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MSC Turkiye makes historic berth at Adani Ports operated Vizhinjam Port, marking milestone in Indian maritime sector

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Vizhinjam International Seaport, developed and operated by Adani Ports and SEZ Ltd (APSEZ), today welcomed one of the world’s largest and most eco-friendly container vessels — MSC Turkiye — in a landmark moment for India’s maritime industry.

This marks the vessel’s maiden call at an Indian port, an official release said.

Measuring 399.9 metres in length, 61.3 metres in width, and 33.5 metres in depth, MSC Turkiye has a staggering carrying capacity of 24,346 twenty-foot equivalent units (TEUs), making it the largest container ship ever to dock at an Indian port.

Operated by the Mediterranean Shipping Company (MSC), the Liberia-flagged vessel is hailed as a benchmark in sustainable marine engineering, designed with fuel efficiency and environmental responsibility at its core.

Its arrival underscores Vizhinjam port’s rising prominence as a global transshipment hub capable of handling ultra-large container vessels (ULCVs). Strategically located just 10 nautical miles (19 km) from the east-west international shipping lane, Vizhinjam boasts a natural depth of 20 metres, allowing it to accommodate the world’s largest cargo vessels with minimal dredging.

This development builds on the momentum from September last year when MSC Claude Girardet, another ULCV operated by MSC, docked at Vizhinjam, setting a national record with its 24,116 TEU capacity. That record has now been surpassed by MSC Turkiye.

Vizhinjam port, India’s first Mega Transshipment Container Terminal, features large-scale automation, cutting-edge infrastructure, and rapid vessel turnaround capabilities. Phase 1 of the port currently supports 1 million TEUs, with plans to scale up to 5.5 million TEUs by 2028.

The Adani Group holds a 40-year agreement with the Government of Kerala for the development and operation of the port. Once fully operational, Vizhinjam is projected to manage up to 50% of India’s container transshipment, significantly reducing dependence on foreign ports like Dubai, Colombo, and Singapore.

The docking of MSC Turkiye is a strong validation of APSEZ’s vision to establish Vizhinjam as a world-class maritime gateway, boosting India’s standing in global logistics and trade.

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

Punjab Police tries to arrest journalists for reporting alleged sex scandal involving IPS officer, journalist thanks MHA for intervening and safeguarding their rights

Punjab Police tried to arrest journalists Aarti Tikoo Singh and Rohan Dua after they exposed a sex scandal allegedly involving an IPS officer. Aarti Tikoo Singh shared the information in a post on X on Wednesday (9th April). In her post, Tikoo alleged that the Punjab Police attempted to arrest her and Dua on Wednesday, but their attempt was thwarted with the intervention of the Delhi Police.

Tikoo said that the Punjab Police have been harassing her and her colleague Dua after they exposed an alleged sex scandal through The New Indian, a media outlet run by Tikoo and Dua. She added that her colleagues were pressured by the IPS officer, a former AAP Delhi MLA and a liquor scam accused, to remove the story. “What’s strange is that even though my team never identified or named the accused police officer involved in the scandal, but the same IPS officer, one ex-AAP Delhi MLA and one liquor scam accused repeatedly called my colleague, pressuring us to delete the story and related posts on X. They almost grovelled before us. Why?” Tikoo wrote on X.

What is the Exposé?

Recently, The New Indian released a couple of audio clips of an alleged sexual conversation between an IPS officer and an unidentified woman. In Part 1 of the audio clip, the IPS officer can be heard asking the woman to arrange an escort for him. The IPS officer also asks the woman about her and the escort’s price for a ‘proper threesome’. He is also heard negotiating the price with the woman and telling her that he wants a ‘professional’ escort.

In Part 2 of the audio recording, allegedly involving the same IPS officer, the officer is heard asking a woman for her nude pictures. The woman replies to him that she will send the pictures after changing her uniform. He asks her the post the pictures in a WhatsApp group.

The exposé by the New Indian did not reveal the identity of the IPS officer involved, but it has raised some serious questions on the Punjab Police and the Aam Aadmi Party government in the state.

Reservation wall will be broken: Rahul Gandhi promises to dismantle Supreme Court’s 50% cap on reservations

On 9th April, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi reiterated his promise that the party would remove the 50% reservation quota for members of the Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) in government employment and education. The development transpired during a Congress session in Ahmedabad. He also reaffirmed the party’s call for a national caste census and assured that the Congress would follow Telangana’s recent example nationwide.

