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Allahabad High Court links live-in relationships to exploitation in “False Marriage Promise” case, says it is against middle-class norms

OpIndia Staff
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Allahabad High Court links live-in relationships to exploitation in “False Marriage Promise” case, says it is against middle-class norms

In a significant observation during a bail hearing, the Allahabad High Court commented on the concept of live-in relationships. The court stated that live-in goes against the “established laws” of middle-class society. The court also expressed concern over the rising number of cases involving the exploitation of women under the guise of false marriage promises.

Justice Siddhartha of the Allahabad High Court was hearing the bail petition of accused Shan-e-Alam. Alam faces charges under multiple sections of the IPC and the POCSO Act. The allegations state that Alam established a physical relationship with a young woman after promising marriage, but later refused to marry her.

Court critiques live-in relationships

While granting bail, Justice Siddhartha made strong remarks about live-in relationships. He observed that the “concept of live-in relationships is against the established laws of middle-class society.” Furthermore, the court stated that such relationships disproportionately harm women.

“The men move on and even marry after such relationships end, but women find it difficult to find a partner after a breakup,” the court noted, highlighting the perceived societal imbalance in consequences.

During the hearing, the victim’s lawyer argued that the accused’s actions had “ruined the woman’s entire life” and that “no one would be willing to marry her now.” After taking note of these arguments, the court observed that live-in relationships have had the “greatest impact on the younger generation” and that their “adverse consequences are evident in existing cases like the present one.

Previous judgements given by the courts

In 2024 in a judgement, The Bombay High Court quashed a rape FIR against a 73-year-old man, ruling his 31-year sexual relationship with the complainant was consensual. The court noted she participated willingly, knew he was married, and never alleged he promised to divorce his wife.

This aligns with established Supreme Court precedents (Deepak Gulati, Dhruvaram Sonar, Uday) and recent High Court rulings (Orissa, Kerala, Karnataka, Calcutta). Courts consistently distinguish between:

•Consensual sex between adults, even based on a genuine but later broken marriage promise, which is not rape.
•Rape via deception, occurring only if there was a deliberately false promise from the outset made solely to obtain sex.

False accusations after relationship breakdowns are seen as misuse of law, causing harassment and undermining genuine rape cases. Consent, freely given without force or initial fraud, is paramount.

Managing crash site to analysing blackbox data in own lab: India’s Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau handling AI-171 crash probe entirely in the country

ANI
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Managing crash site to analysing blackbox data in own lab: India’s Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau handling AI-171 crash probe entirely in the country

The Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau (AAIB) Lab in New Delhi, is currently working intensively to examine data retrieved from the black boxes of Air India Flight AI-171, which crashed in Ahmedabad earlier this month.

According to the Ministry of Civil Aviation, the Crash Protection Module (CPM) from the front black box was safely retrieved, and on June 25, 2025, the memory module was successfully accessed and its data downloaded at the AAIB Lab. Sources familiar with the process told ANI that an identical black box, referred to as a “golden chassis,” was used to confirm whether data could be accurately recovered from the black boxes. One black box was recovered from the rooftop of a building at the crash site on June 13, and the other from the debris on June 16.

The investigation is being led by AAIB officials and includes technical members from the Indian Air Force, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), and the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) from the United States, which is the official investigative agency of the country of the aircraft’s design and manufacture. The Director General of AAIB is heading the probe. An aviation medicine expert and an Air Traffic Control officer have also been included in the investigation team. Sources confirmed that the NTSB team is currently stationed in Delhi and working closely with Indian authorities at the AAIB Lab. Officials from Boeing and GE are also present in the national capital to assist with the technical process.

India, as a signatory to the ICAO Chicago Convention of 1944, is following all international rules and procedures as per ICAO Annex 13 and the Aircraft (Investigation of Accidents and Incidents) Rules, 2017. The investigation is being conducted in a fully transparent and time-bound manner, in line with global norms.

Before the crash of Air India Flight AI-171, AAIB used to send black boxes of damaged aircraft and, in some cases, even helicopters to overseas decoding centres in countries like the UK, USA, France, Italy, Canada, and Russia. Indian labs earlier lacked the equipment and dedicated facility to retrieve black box data from serious aviation accidents. That has now changed, and the AAIB Lab in Delhi is fully equipped to decode both Cockpit Voice Recorders (CVR) and Flight Data Recorders (FDR) within the country.

A source told ANI that although AAIB was formed in 2012 to investigate major aviation accidents, it remained under-equipped and limited in its functioning until 2017. It was only after the Central Government, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative, pushed for the development of home-grown technology in defence, aviation, and other strategic sectors that AAIB began to receive advanced tools and technical upgrades. As a result, India is now decoding black boxes of a major air crash within the country for the first time.

In earlier crashes, black box decoding was mostly done abroad. In the 1996 Charkhi Dadri crash, black boxes were decoded by IAC in Moscow and the CVR in Farnborough, UK. In the 2010 Mangalore crash, recorders were repaired and decoded by the NTSB in the US. In the 2015 Delhi crash, decoding was done at the engineering lab of Canada’s Transportation Safety Board. In the 2020 Kozhikode crash, the CVR and FDR were downloaded at DGCA’s flight recorder facility, but the data was processed with help from the NTSB.

Such dependence often led to concerns about delays and the credibility of investigations. But now, with the AI-171 crash investigation being carried out entirely in India, supported by international cooperation and equipped with advanced tools, this marks a major milestone in India’s aviation safety journey. Officials believe this will lead to faster, more transparent investigations and strengthen public trust in India’s ability to handle major air accidents independently.

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

Prashant Kishor is misleading, Norway and Sweden are heavily industrialised nations, and Bihar needs industries too

Aditi
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Prashant Kishor is misleading, Norway and Sweden are heavily industrialised nations, and Bihar needs industries too

Election strategist and the founder of the Jan Suraj Party, Prashant Kishor, recently claimed in an interview with ANI, that industrialisation of Bihar will not stop migration of locals seeking employment opportunities in other states. Ironically, to back his statement, Kishor cited countries like Finland, Sweden and Norway, claiming that these countries do not have any major industries and yet they have highly developed economies. “Industrialisation will not prevent migration,” Kishor claimed.

“In an economy like Bihar, no big industrial parks can be set up. Firstly, we are landlocked, and, secondly, we have more population density. In the first phase, we have to boost up our education and service sectors, we have to provide good education to kids, and we have to provide more resources in the hands of people so that people are able to do something on their own. People here (in Bihar) are industrious and hard working,” Kishor added implying that industries can only be set up in coastal states.

He claimed that setting up a few industries will not solve the problem of migration in Bihar. “Migration from Bihar will stop when people have access to education along with resources and a conducive environment to work,” said Kishor, adding that this is the idea of a welfare economy. He didn’t say where the jobs are to come from, if not from industries.

