional 91 lakh ineligible votes would have been polled in favour of the Trinamool Congress supremo. The preservation of voter integrity has been a key election issue for the public. The BJP has been upfront in holding the sanctity of the voter list and preventing Bangladeshi infiltrators from participating in the Indian electoral process.

At the same time, the party has been unfettered in its strong stance on stopping illegal immigration by securing the border. The BJP has also brought to the public limelight how the TMC refused to provide land for border fencing to the Border Security Force (BSF).

It has assured Bengali Hindus, who have faced the brunt of exodus, political violence and religious ostracism in Muslim-majority areas of Murshidabad and Malda, that all efforts will be made to protect Bengal from turning into Bangladesh.

Upholding Hindu identity and culture

The rabid appeasement politics of Mamata Banerjee in favour of milk-yielding cows (a term she used for Muslims in 2019) have left Bengali Hindus fending for themselves. Her preferential treatment (doles for Imams, making Urdu the second language of Bengal, shifting Durga Puja visarjan timings to accommodate Muharram processions) has miffed the majority Hindu community.

The deliberate inaction of Mamata’s police and administration in the case of religiously motivated riots in Murshidabad and Malda has even led to the exodus of Hindus to Assam. The BJP has been empathetic to the cause of these victims and thus has called for Hindu vote consolidation. As they say, “United we stand, divided we fall!”

BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari has integrated Hindu rituals during his campaign in the run-up to the elections. Chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ reverberated during his rallies. Sadhus in saffron robes came out in his support in large numbers.

This is significant at a time when TMC MLAs are singing ‘Kaaba in my heart and Medina in my eyes‘ to woo voters. Adhikari has even ended his campaign by prostrating before Maa Durga and Mahadev. He had only one appeal to the Hindus – “Save Bengal at all costs.”

Welfarism and Economic upliftment

When Mamata Banerjee was elected to power in 2011, Bengalis had high hopes. They were under the impression that she would undo decades of economic ruin caused by the Communist regime and usher the State into a new era of economic development. However, none of those aspirations took the shape of reality.

Even after 15 years, West Bengal continues to suffer from large-scale unemployment, economic instability, a high debt-to-GDP ratio and a lack of quality jobs. Welfare schemes have thus become the go-to means of survival for many people in the State. The TMC regime has ensured that millions of voters are directly dependent on it for monthly doles.

Unlike the 2016 and 2021 Vidhan Sabha elections, the BJP has decided to beat Mamata in her own game of ‘subsidies’ and ‘honorariums.’ In its manifesto, the party has assured to pay ₹3,000 per month to women. It is double the amount that the TMC regime pays to women through its Lakshmir Bhandar scheme.

The BJP has promised a similar pay to unemployed youths and a 1-time grant of ₹50000 for unmarried female students who enroll into undergraduate courses. Moreover, it has offered financial assistance of ₹21000 for pregnant women from poor families. The BJP has assured to pay farmers ₹9000 annually and increase the Minimum Support Price (MSP) for paddy.

The party has gone even further to make bus travel free for all women in Bengal, ensure the implementation of the AYushman Bharat scheme, implement the 7th Pay Commission for all government employees and generate 1 crore jobs till 2031. All of these announcements are going to be a game-changer in the West Bengal election.

Crusade against the corruption of the Mamata regime

Ever since it came to power, the TMC regime has been involved in large-scale scams, defrauding poor and vulnerable sections of society. TMC leaders have been involved in the Rose Valley scam, the teachers’ recruitment scam, the Sharda scam, the cow-smuggling scam, tab scam and even a coal scam.

Never in the history of Bengal did government employees lose their permanent jobs until, of course, Mamata made it possible in April 2025. Due to gross irregularities that took place under her watch, a whopping 25,573 teachers and non-teaching staff lost their government jobs.

The fraud perpetrated by her regime in the guise of social engineering has led to the cancellation of OBC certificates. TMC’s culture of corruption has enabled its Ministers to grow their assets and wealth disproportionate to their known sources of income. We all recall the large stacks of cash (roughly about ₹50 crores) recovered from the residence of Partha Chatterjee’s friend.

The middle-class Bengalis are frustrated with the abuse of power and loot by the TMC regime. While Pishi puts up a show of being humble (has an Apple iPhone, Apple watch, Whoop band, gold earrings and more) in a white saree and chappal, her Bhaipo’s name has been shrouded in scams.