The Telangana government approved a bill that elevates the reservation for Backward Classes (BCs) to 42 per cent, thereby surpassing the 50 per cent limit on total reservations established by the Supreme Court. He announced, “Telangana has taken a revolutionary step and shown the way to the country. I want to assure you that this 50 per cent wall will be broken. What happened in Telangana, we will do in Delhi and for the entire country.”

The Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha stated that the OBCs, members of the most backward castes, Dalits, particularly those who are most marginalized, minorities, and Adivasis make up 90% of the population in Telangana. He claimed that the demographic composition reflects the overall situation of the nation. He cited the 1992 Mandal Commission decision by the Supreme Court, which limited reservations for SCs, STs, and OBCs to 50% of open seats or positions.

Notably, the Gandhi scion made a similar statement at a “Samvidhan Suraksha Sammelan” event in Patna, Bihar on 7th April. He alleged, “I told Narendra Modi in the Lok Sabha, right in front of him, if you don’t dismantle this artificial 50 per cent barrier on reservations, we will break it, destroy it, and throw it away.”

The Congress has regularly demanded that this ceiling be lifted, claiming that it hampers chances for under represented population and needs to be re-examined to guarantee more equitable access to resources, work and education.

Kapil Sibal, the anti-Hindu legal crusader: From Ram Mandir to Delhi Riots, Waqf and more, how the lawyer-politician fights every case against the interest of Hindus and India

The historic Waqf Amendment Bill 2025 has been passed in both houses of Parliament and received the assent of President Draupadi Murmu. The new Waqf law is aimed at reforming the management of Waqf properties in India and reining in the rampant corruption within Waqf Boards controlled by a privileged Muslim elite. The new legislation has also discontinued several unwarranted powers given to Waqf Boards by the Congress government through the Waqf Act 1995.

Since the Waqf Act 2025 strips the Waqf Boards of their unchecked powers, the Islamists, opposition parties and the extended Islamo-leftist ecosystem continue to decry the Waqf legislation as an ‘assault’ on Muslim religious rights and freedom.

The draconian Section 40 of the Waqf Act 1995: How Congress legalised arbitrary land claims and encroachments by Waqf Boards to appease the Muslim votebank

The Waqf Act of 1995, enacted by the then Congress government, had multiple provisions for unchecked abuse of powers and encroachment of properties by the Muslim community. One of the provisions is listed under Section 40 of the legislation. It empowered the Waqf Board to unilaterally decide whether a property is ‘Waqf Property’ based on information collected by it.

“The Board may itself collect information regarding any property which it has reason to believe to be waqf property and if any question arises whether a particular property is waqf property or not or whether a waqf is a Sunni waqf or a Shia waqf, it may, after making such inquiry as it may deem fit, decide the question,” the first sub-section of the provision lays down the rule.

The decision of the Waqf Board in determining whether a property belongs to Waqf was final unless revoked/ modified by a tribunal. Section 40 of the Waqf Act of 1995 further allowed the Waqf Board to attach properties of trusts and societies after conducting an initial inquiry. It allowed the Board to issue directives to said trusts and societies to mandatorily register with it or show cause for not doing so.

This provision’s arbitrary nature empowered Waqf Boards across the country to declare any property as ‘Waqf’ and override legislation like the Trust Act of 1882 and the Societies Registration Act of 1860. The powers of Waqf Boards were unchallenged so much so that aggrieved parties had to rely on the decision of Waqf Tribunals only on their challenge against any Waqf Board randomly claiming ownership of their properties. In the absence of arbitration by a Civil Court, the decisions are skewed in favour of the Waqf Board itself. No wonder the Waqf Board in India became the third-largest landowner in India.

From corruption within Waqf Boards, illegal land grabs and encroachments, arbitrarily laying claim over houses of Hindus, land patches, colleges, Hindu temples and Hindu-majority villages, Gurudwaras, Churches, etc, the Waqf Boards were transformed into an invincible force in a supposedly ‘secular’ country by the Congress party. However, the Modi government has finally done the long-overdue course correction and removed the draconian Section 40 in the Waqf Amendment Act 2025, formally known as the UMEED Act (Unified Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency and Development).