When prodded by the interviewer, Kishore offered a bizarre logic. He said, In Delhi, most workers doing construction work are from Bihar. When Bihar has money, these people won’t have to come to Delhi, they would do building fittings, plasterings and other work right there in Bihar.

At this point the interviewer Naveen Kapoor interrupted Kishore, highlighting that not just construction workers, but many high level professionals in every company are also from Bihar. However, Kishore was fixed in his narrative. He insisted that an Adani putting up a factory in Bihar won’t help the people, because there will only be a limited number of jobs available. Instead, the state should focus on education and agriculture, as per Kishore. But he offered no explanation as to where would the jobs come from to employ all these ‘educated’ people.

Why Kishor is wrong about industrialisation in Bihar

While Kishor rightly pointed out the problem of migration in Bihar, his argument that industrialisation of Bihar will not be able to prevent migration does not hold water. Bihar’s migration problem directly arises from the lack of employment opportunities in the state which has resulted from decades of neglect and throttling of local small-scale industries by previous Congress and RJD governments.

Younger generations, who have known Bihar only as a labour exporting state, might find it hard to believe that the state once had numerous local industries, which not only generated employment but were hubs of local crafts and products. The lack of coastal advantage did not stop Bihar from being one of the most industrialised states of the country a few decades back.

To name a few, there was a thriving muslin industry in Madhubani, clothes industry in Dulalganj and paper industry in Kishanganj. Darbhanga was once the main production centre for ivory products. Areas like Khagaria and Kishanganj were known for brass and bronze utensils. Bhagalpur was famous for silk and Munger for horseshoes, stoves and shoes. Purnia was famous for vermilion production and export along with tent house products. Besides, there also existed glass, cement, tobacco, paper and pulp, blanket, and utensil industries in various districts of the state.

According to a data, out of 6982 registered factories across the whole country in 1951, 455 were in Bihar, which accounted for 6.51% of the registered factories in the whole of India. After independence, there were 56 sugar mills in the whole country. Out of these, 33 were in Bihar in areas including Sakri, Rayam, Lohat.

However, the during the Congress regime in the state, local industries in Bihar gradually died due to adverse policies of the government. The Congress government’s policies like the Freight Equalisation encouraged industrialists to use Bihar’s mineral resources and set up industries outside. The situation worsened during Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Jungle Raj when he openly declared that the agenda of his government is not development but ‘social justice’. The cumulative effect of the policies of the Congress and the RJD governments was that the local industries in the state were entirely uprooted, pushing the state into a dark unending period of poverty.

The primary reason for the migration of people from Bihar is the lack of jobs in the state. Poverty and lack of education further aggravate the problem. Since most of the locals migrating from the state are not educated, they are compelled to work as unskilled, or semi skilled labourers in other states. The scale at which employment generation is required to prevent the outflux of locals from Bihar is only possible through establishment of industries. Therefore, Kishor’s claim that industrialisation will not prevent migration from Bihar is not right. Besides, his logic behind Bihar not being conducive for industrialisation because of being ‘landlocked’ is preposterous as a coastal boundary is not a prerequisite for all kinds of industries. In this age of modern transports, railways and waterways, there is no reason a ‘landlocked’ state should give up on industrialisation and stay undeveloped.

Kishor’s proposal for the development of Bihar was that people should be provided education and ‘resources’ so that they can “do something on their own”. However, he did not explain how his proposed plan is to be implemented and how people with no resources will suddenly have resources to ‘do something on their own.’

The industry-driven economies of Norway, Sweden, Finland and others

To back his argument that industrialisation is not required for creating employment opportunities in Bihar, Prashant Kishor cited the examples of countries like New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Finland and others. He claimed that none of these countries have any major industries and yet these countries are highly developed. Kishor’s claims about these countries not having major industries are entirely false as these countries have thriving industries contributing considerably to their GDPs.

Though none of the countries mentioned by Kishor are comparable to Bihar in terms of population as well as geography, let’s take a look at industrial and manufacturing sectors in these countries and their contribution in their respective economies:

Finland

Finland has highly industrialised economy having a variety of industries like agriculture, manufacturing, refining, and services. Other major sectors in the Finnish industry are chemicals, metal, biotechnology and cleantech. The electronic industry of the country is a key contributor in its economy. Nokia was born in Finland. The country invests generously in research and development which has hugely benefited its electronic industry. Besides, Finland also has robust shipbuilding, motor and chemical industries. Finland’s industry sector contributed to around 24% in the country’s GDP in 2023.

Norway

Norway, which is among the top five countries with highest per capita income, has a variety of major industries, including petroleum/oil production, hydro-power, aquaculture, shipping and tourism. Norway’s industry sector, including manufacturing and construction, contributes approximately 39% to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). After the Middle Eastern countries, Norway is one of the largest oil and gas producers in the world and this industry accounts for almost half of the country’s total exports. Norway also houses some of the biggest names in the shipbuilding and shipping services industry. Companies like Wilhelmsen and DNV are top global players in maritime transport, Norsk Hydro and others are major names in aluminium and renewable energy while Telenor is a major name in the Telecommunications industry.

Sweden

Sweden, one of the richest countries in Europe, is largely dependent on manufacturing. It has diverse industries including agriculture, tourism, and finance. Sweden’s industrial sector, including manufacturing, mining and utilities contributes approximately 18.57% to the country’s GDP in 2023. The country has an export-oriented manufacturing. Automotive sector is the largest sector of manufacturing industry in Sweden, which accounts for about half of the industrial value-added. Swedish automakers like Saab and Volvo are globally recognised. The country also has a developed aerospace sector. Swedish exports of finished goods include engineering products like telecommunication equipment, hydroelectric power plant equipment and cars. Sweden is also a global leader in production of specialty steel and mining, with companies like SSAB and LKAB.

New Zealand

Even though service sector accounts for a large part of New Zealand’s GDP, the country has industries, including agricultural and horticulture sector, mining, and fishing. New Zealand has a rich natural reservoir of natural resources, including deposits of iron ore, silver, coal, gold, and limestone. The important industries in New Zealand, include food processing, metal fabrication, wood and paper products, and aluminium production, apart from a major construction sector. In recent years, New Zealand’s manufacturing industry has accounted for 8-14% of its GDP. Moreover, New Zealand’s population is a mere 5.5 million. Bihar has over 13 crore people, 25-30 times more than New Zealand. Hence, to claim that Bihar does not need industrialisation is not only callous and careless misinformation, but hints at another political campaign based on hollow ideas of ‘socialism’ under the garb of ‘new’ politics.

Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray reunite try to force another “language war” under false claims of “Hindi is compulsory”: Read why it is not and what does NEP say

Rukma Rathore
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Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray reunite try to force another “language war” under false claims of “Hindi is compulsory”: Read why it is not and what does NEP say

It seems that estranged cousins Raj Thackeray and Uddhav Thackeray have been brought back together in a calculated move ahead of the Mumbai civic elections. Sanjay Raut, senior leader of the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), suggested on 27th February that the two leaders would now work together to lead a demonstration against the alleged “imposition” of Hindi in Maharashtra’s school curriculum, hinting at a thaw in their long-running conflict.

Nonetheless, they are consolidating around the borrowed agenda of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), along with other southern politicians and “language warriors,” which has been repeatedly debunked not only by the union ministers and Bharatiya Janata Party leaders but also by the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 itself.

“We are not against any language. We have always respected Hindi. People like us have always valued it. Our party uses Hindi in many ways. But the recent decision to make Hindi compulsory as the third language up to Class 4 under the ‘Three Language Policy’ puts an unnecessary burden on children. It is both an academic and a linguistic issue,” claimed the Rajya Sabha MP.

He conveyed, “Raj Thackeray took a position, and Uddhav Thackeray fully supports the cause. In fact, he has endorsed the 7th July Marathi language agitation and announced: We are with you in this fight.” The Tribhasha Sutra (Three language formula) Anti-Mumbai Coordination Committee had organized a march on 7th July.

“We will not allow the imposition of Hindi as a third language in Marathi and English schools for Classes 1 to 5 in Maharashtra. This is not just an educational issue, it is cultural encroachment.” Uddhav Thackeray also questioned the policy’s constitutional foundation and political intent and demanded an examination of the state’s educational system.

“I urge all Marathi-speaking citizens, actors, athletes, artists, to join us in this fight. We are not against Hindi or any language. Our protest is against the forced imposition of any language on young minds,” he announced following a meeting with coordination committee at Matoshree.

Raut expressed, “It was not good that two separate rallies would be taken out. I discussed with Uddhav and Raj Thackeray. Both Shiv Sena (UBT) and MNS will jointly begin this movement on 5th July. The time and place of the march will be discussed and finalised.”

He disclosed that prior preparations for separate rallies on the same issue on 6th and 7th July had been canceled after talks with Uddhav Thackeray, the head of the Shiv Sena (UBT) and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) supremo Raj Thackeray.

Raj Thackeray got in touch with Raut and suggested that a united protest would have a greater effect and avoid division on this important Marathi identity issue. The latter mentioned, “A united protest will make a bigger impact.” He added, “I informed Uddhav and without a moment’s hesitation, he said that Marathi-speaking people must be seen standing together on this issue.”

“Raj Thackeray agreed immediately. He even called back to say the protest should be kept away from any political agenda and remain focused on the language issue,” he further claimed. The protest march has been set for 5th July to prevent conflict with the celebrations of Ashadi Ekadashi. He wrote, “A united march will take place against the imposition of Hindi in Maharashtra’s schools,” in another post.

“This morning, for our Marathi language, for Maharashtra, and for the Marathi people, a morcha was announced on 6th July. There is a slight change in that plan. The morcha will now take place on Saturday, 5th July at 10 am from Girgaum to Azad Maidan. The location and all other details remain unchanged. Therefore, the media and the people of Maharashtra should take note of this change,” Raj Thackeray declared on social media.

The MNS chief earlier emphasized that the gathering will only be based on Marathi identity and will not include any political flags. “The sole agenda will be Marathi. The leadership of this march will also be by a Marathi person,” he stressed. MNS leader Sandeep Deshpande asserted, “This united morcha will bring significant change in Maharashtra. Sanyukta Maharashtra 2.0 will be remembered because of this march.”

“We demand that no language should be forced. What we have been learning so far should continue. Education should be enhanced, but no language should be forced. Why is it just Hindi? How much do you want to burden the children? Focus on what they are already studying, restructure it a little, make it better,” stated Aaditya Thackeray. 

While Hindi is widely spoken throughout the nation, Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar) head Sharad Pawar argued that young pupils, particularly those in primary school, shouldn’t be required to learn it.

He voiced, “My view is that Hindi should not be made compulsory in primary education. There is no issue with children learning Hindi after Class 5. But we must analyse how many languages a child of a certain age can realistically learn and what linguistic burden that places on them. If the pressure becomes too much and results in the mother tongue being sidelined, then that is not acceptable.”

Why the fearmongering is only for political reasons

The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, which incorporates a three-language approach, was adopted by the Mahayuti government in April. Hindi was initially mandated as a third language, however, it was later made optional. On 16th June the state government issued an order declaring children in Marathi and English-medium schools in Classes 1 through 5 will generally be taught Hindi as a third language.

The government noted that learning Hindi is not necessary but at least 20 students per grade would be needed to provide permission to study any other Indian language in a school.

The concern regarding the imposition of Hindi originated in the southern region, particularly in Tamil Nadu, where the ruling party viewed it as an attack on their language, identity and culture, subsequently declared a war on the central government to protect the state in the name of violation of their rights.

It is interesting to note that members of the Bharatiya Janata Party, including state leaders and union ministers, have repeatedly assured that there is no imposition of any kind on the students. The decision will solely be made by the students and their teachers, as clearly outlined in the policy. However, politicians, for obvious reasons, choose to ignore these facts to advance their propaganda.

Tamil Nadu BJP vice-president K Annamalai brutally exposed the DMK party, whose leaders ensure that their children or grandchildren are enrolled in or manage CBSE/Matriculation schools with three language options but oppose the same in government-run educational institutions.

More importantly, the NEP points out, “The three languages learned by children will be the choices of states, regions, and of course the students themselves, so long as at least two of the three languages are native to India. In particular, students who wish to change one or more of the three languages they are studying may do so in grade 6 or 7, as long as they are able to demonstrate basic proficiency in three languages (including one language of India at the literature level) by the end of secondary school.”

Minister of Education Dharmendra Pradhan communicated with Chief Minister MK Stalin to alleviate his concerns and consistently expressed that their concerns were unfounded. Nevertheless, in a quintessential example of “You can’t wake a person who is pretending to be asleep,” the DMK leaders and their ecosystem persisted in advancing their agenda and even attempted to instigate division within the country under the guise of Tamil pride.

Currently, the Thackeray brothers, along with their parties and the opposition in Maharashtra, appear to have drawn inspiration from the strategy and have embarked on a similar course for mere political advantage. Dadaji Bhuse, the minister of school education, even met with Raj Thackeray to discuss the government’s explanation for the three-language rule.

“We shared the government’s perspective on the policy, but he remains firm in his stand,” the former informed the media. However, akin to the fact that the truth was never important because the movement has been completely political in the south, the situation in Maharashtra mirrors that.

Moreover, it is undeniable that Hindi enjoys significant popularity even in regions where it is not predominantly spoken, serving as a key means of communication across India. Despite the fierce opposition from the alleged “language warriors” in these regions, Hindi is extensively utilized, particularly in interactions with non-native speakers.