Isn’t it ironic? A common man from Bengal has to leave his ageing parents in the State to find a livelihood in other parts of India, while Abhishek Banerjee can financially enrich himself by living in the heart of West Bengal.

Corruption is thus a big issue in Bengal, and the BJP has vowed to eradicate it once it comes to power.

As India battles heatwave, opposition and left liberals find a way to blame PM Modi: Here is why their political propaganda melts before facts

Rukma Rathore
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As India battles heatwave, opposition and left liberals find a way to blame PM Modi: Here is why their political propaganda melts before facts

India is accustomed to a scorching sun, and several cities are already witnessing the onset of a blistering summer. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has declared heatwave conditions in 11 states and union territories, including Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.

Nonetheless, this phenomenon is not limited to India as the opposition and its ecosystem are attempting to suggest because thermometers have shown spikes across the globe at the same time. The extreme conditions have been related to a number of factors, some human-driven and a lot more of natural phenomena.

The situation is further aggravated by an evolving Super El Nino, which releases additional heat from the ocean into the atmosphere, as scientists look into events in the Pacific Ocean that might spike global temperatures and shatter records in the next year. More importantly, the intense heat currently gripping the Indian plains is a component of a broader pattern that began 6 weeks ago in North Asia, Siberia.

Meanwhile, a number of stakeholders convened in early April to establish a new platform, South Asia Hub of the Global Heat Health Information Network (GHHIN), to promote cooperation and creativity to confront the massive challenge as mercury levels soar not only in India but throughout the subcontinent. It will partner with the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology (IITM) and the India Meteorological Department. The goal is to devise a common regional framework for converting climate data into health interventions.

The world is battling with these changes and is in search of solutions. On the other hand, the Indian opposition and left liberals are actively engaged in their usual tactic of blaming the Modi government using nonsensical arguments.

The detractors invent creatively ridiculous excuses to blame the Modi government

‘Epic Maps’ uploaded a weather map illustrating the climbing temperature in India, framing it as an unusual occurrence confined to India, while conveniently excluding that the country and its neighbour Pakistan, as well as Yemen and other nations in the Indian Ocean Region, like Thailand, Myanmar, etc., showed a spike in temperature

Congress leader Srinivas BV took advantage of the half-truth and, in a clear demonstration of both unfettered hatred and stupidity, alleged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was responsible for it.

Full-time mutton biryani connoisseur and part-time PETA (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals) activist Diya Mirza amplified a post charging PM Modi with snatching tribal territories and accelerating the destruction of forests through the Forest Conservation Amendment Act of 2023.

Karbari Ansari declared that PM Modi is indifferent to the burning heat and the climate change. “He only wants to engage in Hindu Muslim politics and get votes by spreading hatred. It doesn’t matter to him if the public dies from the heat or falls into a pit and dies. ​He just wants to win the election nothing else matters,” the Congress party man alleged.

The centre headed by the Bharatiya Janata Party has addressed this issue through various pivotal measures, including a substantial increase in the dense forest cover, a commitment to achieving net-zero emissions by 2070 and a strong promotion of renewable energy. Nevertheless, the true pioneers of communal politics do not depend on facts.

According to Gaurav Pandhi, secretary of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC), PM Modi is primarily concerned with winning elections by instigating divisions in the society, which is his only focus. He stressed that the situation was considerably better under the Congress government as it actively tried to deal with these problems. Pandhi added that the saffron party has failed in this regard, and their poll promises, such as 100 smart cities, were merely intended to gain votes but never meant to be honoured.

“Educator” Dinesh Wadera asserted that this is a consequence of PM Modi’s “concrete” initiatives, insinuating that infrastructure growth and drives to ensure that the poor have proper houses is somehow a grave mistake the Modi government committed.

Sudhir Yadav claimed that the government has taken over tribal lands, waters and forests, transferring them to businessman Gautam Adani. Consequently, millions of trees have been cut, contributing to India becoming one of the hottest countries globally, with 95 out of 100 cities enduring extreme heatwaves. He remarked, “This model of destruction in the name of development is Modi’s biggest achievement.”