Even before the Waqf Bill was tabled in the Lok Sabha, Muslim-appeasing political parties masquerading as ‘secular’ outfits, All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), Islamists and their cheerleaders in general began issuing ‘instability’ and ‘we will hit the streets’ sort of threats. Akin to the pattern that preceded the anti-CAA protests and anti-Hindu Delhi Riots in 2020, this time disinformation is being peddled, fearmongering is rampant, and inflammatory statements are being made by those decrying the Waqf Act 2025 as ‘unconstitutional’. Just as it was seen during the anti-CAA protests, it all began peacefully; however, in no time, Congress leader Sonia Gandhi’s “Aar ya paar ki ladai” magnified the ‘peaceful’ protests into violence and arson in many parts of India, especially Delhi, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh.

A redux of the same seems to be happening now, just like it during anti-CAA agitation, the Islamists have targeted railways in West Bengal to ‘protest’ against a legislation that would only benefit the poor and discontinue privileges of the Muslim elite.

Just as the Citizenship Amendment Act was challenged in the Supreme Court, the Waqf Amendment Act has also reached the apex with multiple petitions filed challenging the legislation’s constitutional validity.

Besides, the pattern of charged political rhetoric, fearmongering, disinformation, petitions in the Supreme Court with the same ‘assault on constitution’, ‘minority khatre mein hai’, ‘democracy in danger’ arguments, one aspect that emerges common in the anti-CAA agitation and the anti-Waqf Act agitation is Kapil Sibal. Yes, the senior Supreme Court lawyer who arguably holds an unmatched legacy of championing causes that align against the interests of Hindus and India.

Kapil Sibal: The anti-Hindu legal crusader

Kapil Sibal, a seasoned lawyer with decades of experience in the legal arena, has been involved as a lawyer in many landmark cases that stirred outrage among Indian people, especially in cases where Hindu interests were involved.

One of Kapil Sibal’s most controversial legal engagements was in the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Title Dispute. The ex-Congress leader and UPA Minister, fought the Ram Janmabhoomi case for the Sunni Waqf Board, opposing the building of a magnificent Ram Mandir at the then-disputed site in Ayodhya. He also employed dilatory tactics and asked the apex court to delay the decision in the Ram Janmabhoomi case till the 2019 general elections, assuming that a decision in the Hindu side’s favour could benefit the BJP. Despite the blatant politicisation of the issue concerning the Hindu faith and way above electoral politics, the Supreme Court’s 2019 ruling favoured the construction of Ram Mandir at the Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya, giving a setback beyond recovery to Kapil Sibal and his client the Sunni Waqf Board.

In January 2024, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other “Yajmans” performed the Pran Pratishtha of Lord Ram in his magnificent abode constructed in his birthplace in Ayodhya. Defeated in court, Sibal’s chagrin overwhelmed his senses as he called the consecration ceremony a “show-off”. The Former Congress veteran leader and UPA Minister argued that Lord Ram resides in his heart and the grand spectacle for Pran Pratishtha is a “show off”. 

Kapil Sibal represented Shafin Jahan in the Hadiya Love Jihad case, took money from the Islamic terror outfit PFI

Yet another feather in Kapil Sibal’s decorated hat is the Shafin Jahan vs KM Ashokan case, also known as the Hadiya Love Jihad case. Kapil Sibal represented Hadiya’s husband, Shafin Jahan, in the Supreme Court, challenging the annulment of Hadiya and Shafin’s marriage by the Kerala High Court.

It must be recalled that a Hindu girl named Akhila had changed her name to Hadiya after converting to Islam and marrying a muslim man named Shafin Jahan. Hadiya/Akhila’s father, a retired Indian Army soldier, had alleged that it was a case of love jihad. While the Supreme Court ruled in Jahan’s favour, upholding Hadiya’s right as an adult to choose her religion and spouse, it emerged that the now-banned Islamic terror outfit Popular Front of India (PFI) Shafin Jahan’s case. The Islamic jihadist outfit had spent Rs 99,52,324 on the case.  Of this, Rs 93,85,000 was reportedly paid to four senior lawyers, Kapil Sibal, Dushyant Dave, Indira Jaising and Marzook Bafaki who fought the case on Shafin Jahan’s behalf.

In 2020, the Enforcement Directorate alleged that PFI received huge funding to fuel anti-CAA protests across the country following the passage of the Citizenship Amendment Act by both houses of the parliament in December 2019. It was reported that PFI spent about 120 crores in a month to orchestrate the violent riots in the country, naming eminent lawyers Kapil Sibal, Indira Jaising and Dushyant Dave also as the beneficiaries of PFI’s funding. Sibal was reported to have received Rs 77 lakh. However, the senior counsel issued a ‘clarification’ saying that the amount he received from the now-outlawed Islamic jihadist outfit was his fees for services as a lawyer in the Hadiya Love Jihad Case.