Maharashtra is even the home of the billion-dollar Hindi film industry, commonly referred to as Bollywood, where individuals from across India, regardless of their regional and linguistic backgrounds, come together to achieve fame and success.

Now, one might delve into the political discourse and debates surrounding the alleged injustices faced by other languages, however, the current circumstances cannot be overlooked. Hindi is a primary, if not the main, source of communication in the country including many educational institutions.

Nevertheless, this does not imply that there is no room for other languages. India is a nation characterized by its diversities, accommodating all its languages and cultures. Yet, the opposition seems unwilling to grasp the straightforward facts and instead cries discrimination, not due to any real issue, but because they believe that appealing to regional pride will fulfil their petty interests.

However, in their lack of foresight, they disregard the fact that the perils of these contentious political planks far exceed any benefits they could possibly bring. Predictably, the influence of the Mumbai civic polls is prominently reflected in the decision of the Thackeray brothers.

South Kolkata Law college rape case: What we know about the involvement of TMC leader Monojit Mishra and his connection to top netas

Dibakar Dutta
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South Kolkata Law college rape case: What we know about the involvement of TMC leader Monojit Mishra and his connection to top netas

On Thursday (26th June), a leader of the student wing of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) party, identified as Monojit Mishra, was arrested in connection with the gang-rape of a student at the South Calcutta Law College.

Monojit is a former student of the institute and has been the ex-President of the Trinamool Congress Chhatra Parishad (TMCP) at the South Calcutta Law College (as per his Facebook profile).

Monojit Mishra currently serves as the General Secretary of TMCP in the South Kolkata district. Following his arrest, the influential connections of the TMCP leader have surfaced on social media.

Monojit Mishra with Abhishek Banerjee

The rape accused has been seen in the company of several TMC leaders, including TMC MP Abhishek Banerjee (also nephew of party supremo Mamata Banerjee).

He was also spotted alongside Mamata Banerjee’s sister-in-law, Kajari Banerjee. The latter is the Councillor of Ward No. 73 of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation.

Monojit Mishra with Kajari Banerjee

Monojit Mishra was seen meeting the West Bengal CM’s confidante Firhad Hakim in one of the pictures.

Monojit Mishra with Firhad Hakim

He was also seen alongside Chandrima Bhattacharya, who serves as the Minister of State (Independent charge) for Urban Development & Municipal Affairs. She is also the Minister of State for Health & Family Welfare.

Monojit Mishra with Chandrima Bhattacharya

The rape accused was seen ‘offering prayers’ next to Kolkata Dakshin TMC MP, Mala Roy.

Monojit Mishra with Mala Roy

He was also spotted alongside Sarthak Banerjee, the President (South Kolkata District) of Trinamool Youth Congress.

Monojit Mishra with Sarthak Banerjee

The rape accused was also seen with Trinankur Bhattacharya, who is the West Bengal President of the Trinamool Congress Chhatra Parishad (TMCP).

Monojit Mishra with Trinankur Bhattacharya

In several images, Monojit Mishra was seen conducting events at the TMCP office and participating in programmes of the ruling TMC party.

Monojit Mishra addressing students at TMCP office
Monojit Mishra at TMC event

As per the Facebook profile of the rape accused, he is about 30 years old and has 6.2K followers. Monojit Mishra identifies himself as a ‘criminal lawyer’ who practices at the Alipore court.

Screengrab of the Facebook Profile of Monojit Mishra

Background of the Case

Monojit Mishra along with his two other accomplices raped a woman inside the South Kolkata Law College on Wednesday (25th June) evening between 7:30 pm and 10:50 pm.

The other rape accused were identified as Zaib Ahmed (19) and Pramit Mukerjee (30).

While Mishra and Ahmed were arrested on Thursday (26th June) based on the police complaint of the victim, Mukherjee was arrested on Friday (27th June).

The police have seized the mobile phones of the accused. The trio would be produced before the Alipore Court on Friday (27th March). In the meantime, the medical examination of the victim was conducted and her statement was recorded.

Karnataka HC issues notice on ‘Cauvery Aarti’ after plea by self-styled farmer activist Sunanda Jayaram

OpIndia Staff
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Karnataka HC issues notice on ‘Cauvery Aarti’ after plea by self-styled farmer activist Sunanda Jayaram

The Karnataka HC on Friday issued notices to the State government and other respondents after self-described farmer activist Sunanda Jayaram filed a petition challenging the State’s decision to conduct ‘Cauvery Aarti’ near the Krishnaraja Sagar (KRS) reservoir.

A division bench of Acting Chief Justice V Kameswar Rao and Justice C M Joshi directed that notices be served, with the respondents instructed to submit their replies within two weeks.

The State Water Resources Department has resolved to organize Cauvery Aarti, modeled on the iconic Ganga Aarti of Varanasi, and sanctioned ₹92.30 crore to develop essential infrastructure for the same, including crowd management, parking facilities, and seating arrangements to accommodate devotees and tourists.

However, Jayaram, who has often been accused of opposing every move that celebrates centuries-old traditions and rich cultural heritage of the nation under the guise of “farmer activism,” contended that the initiative would threaten dam safety, disrupt ecological balance, and harm agricultural lands in the Cauvery basin. Her petition claims the decision is contrary to the Dam Safety Act, 2021, and seeks an immediate stay on the project.

Sunanda Jayaram, a Vokkaliga from Mysuru and President of the Women’s Wing of the Karnataka State Farmers’ Association, has over the years earned a reputation not just as an “activist”, but as a compulsive contrarian who has made a career out of opposing even well-intentioned policies, often targeting age-old cultural practices or infrastructure initiatives, simply to keep herself in the public eye.

Despite the Cauvery Aarti drawing parallels with similar river worship traditions celebrated for centuries across India, Jayaram has chosen to oppose the initiative, painting it as a threat to farmers and the environment. Ironically, while the Aarti promises to boost tourism and generate income for the local economy, including marginalized communities, Jayaram’s opposition reflects a broader pattern where, under the banner of protecting “farmers’ rights,” she has stood against progress that could benefit the very people she claims to represent.

In the past, she led disruptive protests, including the 2012 rail blockade against water release to Tamil Nadu, which critics say did little to solve water-sharing issues but succeeded in creating chaos. Her resistance to development has also been visible during political campaigns, where she dismissed infrastructure initiatives as mere appeasement tactics, while offering no constructive alternatives.

With this latest petition, many see Jayaram’s intervention as yet another attempt to boost tourism with Cauvery Aarti under the familiar garb of activism, an approach that risks depriving the region of cultural rejuvenation and much-needed tourism boost in the name of protecting “farmers’ sentiments.”

The matter will next be heard after the respondents file their affidavits in court.