What is the truth behind the charges

India is undoubtedly prone to hot weather, which is triggered by a multitude of interrelated determinants. Heat is trapped close to the surface by meteorological elements, including low winds, high-pressure systems and a shortage of cloud cover. A “heat dome” that has confined hot air over the Indo-Gangetic plains and eastern India is also a critical cause. This year, the western disturbances that bring rain to plains and snow to slopes have also become less frequent and weaker.

However, the left-liberal lobby is preoccupied with rumour mongering and attacking PM Modi instead of discussing the actual explanations for the present condition. Likewise, it is equally false to contend that India is warming faster than the globe. The nation’s average surface temperature has risen slowly relative to the global figures owing to many factors. It was reiterated in research conducted by Harvard University’s Salata Institute.

Pollution produces aerosols, which scatter sunlight and lower solar surface radiation. They serve as the atmosphere above South Asia’s reflective shield. The Indo-Gangetic plain’s over-agriculture is another major contributor. The area is mostly utilised for agriculture because of the fertility of the plain. Large-scale irrigation has resulted from this, which boosts evapotranspiration and acts as a form of cooling blanket over the plains.

The elevation has been particularly marked at higher latitudes, especially near the poles, because of heat transfer from the tropics via atmospheric circulation systems and the pre-existing lower temperatures at these latitudes. India is situated closer to the equator in the tropical zone, where such geographical events do not occur.

The landmass of India is not homogeneous, with prominent regional differences in temperature modification. Due to local climate and terrain, some regions incur greater warming, but the national average spike in temperature continues to be low.

Moreover, the pre-monsoon season, which runs from March to May, is the hottest time of year in nearly all of South Asia. Heat waves and other extreme weather conditions are frequent at this time.

Which region of the world is seeing the most significant increase

The Copernicus Climate Change Service’s ERA5 dataset showed that since the mid-1990s, Europe has warmed by about 0.53°C per ten years, making it the fastest-rising continent. The Arctic is warming even more swiftly, by about 0.69°C every ten years.

On the contrary, large portions of the Indian subcontinent have a far more stable trend, commonly between 0 and 0.2°C each decade, while the Arctic, Europe and portions of the Middle East exhibit warming rates as high as 0.6°C to 1.5°C per decade. X handle @allindiaweather has explained the phenomenon in a viral thread. It also discussed how the claims of India’s declining green cover are false, because data over the years has shown an increasing trend of green cover in the country.

Global warming has been traditionally linked to the growing frequency of extreme heatwaves in recent decades. Blocking over the North Atlantic is linked to the first kind of heatwave over north-central India. “The blocking over North Atlantic results in a cyclonic anomaly west of North Africa at upper levels. The stretching of vorticity generates a Rossby wave source of anomalous Rossby waves near the entrance of the African Jet. The resulting quasi-stationary Rossby wave-train along the Jet has a positive phase over Indian subcontinent, causing anomalous sinking motion and thereby heatwave conditions over India,” highlighted “Anatomy of Indian heatwaves”, a research article in Nature.

The abnormal Matsuno-Gill response to the anomalous cooling in the Pacific is responsible for the second type of heatwave across coastal eastern India. Heatwaves are prompted by the Matsuno-Gill response, which reduces the land-sea breeze by producing northwesterly anomalies over the continent.

Conclusion

India is tackling with a serious problem that is raising concerns and needs a consistent and dedicated approach. However, the responses of the opposition and its supporters are politically inclined and are devoid of any genuine recommendation or critiques. They are simply attempting to unjustly attack PM Modi and the current government to score political points instead of focusing on the underlying issues. This is the manner in which they have behaved each time the nation faced a major event, and this time is no exception.

The climate realities of the world are not going to change with changing governments.

Bengal needs a regime change: Decades of Communist rule and 3-terms of Mamata govt have taken the state on a rapid decline across all sectors

Debraj B
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Bengal needs a regime change: Decades of Communist rule and 3-terms of Mamata govt have taken the state on a rapid decline across all sectors

‘Somewhere between living and dreaming, there is Kolkata’

When we talk of a 4,000 year-old civilization that flourished between Ganges and Brahmaputra, that once held the keys to ‘Silk Route’ commercial hub, and that saw luminaries arise during the Renaissance of 19th and 20th Centuries, we speak of a Bengal that was once the doyen of Indian culture and trade. In 1960, 2 of the 3 richest States in India happened to be Maharashtra and West Bengal, with former’s per capita income about 5% lower. Back then, the State had a vibrant manufacturing sector too. 