Bangladesh says it is not trying to join an alliance with China and Pakistan to sideline India in the region, but here is how their actions under Yunus govt suggest the opposite

Balendu Singh Angad
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Bangladesh says it is not trying to join an alliance with China and Pakistan to sideline India in the region, but here is how their actions under Yunus govt suggest the opposite

Bangladesh’s interim government under Muhammad Yunus is actively deepening engagements with Pakistan and China, especially after Operation Sindoor. However, the Bangladesh government is simultaneously denying any intent to form alliances targeting India, even though their actions suggest so.

This diplomatic recalibration of Bangladesh marks a significant shift from the India-aligned posture of ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s administration and has introduced new complexities into South Asia’s geopolitical landscape.

Bangladesh revitalizing Pakistan relations

The most striking transformation has taken place in Bangladesh-Pakistan relations, historically strained since Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan 1971. Under Yunus’s caretaker administration, bilateral ties have witnessed unprecedented momentum.

After a 13-year pause, direct trade has resumed, highlighted by Bangladesh’s import of 50,000 tons of Pakistani rice in February 2025 and the movement of over 1,000 containers through Chittagong port. Visa procedures have been simplified, and direct flights restarted, facilitating people-to-people exchanges.

A high-level Bangladeshi military delegation visited Pakistan in January for talks with Army Chief General Asim Munir. The Bangladesh Navy’s participation in Pakistan’s AMAN-25 multinational exercise the first in over a decade signals expanding defence cooperation. Discussions about Bangladesh acquiring Pakistani JF-17 Thunder fighter jets underscore the relationship’s strategic depth.

Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar is scheduled for the first ministerial-level visit to Dhaka in 13 years, reflecting mutual eagerness to normalise relations despite historical grievances.

Strategic alignment with China

Concurrently, Bangladesh has accelerated its pivot toward Beijing, moving beyond Hasina’s cautious balancing act. China is expanding its Industrial Economic Zone in Chattogram and modernizing Mongla Port. Most provocatively, Dhaka has invited Chinese involvement in the Teesta River project, a longstanding friction point in India-Bangladesh relations.

During his state visit to China in March, Yunus framed Northeast India as “landlocked” and declared Bangladesh the region’s “only guardian of the ocean,” suggesting it could become “an extension of the Chinese economy.” These remarks triggered outrage in India and revealed Dhaka’s willingness to leverage geography against New Delhi.

Following Yunus’s visit, both countries established eight memoranda of understanding on economic and technological cooperation, embedding Chinese influence deeper into Bangladesh’s development architecture.

The Kunming trilateral and diplomatic denials

The June 19 meeting in Kunming, China, between Bangladeshi, Chinese, and Pakistani officials became the focal point of regional anxieties. While Bangladesh framed it as an “informal” discussion on connectivity and trade, Pakistan hailed it as the “inaugural meeting of the Bangladesh-China-Pakistan trilateral mechanism”. Key contradictions emerged:

•⁠ Divergent Characterizations: China and Pakistan announced the creation of a “joint working group” to advance cooperation in infrastructure, trade, maritime affairs, and climate change. Bangladesh’s statements conspicuously omitted this institutional framework.
•⁠ ⁠Official Reassurances: Foreign Affairs Adviser Touhid Hossain vehemently denied alliance-building: “We are not forming any alliance… It is certainly not targeting any third-party.” He emphasized the meeting’s “official-level, not political-level” nature and offered that Bangladesh would similarly engage if India proposed a trilateral with Nepal.
•⁠ ⁠Strategic Ambiguity: Despite these denials, the convergence of interests is evident. The discussions identified 12 cooperation areas—from agriculture to disaster management—that align perfectly with China’s Belt and Road Initiative ambitions to integrate South Asia under its leadership.

India’s countermeasures and regional implications

New Delhi has responded with calibrated pressure, viewing these developments as strategic encroachment. India revoked Bangladesh’s transshipment rights through Indian territory to Nepal, Bhutan, and Myanmar, citing “congestion” a move widely interpreted as punishment for Dhaka’s outreach to Beijing and Islamabad.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi limited his interaction with Yunus to a brief handshake at April’s BIMSTEC summit, a stark contrast to his warm rapport with Sheikh Hasina. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar pointedly reinforced India’s view of the Northeast as a BIMSTEC connectivity hub, countering Yunus’s “landlocked” characterization.

India perceives Chinese infrastructure plans near Bangladesh’s Lalmonirhat district proximity to the vulnerable Siliguri “Chicken’s Neck” corridor as a direct threat. Renewed Bangladesh-Pakistan defense ties compound fears of a two-front challenge during India-Pakistan tensions.

The delicate balancing act

Bangladesh walks a diplomatic tightrope, seeking economic diversification while managing fallout with India. Hossain admits the relationship with India is in “readjustment,” lacking the “deep relationship” of the Hasina era but insisting Dhaka maintains “no dearth of goodwill”. Yunus recently proposed an “integrated economic plan” for Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, and India’s Northeast, a seeming softening from his Beijing remarks. However, the proposal notably excludes India itself from the planning framework.

Analysts question whether this reorientation can survive Bangladesh’s transition to an elected government. As South Asia expert Michael Kugelman notes, India may tolerate commercial ties but views Bangladesh-Pakistan military cooperation as a “red line”.

Redrawing South Asia’s map

The emerging alignment carries profound regional consequences:

•⁠ China’s Regional Architecture: Beijing advances its vision of an India-free regional bloc, potentially expanding its 2020 quadrilateral dialogue (with Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal) to include Bangladesh and Myanmar. Chinese-backed corridors connecting Chittagong to Gwadar or undermining India’s highway projects could fracture South Asia into competing zones of influence .
•⁠ ⁠SAARC’s Irrelevance: The Kunming process accelerates the decline of India-centered SAARC, replacing it with Chinese-convened minilaterals that exclude New Delhi.
•⁠ ⁠Multilateral Risks: Should Bangladesh align with China-Pakistan positions on Kashmir or Indo-Pacific strategy at UN forums, it could affect India’s ability to form regional consensus.

Bangladesh’s interim government insists its engagements remain transactional, not strategic. Yet the geopolitical undertones are unmistakable. As Hossain conceded about India ties: “Let us acknowledge the truth”. Whether this recalibration represents temporary hedging or a lasting realignment depends on Dhaka’s ability to navigate the competing gravities of regional power dynamics where economic aspirations must continually be weighed against the inescapable realities of geography and India’s enduring strategic footprint.

The politics of contradiction: How LGBTQ patron Muhammad Yunus turned into ‘saviour of Muslims’ in Bangladesh

Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury
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The politics of contradiction: How LGBTQ patron Muhammad Yunus turned into ‘saviour of Muslims’ in Bangladesh

Social media platforms have recently seen an uptick in a curious and seemingly contradictory campaign, portraying Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus as the new “saviour” of Muslims in Bangladesh.

This sudden transformation of Yunus into a hero for Islamic groups has raised eyebrows, especially considering his and his daughter Monica Yunus’ long-standing ties to LGBTQ activism and advocacy.

Despite Yunus’s decades-long involvement in promoting and funding LGBTQ causes globally, a growing segment of Islamic leaders in Bangladesh now view him favourably. This contradictory narrative exposes the fragile and often opportunistic dynamics of Bangladeshi politics, where ideological lines can be redrawn overnight.

At the center of this controversy is ‘Sing for Hope’, a New York-based non-profit founded in 2006 – the same year Yunus received the Nobel Peace Prize.

Yunus and his daughter Monica are credited as co-founders of the organisation, which is well-known for celebrating LGBTQ “Pride” annually and collaborating with globally recognised LGBTQ advocacy groups.

‘Sing for Hope’ is supported by numerous prominent institutions, including the New York State Council on the Arts, the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs, the Department of Education, and various private foundations such as the Beatrice and Reymont Paul Foundation and the Laurie M. Tisch Illumination Fund.

It is a registered 501(c)(3) charitable organization (EIN 01-0856384), and Muhammad Yunus remains an active founding board member, making regular financial contributions to its programs.

In an interview with NBC News, Monica Yunus reflected on her identity and her father’s legacy, stating, “I came to my Bangladeshi identity later in life. I’ve obviously seen the work of my father and been influenced by it. I consider myself an ambassador for his work”.

Raised by her Russian-American mother in New Jersey after her parents divorced, Monica has been a vocal advocate for the arts and inclusivity, and is frequently seen at LGBTQ Pride events representing ‘Sing for Hope’.

While some critics on social media accuse ‘Sing for Hope’ of explicitly promoting LGBTQ agendas – including gay and lesbian advocacy – its public positioning is more subtle but nonetheless clear.

The organization actively participates in Pride celebrations, designing rainbow-themed pianos and collaborating with LGBTQ-friendly institutions such as the Elton John AIDS Foundation and Playbill.

These actions underscore a visible alignment with LGBTQ causes, even if not declared as a central mission.

Notably, in 2012, Yunus joined three other Nobel Laureates in publicly supporting LGBTQ rights in Uganda, where anti-gay prosecutions had sparked global outrage.

This statement drew significant backlash in Bangladesh, and in 2013, Islamic groups organized protests against Yunus for his perceived endorsement of gay rights.

Yet today, many of these same groups appear to be softening their stance, even supporting Yunus. This U-turn raises significant questions about political expediency and the possibility of strategic manipulation of religious sentiment.

Yunus’s involvement with LGBTQ-friendly causes is not an isolated matter. His network includes powerful global figures such as George Soros, who is widely known for his support of liberal social movements, including LGBTQ rights.

Additionally, ‘Sing for Hope’ is engaged in humanitarian projects beyond LGBTQ advocacy – such as supporting AIDS patients, organizing cultural diplomacy initiatives at global forums including the United Nations, Harvard University, and the Kennedy Center, and partnering with organizations like UNICEF and the Skoll World Forum.

Muhammad Yunus is accused of financial and political misconduct

However, support for LGBTQ rights and humanitarian work cannot absolve Yunus of serious allegations concerning his financial and political conduct.

His controversial microfinance model – praised in the West – has drawn sharp criticism at home for exploiting impoverished women as collateral for profit-driven ventures. Allegations of corruption, abuse of foreign donations, and financial irregularities have followed Yunus for decades.

More alarmingly, Yunus now stands accused of crimes that transcend financial wrongdoing. These include attempts to stoke religious discord – particularly targeting Hindus, Christians, and Buddhists in Bangladesh – as well as manipulating the country’s political system to maintain a grip on power.

Serving as the de facto “chief advisor” of the current interim regime, Yunus appears reluctant to hold free and fair elections, reportedly seeking to delay the next general polls until December 2026 or beyond.

This reluctance to restore democratic governance is beginning to trigger growing discontent among the Bangladeshi populace, including many who once supported him.

Yunus’s hunger for political power and financial influence is increasingly seen as self-serving. Many fear he views Bangladesh less as a nation of people to uplift, and more as a lucrative cash cow to exploit.

Conclusion

Muhammad Yunus may continue to dazzle the West with rainbow-colored diplomacy and global applause, but in Bangladesh, a different truth is unfolding – one mired in manipulation, hypocrisy, and betrayal of democratic values.

His carefully curated image as a humanitarian and LGBTQ ally cannot shield him from the mounting evidence of corruption, political opportunism, and religious discord.

As he clings to unelected power, suppresses democratic transition, and enriches himself under the guise of reform, Yunus is no longer the face of hope – he is becoming a symbol of deception.

No global honor or celebrity endorsement can erase his role in turning Bangladesh into a playground for vested interests and personal gain.

The world must look beyond the façade and confront the uncomfortable truth: Muhammad Yunus is not the savior of Bangladesh – he is its latest illusionist.

Lucknow: A day before Muharram, 300 firearms and 50,000 cartridges seized from a house, Hakim Salahuddin arrested

OpIndia Staff
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Lucknow: A day before Muharram, 300 firearms and 50,000 cartridges seized from a house, Hakim Salahuddin arrested

A large cache of weapons, cartridges, and illegal weapon-making tools were seized in Lucknow, just a day before Muharram. The weapons were recovered from the house of Hakim Salahuddin alias Lala in Mirzaganj, Malihabad, which is approximately 100 meters away from the police station. During a raid at his residence, the police recovered as many as 300 firearms and 50,000 cartridges.

Along with the weapons, tools used to manufacture them were also seized. The raid was carried out under heavy security, and the area within a 20-meter radius of the house was completely cordoned off. As people started gathering near the house, the police removed all those present inside and took them in for questioning.

On Thursday, June 26, acting on intelligence, a police raid was conducted which resulted in recovering bags of cartridges and hundreds of complete and semi-finished weapons. A security force has been deployed around the area and an STF team is probing the matter. The police are in search of the associates of Salahuddin, and the accused is currently being interrogated and has been kept in custody, said Jitendra Dubey, ADCP.

Running weapon factory in house

The police said that they received information about the illegal supply of cartridges and weapons from Salahuddin’s house. Following this, teams from Malihabad, Rahimabad, and Mall police stations conducted a raid late Thursday evening. During the raid, Salahuddin, a youth named Owais, his wife, and his daughter were present in the house.

Further investigation uncovered that the illegal arms trade was taking place from his house. Huge quantities of weapons and cartridges, gunpowder, weapon-making materials, animal skin, and several other objectionable items were discovered from his house.

As Muharram is approaching, the probe and police teams have become more alert. Along with the weapons, the police also found body parts and skins of protected animals at his residence. This has raised suspicions of Salahuddin’s involvement in wildlife trafficking as well.