Then, CPI(M) happened. 

By 1993, Bengal’s per capita had fallen almost 35% below that of Maharashtra. 2 states, similar geographies, almost similar population, and alike business opportunities; however, the divergence in growth got stark. The State’s share in manufacturing also fell from 22% to 15% (1970 – 1993), while Maharashtra’s notched up remarkably. Violent politics, vested use of State power and institutions by CPI(M) had led to the undoing. 

When TMC stormed into power in 2011 on the back of severe anti-incumbency and the more immediate Singur episode, citizens heaved a sigh of relief. Bengal CM was quick to promise that Kolkata will soon be like London.

Headline in 2011, Deccan Herald

The closest that the State came to that promise was the installation of a look-alike of the famed Big Ben clock that adorns London’s northern end of the Houses of Parliament. Progress made.

Sectoral performance

Physical infrastructure: Share of State expenditure on physical infrastructure declined from an already low of 5.27% in 2018-19 to 2.95% in 2022-23. Reasons have been the TMC government’s poor maintenance of existing infrastructure, corruption within bureaucracy, and administrative hurdles. 

Roads infrastructure had already seen leakages under 34 years rule of CPI(M). That got exacerbated with the arrival of TMC. In 2013, a section of Ultadanga flyover collapsed. 3 years later, a section of an under-construction bridge in Girish Park crumbled. On 31st March 2016, the under-construction Vivekananda flyover caved in, leading to loss of 26 lives. The collapse of Majerhat bridge followed in 2018. Bribes and cut money by ruling dispensation from contractors have been blamed for the poor state of infrastructure in the State. 

Water quality has been a serious issue for households in Bengal, in particular access to clean drinking water. In 2019, only 1.22% of households had tap water connections. The rapid decline of groundwater level in Kolkata and S-24 Pgs in particular has pressed the alarm button, with Kolkata experiencing a 2.1 m decrease (18.6%) and S-24 Pgs a 2.5 m decline (27.8%). While these are alarming figures, unchecked withdrawals of water from residential areas in Kolkata and agricultural sectors in districts have only aggravated the situation. 

The levels of pesticides and toxins in drinking water have also been found at above-permissible levels. The commoners are to bear the consequential health hazards of this.

Source: The Hindu

Poor sanitation has plagued Bengal for a long time. In the Swachh Survekshan Awards for 2023, 4,447 urban local bodies participated, and over 12 crore responses from citizens were received from across India. Howrah was declared the dirtiest city in India, and more strikingly, all 10 dirtiest cities having a population exceeding 1 lakh were voted from Bengal. 

Social Infrastructure: 

Healthcare has been a sore point for TMC government. Poor recruitment policies has led to dearth of skilled healthcare professionals, compounded further by inadequate training. This has left citizens at the mercy of a struggling healthcare in the State.

Rural Health Statistics 2021-22 mentioned that while WB has 915 Public Healthcare Centres (PHCs), only 229 out of them, which is a paltry 25%, were functioning on a 24 X 7 basis. 13,194 sub-centres had been sanctioned, but only 10,357 are in place, marking a shortfall of 22%. The story is equally grim for Community Healthcare Centres (CHCs), with 348 out of a total of 542 sanctioned being active (36% shortfall). As per guidelines, one PHC for 30,000 population is to be present, whereas in Bengal, one PHC covers around 50,000 population. That is a staggering loophole in the State’s healthcare system!   

Cases of poor people dying on roads due to poor infrastructure have repeatedly maligned the State’s once-glorious image of having robust health infrastructure. 

10th Dec 2023 proved a Black day for the State’s health infrastructure, as 14 children died in 3 days in Berhampur’s medical college hospital in Murshidabad district. With construction work going at Jangipur Subdivision Hospital, babies were shifted from SNCU (Special Newborn Care Unit) to Murshidabad Medical College, which put stress on the already shaky infrastructure at the College, leading to the terrible deaths. 

The National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) had thrown up some concerning statistics about Bengal’s healthcare too. It reported that 32.4% of children under 5 were underweight. More alarming is the fact that 72.1% of children aged 6 to 59 months were anaemic. The survey also showed that 66.7% of pregnant women aged 15 – 49 were anaemic, and 77.6% of all women aged 15 – 49 were anaemic. 