20 bags of cartridges and 300 weapons recovered

As per police sources, 20 bags have been found which contained about fifty thousand cartridges from Salahuddin’s house. Around 300 illegal weapons of 315 and 312 bore have been found. Apart from these, illegal items like rifles, Mausers, and pistols were also discovered. So far, the investigation has revealed that these items were manufactured at his home only. Foreign made weapons were also found from his house.

Salahuddin previously used to run a doctor’s clinic near the Malihabad post office. His wife was a government teacher, and one of his daughters is in Norway for study purposes. His other child is pursuing a B.Tech degree.

According to police sources, Salahuddin had been supplying illegal weapons across Uttar Pradesh for a long days. Since his house was next to the police station, nobody grew suspicious. Even the police had no clue about it.

After success in Operation Sindoor, Indian drone startup Raphe mPhibr raises $100 million funding: How India is becoming more Atmanirbhar in defence manufacturing

Shraddha Pandey
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After success in Operation Sindoor, Indian drone startup Raphe mPhibr raises $100 million funding: How India is becoming more Atmanirbhar in defence manufacturing

In a massive boost to indigenous aerospace manufacturing, Raphe mPhibr, a UAV manufacturing startup, has raised $100 million in a funding round led by General Catalyst. The drones manufactured by Raphe mPhibr proved to be very useful during Operation Sindoor conducted in May this year in response to a Pakistan-sponsored Islamic terror attack in Pahalgam.

So far, Raphe mPhibr has raised $145 million (over Rs 1,200 crore) in funding. This is reported to be the biggest ever fundraising by an Indian aerospace manufacturing firm.

The Noida-based startup’s CEO, Vivek Mishra, told NDTV that to beat China in drone technology and market, “a very strong ecosystem for design, development, and manufacturing” needs to be built.

Raphe mPhibr drones fired missiles at terror and military establishments in Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. The Noida-based company is increasing its domestic drone capabilities due to growing military interest and national security concerns, including an impending Army order.

The drones offered by the company include the mR10 operational drone swarm, the mR20 for high-altitude logistics resupply, the X8 compact platform for maritime patrol and situational awareness at sea, and the Bharat lightweight man-carried drone for quick surveillance in complex terrain.

At present, all customers of the company are Indian government entities including the Indian Army, Navy, and Air Force, along with central armed police forces such as the Border Security Force, Central Reserve Police Force, and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police. The company plans to expand beyond India and enter new markets. To achieve this, it has already participated in defence air shows abroad. The company also has obtained some export licenses.

Raphe mPhibr domestically produces its flight controllers, batteries, and all components and materials required to build drone structures, including subtractive metals, thermoplastics, carbon fibre composites, wire harnesses etc. It also develops proprietary autopilots and inertial navigation systems at its facility. However, the company imports radars and high-end cameras, which it also plans to manufacture in-house within the next 18 months.

Since its conception in 2016, Raphe mPhibr has flown more than a million kilometres, provided the first operational drone swarm in history, and created India’s first in-house, cutting-edge, military-grade autopilot and lightweight internal combustion engine. Co-founded by brothers Vikash Mishra (chairman) and Vivek Mishra (CEO) in 2017, the Noida-based startup currently offers nine different drones with payloads ranging from 2 kg to 200 kg, covering a distance between 20 km to 200 km.

Notably, CEO Vivek Mishra told TechCrunch that they do not rely on China for any of the components it uses in the drones.

Taking to X, General Catalyst’s Managing Director, Neeraj Arora, announced the $100M investment and said, “I’m excited to announce our leading $100M investment in @Raphe_mPhibr, our largest commitment in India’s defense ecosystem and a key part of driving global resilience at @generalcatalyst. Vikash Mishra and Vivek Mishra combine technical expertise, focused leadership, and disciplined execution. They deeply understand the challenges facing India’s defense today and have an unwavering vision for the future. Their work is closely aligned with the Indian Armed Forces and demonstrates a firm commitment to strengthening Indian resilience.”

“India’s defense sector is entering a new chapter. Through the “Make in India” initiative, the country is placing greater focus on domestic innovation and manufacturing. Raphe is a clear example of that progress. Its cutting-edge unmanned aerial systems are already making an impact in real-world operations. At General Catalyst, we back founders tackling complex, high-stakes challenges with an endurance mindset. Raphe is helping shape the future of Indian resilience, and we are proud to partner with them on this journey,” he added.

Indigenous weaponry, Atmanirbhar and invincible Bharat: India’s pivot towards boosting domestic defence manufacturing and curbing reliance on imports

While the Modi government has been pushing for Atmanirbhar Bharat in the defence sector, after the success of Operation Sindoor, there has been a pivotal shift in defence strategy. Indian defence startups are raising significant funding. This reflects a growing investor confidence in India’s indigenous defence capabilities.

Over the last 14 years, India slashed its defence import dependency from 11 per cent to 4 per cent of global imports. This remarkable reduction is driven by the Modi government’s Make in India and Atmanirbhar Bharat initiatives.

Moreover, indigenous defence production has skyrocketed 174 per cent since 2014–15. It has reached Rs 27 lakh crore ($16 billion) in FY 2023–24. India is also exporting weaponry to over 100 countries.

According to a report by Kotak Mutual Fund, India, which in 2010 was the largest importer of defence equipment, slipped to fourth place in 2024. In 2010, India accounted for 11 per cent of the world’s total defence imports, making it the top importer globally. Pakistan, with 9 per cent, Australia, at 6 per cent, and South Korea, at 5 per cent, followed suit.

Countries like Saudi Arabia, the United States, Singapore, and China each had a 4 per cent share, while Algeria and Portugal accounted for 3 per cent each. The remaining 47 per cent was shared among other countries. The report stated that this decline is the result of India’s focus on indigenisation and strengthening domestic defence manufacturing.

India’s defence exports have seen strong growth in recent years, registering a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 41 per cent since 2017. The exports have increased from Rs 15 billion in 2017 to Rs 236 billion in 2024.

India has become self-reliant in the defence sector like never before. Indian defence startups are effectively contributing to our national security as well as economic growth. Programs like Project Kusha and the SRIJAN portal, as well as increased private sector involvement from companies like Bharat Forge and Tata, among others, are strengthening this self-reliance.

Indigenous defence systems proved their mettle during Operation Sindoor

India’s Operation Sindoor demonstrated the country’s military might, tactical prowess, and technical brilliance before the world. With its integrated network of air defence systems, the Indian Armed Forces protected military bases and strategic assets, while Pakistani forces, being cowards of the top order, launched drones, missiles and rockets against Indian civilians and military assets, even as India’s precision strikes specifically targeted terror camps in initial strikes.

On the 8th of May 2025, Pakistan targeted many Indian cities, including Jammu, Amritsar, Pathankot, and Jaisalmer. It fired drone swarms at these cities. Pakistan wanted to harm India’s military bases and residential areas and overwhelm the air defence systems, a tactic often used by Hamas against Israel. India gave a befitting reply to this; they foiled all these attacks. India used its advanced defence systems for this. While the S-400 system purchased from Russia foiled many attacks, most of them were answered by Indian systems.

Akashteer system: India’s indigenously developed ADCRS

The Indian Armed Forces gave a befitting response to the Pakistani attack and unleashed India’s very own “Iron Dome” Akashteer Air Defence System (ADS) along with S-400 Sudarshan Chakra ADS to foil Pakistani plans of targeting Indian civilians. The Akashteer system was deployed on the western front to form an advanced shield over the International Border (IB) and LoC. This air defence system integrates inputs from radar sources like early-warning systems and ground-based radars to render a live web of real-time data to precisely track aerial threats. With the Akashteer system’s help, Indian forces intercepted and neutralised every missile launched by Pakistan towards India.

Counter-Unmanned Aircraft System (C-UAS) /D-4 Anti-Drone systems developed by DRDO responded to Pakistani drones

Developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), the D4 Anti-Drone Systems is an indigenously developed drone detection and neutralisation system. The Indian forces used these to thwart Pakistani drone attacks during the conflict.

The Indian Air Force used a combination of anti-aircraft guns and surface-to-air missiles along with an integrated counter-UAS grid to take down Pakistani projectiles. The integrated counter-UAS grid was used to counter unmanned aircraft systems and neutralise drones and other incoming threats like missiles launched by Pakistan.

Akash Missile System

Developed by DRDO and manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL), the Akash Missile System is a medium-range-surface-to-air missile system designed to intercept and destroy various aerial threats like fighter jets, drones, and cruise missiles, with a range of 25-30 km and the ability to engage the targets at the altitude of over 20 km. This system is equipped with indigenous Rajendra radar and mobile launchers. It can not only track but also neutralise multiple targets simultaneously. An effective demonstration of the same was seen in India’s counter against Pakistan’s recent drone and missile attacks against Indian cities, religious sites and military infrastructure. Akash Missile System is fully operational in the Indian Army and Air Force. It is highly mobile and can be deployed on wheeled or tracked vehicles for rapid response.

Akash system’s development has a story of its own. Last month, the former DRDO scientist Dr Prahlada Ramarao, the man who led the Akash system’s development, said that initially, the Indian Army had reservations about the system. However, Ramarao, the man chosen by none other than India’s “Missile Man”, former President APJ Abdul Kalam, went ahead and designed the Akash system.

BrahMos: The invincible

India launched its BrahMos supersonic cruise missile in a live battle for the first time as it carried out pinpoint strikes on Pakistani military installations, in the wee hours of 10th May. The Indian Air Force retaliated against attempts to violate the country’s airspace by targeting a number of key facilities deep into Pakistan, including Rafiqui, Murid, Nur Khan, Rahim Yar Khan, Sukkur and Chunian. The airfields in Skardu, Bholari, Jacobabad and Sargodha were reported to have sustained more damage. Sialkot and Pasrur radar locations were also hit. Several accounts indicate that the BrahMos missile was probably one of the weapons used in tandem with Scalp and Hammer munitions.

Jointly developed by India and Russia, this long-range supersonic cruise missile, BrahMos, is an unmanned payload rocket that has a warhead, precision-guided weaponry, an aerodynamic frame, a propulsion system and a guidance system.

MRSAM Missile System

India has also used the MRSAM system in this attack. This is also a surface-to-air missile (SAM) system, but it is capable of hitting a longer distance than the AKASH system. This has also been developed by DRDO. It has been made in collaboration with Israel. MRSAM consists of supersonic missiles. It is capable of hitting targets at a range of about 70 kilometres. MRSAM is currently used by the Indian Air Force and Navy. MRSAM can be mounted on trucks and is also installed on ships.

Nagastra-1 loitering munition, SkyStriker loitering munition, and Pinaka Multi-Barrel rocket launcher

The Indian Armed Forces also used the Nagastra-1 man-portable loitering munition, which is a suicide drone. Developed by Solar Industries with DRDO oversight, Nagastra-1 has a range of 15 to 20 km. It has an endurance of up to 60 minutes with a 1-2 kg warhead for precision strikes. Unlike traditional missiles, Nagastra-1 can be aborted mid-flight and recovered. In Operation Sindoor, this cost-effective loitering munition was used to target terrorist infrastructures deep inside Pakistan. Nagastra-1’s success demonstrates India’s surging expertise in low-cost, precision-guided munitions for asymmetric warfare.

The success of indigenous defence systems in Operation Sindoor opens gateways for the Indian defence sector boom

The massive success of Akash, BraMos, C-UAS and other indigenous systems gives a major boost to the Indian defence sector and bolsters confidence in the capabilities of native manufacturers to increase self-reliance in the defence arena. With indigenous defence systems outclassing Chinese and Turkish technology, as seen in Operation Sindoor, these systems would play a significant role in curbing India’s dependence on foreign suppliers. This self-reliance would not only save costs but also enhance strategic autonomy, which is at the core of India’s foreign policy under the Modi government. Indigenous systems are also vital as they are tailored to India’s unique security challenges, like asymmetric threats and high-altitude warfare.

The DRDO’s focus on developing next-generation systems like Akash-NG, BrahMos-II hypersonic missiles, among others, demonstrates that India is committed to remaining at the forefront of defence innovation. Now, besides DRDO and HAL, private firms are also emerging as gamechangers for India in the defence arena.

Earlier in June 2025, the DRDO transferred technologies related to nine crucial systems to 10 industrial units. The technologies are being transferred by the Vehicles Research & Development Establishment (VRDE), a DRDO laboratory located in Ahilyanagar, Maharashtra. This move was aimed at empowering private and public sector units in defence manufacturing.

India’s firm commitment to self-reliance and smart policy initiatives has led to its burgeoning global presence in the defence industry. Defence exports have increased 30 times in the last ten years, from ₹686 crore in FY 2013–14 to an all-time high of ₹21,083 crore in FY 2023-24. OpIndia reported earlier how schemes like Innovations for Defence Excellence (iDEX), Production-Linked Incentive or PLI Scheme for Drones and Drone Components, MAKE Projects, Defence Industrial Corridors, Positive Indigenisation Lists (PILs), Ease of Doing Business (EoDB), among other initiatives by the Modi government, have fostered a conducive environment for domestic defence manufacturing and curbing reliance on imports.

With India continuing to innovate and scale production, the Atmanirbhar Bharat vision in the defence arena is transforming the country into a self-reliant military powerhouse. While this journey of self-reliance is not devoid of challenges, this transition not only bolsters India’s national security but also positions the country as an emerging reliable defence exporter with sustained innovation and policy support, maintaining momentum.

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