Dengue has been another ailing point for the State. For 2025, nearly 2,500 cases were recorded till July, with 1,000 cases nearabouts being recorded in just one month.

Health insurance is a key instrument for the middle, lower-middle class, and poor/vulnerable sections of society to manage rising healthcare costs. In 2019, Bengal took a decision to move away from the Centre’s Ayushman Bharat scheme, putting 60 lakh families in jeopardy. While Ayushman Bharat covered almost 1.11 Crore, or 55% of the State’s families, Swasthya Sathi had a coverage of just 50 lakh families. On such a flimsy point as having only PM’s picture on the insurance letters and not her too, Bengal CM moved away9 from Centre’s much-helpful scheme! That was a case of avoidable politics to downscore Center, all the while being oblivious to the mammoth heathcare needs of its poor citizens.   

One other practical challenge of the Swasthya Sathi scheme is the very low rates for treatments and surgeries of patients under the scheme, which has led to reluctance of a lot of private hospitals in the State to empanel themselves with this scheme. Also, reimbursement of bills raised by hospitals to the State Government usually takes around 21 days, which increases to 45 or 60 days at times. These deter private hospitals from joining the scheme. 

The horrific rape and murder of a 31-year-old trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata on 9th August, 2024, had sparked widespread outrage and protest across medical and civil fraternities all over India. While on one hand, the case brought to the fore an acute lack of safety for women, it also highlighted a rampant net of corruption in healthcare colleges and facilities in the State, which often function under the blessings of the State’s political leadership. 

Education sector

The education sector in Bengal has seen a steady decline over the last decade and a half. In 2023, about 6.99 lakh candidates appeared for Class X Madhyamik (Board) exam, marking a 36% drop from 2022. 

State gov in 2024 had directed the shutdown of 8,207 primary and secondary schools, which comprised almost 10% of government-controlled schools. Notable to point out that between 2012 and 2022, around 7,000 schools had vanished in the State. The State has also been missing on the Central funds as it is yet to join the PM Schools for Rising India (PM-SHRI) Scheme. 

School dropout rates for the State at the secondary level are at 2X the national average, which is worrisome. This gets more concerning as we figure the downward slide Y-o-Y. In 2022-23, the dropout rate was 6.6% for boys and 4% for girls. In 2024-25, those figures have shot up to 23% for boys and 17.8% for girls.

Bengal needs to analyze why the ‘Funnel Collapse’ from upper primary to higher secondary is so stark. 

(Source: UDISE + Booklets for 2024-25)

The problem is compounded by the fact that a lot of teaching posts go vacant. In 2022, it was found that 13,842 posts of teachers in Classes X and XII, and 5,527 posts in XI and XII were lying vacant. Teachers’ recruitment has been a point of contention for the State too. Recruitment in primary, upper primary, and secondary has been under question with allegations of corrupt practices and nepotism. On 22nd April, 2024, the Kolkata High Court had ordered cancellation of 25,753 teachers and non-teaching staff made through State Level Selection Test – 2016 (SLST) in Govt-sponsored and aided schools, declaring the process as “null and void”. 

The fangs of corruption have reached nutritional schemes like mid-day meals, too. 

Looking ahead

Tagore had once yearned for ‘Banglar mati, Banglar jol’ to get sanctified under the blessings of the Supreme. As Bengal gears up to send legislators to it’s 294 member Assembly yet again, it is time to revisit those words. 4th May will decide if the State’s skyline gets smeared with green ‘abir’ yet again, or it will be saffron laddoos all the way, with a dash of ‘jhal muri’ alongside!  

Congress govt in Karnataka moves to implement sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes, two years after the Supreme Court’s order

Shriti Sagar
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Congress govt in Karnataka moves to implement sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes, two years after the Supreme Court’s order

The Congress government in Karnataka has moved to implement sub-categorisation within the Scheduled Caste (SC) quota, with the state Cabinet approving the decision on Friday, 24th April. The move marks a policy shift in how reservation benefits are distributed among different SC communities in the state.

Chief Minister Siddaramaiah described the decision as a “historic” step, saying it aims to address long-standing demands from various communities. The Cabinet approved a revised internal reservation formula of 5.25%: 5.25%: 4.5% within the existing 15% quota for Scheduled Castes. The decision was taken unanimously, based on the recommendations of a technical committee led by the Chief Secretary.

How the sub-categorisation will work

Under the new arrangement, the government has divided the 101 sub-castes within the Scheduled Castes into three main groups. The formula they settled on is 5.25%: 5.25%: 4.5%. Here is how it breaks down:

  • Group A (SC Left): This group, which includes the Madiga community and allied castes, has been allocated 5.25%.
  • Group B (SC Right): The Holeya community and allied groups have also been given 5.25%.
  • Group C (Others & Nomadic): This category includes the Bhovi, Lambani, Koracha, and Korma communities, along with 59 Alemari (nomadic) castes, receiving a total of 4.5%.

This replaces the earlier 6:6:5 formula that had been proposed but ran into legal and procedural hurdles. The revised percentages have been adjusted to ensure compliance with the Supreme Court-mandated 50% cap on total reservations.

At the same time, however, the government has decided to open up competition among all 101 SC castes in the state for all categories, especially those for the higher posts of assistant professors and assistant engineers. Officials said this move will also facilitate the quick filling up of more than 56,000 vacancies in various departments of the state government.

Legal challenges and policy adjustments

Earlier attempts at sub-categorisation faced legal hurdles when the total percentage of reservations in the state went beyond 50%, with the combined reservations for SCs and STs being around 56%.

Previously, a single-person committee chaired by retired High Court Justice H.N. Nagamohan Das had proposed a wide categorisation scheme ranging from Group A to E. Even though the government had implemented the committee’s suggestions into a law, there was some confusion regarding the roster system. Moreover, litigation was filed in the court by the Alemari caste group.

The current cabinet resolution aims to resolve the above issues through sub-categorisation within the legal framework.

Supreme Court judgment opens the door

The Karnataka government’s move comes in the backdrop of a landmark judgment by the Supreme Court on 1st August, 2024. In a 6-1 majority ruling, a seven-judge bench led by the then Chief Justice of India, D.Y. Chandrachud, declared that states have the power to sub-classify Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes based on levels of backwardness.

This judgment overturned the earlier 2004 ruling in the E.V. Chinnaiah case, which had treated SCs as a single, homogeneous group that could not be divided further for reservation purposes.

The Supreme Court basically said that the “Scheduled Caste” list isn’t a single, uniform block. History shows that some groups within that list have remained much more backward than others. 

The court held that sub-classification does not violate Article 14 (right to equality) or Article 341 of the Constitution. The judges even argued that sub-classification actually helps fulfil the promise of equality under Article 14 of the Constitution. 

Justice B.R. Gavai, the only Dalit judge on the bench, also underlined that the benefits of reservation have not reached all sections equally, and that more disadvantaged groups may require targeted support.

What sub-categorisation means in practice

The Supreme Court’s ruling has given states greater flexibility to design reservation policies that address internal inequalities within SC and ST communities. The idea behind sub-categorisation is to ensure that benefits do not remain concentrated among relatively better-off groups within these categories.

In practical terms, by allowing sub-categorisation, the court is trying to ensure that the “creamy layer” (those who have already advanced significantly) doesn’t corner all the opportunities, leaving nothing for the most disadvantaged. However, the court also warned that this shouldn’t be done for political reasons. States must have empirical data, hard facts and figures, to prove that certain sub-groups are actually under-represented before they can change the quotas.

However, the issue remains sensitive, as it involves balancing competing demands within already marginalised communities. Questions around fairness, representation, and implementation continue to be debated.

A long history of legal debate over sub categorisation

The debate over sub-categorisation has a long legal history. It all started back in 1975 when the Punjab government tried to reserve half of its SC quota specifically for the Balmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs, who were seen as the most deprived. 

This move was challenged, leading to the 2004 E.V. Chinnaiah judgment, where the Supreme Court blocked such efforts, saying only the President (under Article 341) could define the SC list and states couldn’t tinker with it.

For years, this 2004 ruling acted like a “stop sign” for any state trying to implement internal quotas. 

But the pressure continued to build. In 2014, a smaller bench of the Supreme Court felt the Chinnaiah ruling might be wrong and referred the matter to a larger bench. 

This eventually led to the case of State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, in which a seven-judge bench delivered its verdict in August 2024, effectively reversing the earlier position and allowing sub-classification.

The central issue has been whether all SC communities are equally placed or whether some remain more disadvantaged than others despite existing reservation policies. The Supreme Court ruling has tilted the balance in favour of recognising these internal differences.

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