Kapil Sibal sought the release of PFI member Siddique Kappan

Back in 2020, a habeas corpus plea was filed in the Supreme Court seeking the release of Siddique Kappan, one of the four PFI members arrested by UP police for planning to create caste-based unrest and communal tension over the Hathras case.  Appearing as a legal representative of Kerala Journalists’ Union, and Siddique Kappan, an active PFI member also working as a journalist, Sibal urged the Supreme Court to let him approach them under Article 32 of the Constitution. His request, however, was denied by the then CJI SA Bobde.

The Uttar Pradesh police had arrested four people, Siddiqui of Nagla in Muzaffarnagar, Siddique of Malappuram, Masood Ahmed of Jarwal in Bahraich district, and Alam of Kotwali area in Rampur district, in connection with the Hathras case.

Kapil Sibal represented the anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid before the Supreme Court

Sibal’s fixation with defending Islamists and those undermining the rights and safety of Hindus has only grown stronger. The senior lawyer was allegedly involved in failed attempts at forum shopping. In February 2024, a bench of Justices Bela M Trivedi and Pankaj Mithal allowed Umar Khalid to withdraw the bail plea. Senior advocate Kapil Sibal, appearing for Khalid, told the bench that the petition is being withdrawn given a “change in circumstances” and to seek bail afresh before the trial court. Kapil Sibal also withdrew a separate petition questioning the legality of certain sections of the UAPA, especially dealing with bail.

OpIndia highlighted earlier that out of the 14 adjournments in 2023 and 2024, 7 delays and adjournments were sought by Umar Khalid himself. This deliberate delay was caused by Khalid’s counsel, Kapil Sibal. OpIndia detailed how the adjournments and the subsequent withdrawal were the result of a failed attempt at forum shopping by Kapil Sibal – in fact, the attempts at forum shopping by Kapil Sibal in the Umar Khalid case were thwarted by DY Chandrachud himself as CJI. Our analysis of the sequence of events in this case was confirmed by the former CJI in an interview he gave post-retirement earlier this year,

Kapil Sibal falsely claimed in the Supreme Court that BJP leader Parvesh Verma called for an economic boycott of Muslims, downplayed Muslim hate speech against Hindus

Back in 2022, Kapil Sibal lied in the Supreme Court and falsely claimed that BJP leader Parvesh Verma called for a boycott of the Muslim community, even though Verma did not name any community. When Justice KM Joseph asked Sibal whether Muslims have been making hate speeches, he denied knowledge of such a development. This came despite there being numerous incidents of Muslims delivering hate speeches that year against Hindus, including those by AIMIM leaders, Ajmer Dargah Khadim Syed Adil Chishti, Sawar Chishti, calling for open economic boycott of Hindus, among others.

When Kapil Sibal lied about Veer Savarkar’s remarks on two-nation theory, misquoted Dr Ambedkar in the Rajya Sabha

Back in 2019, in his speech in the Rajya Sabha during a debate on Citizenship Amendment Bill, then Congress MP Kapil Sibal claimed that the infamous two-nation theory, which became the basis for the bloodied partition of India and creation of Islamic terrorism state-sponsor Pakistan was perpetuated by Veer Savarkar and B R Ambedkar agreed too.

“The two-nation theory was not our theory, you are going to fulfill it today with the passing of this bill, if it is passed. Savarkar said, “There are two antagonist nations living side by side in India. Several infantile politicians commit the serious mistake in supposing that India is already wedded into a harmonious nation, or it could be welded thus for the mere wish to do so. These are well-meaning but unthinkable friends who take their dreams for realities, that is why they are impatient of communal tangles and attribute them to communal organizations”. The two-nation theory was perpetuated by Savarkar,” Sibal said, adding that Dr Ambedkar also agreed to this.

While Sibal attempted to suggest that somehow the ‘Hindu hardliners’ like Veer Savarkar are also to be blamed for the partition of India, OpIndia debunked Sibal’s lies. Sibal had misquoted Ambedkar from the latter’s book ‘Pakistan or Partition of India’. Contrary to Kapil Sibal’s assertion, Savarkar did not advocate for the partition of India, although he acknowledged that there was a Hindu and a Muslim nation within India.

Summarising Savarkar’s views, Ambedkar wrote, “…although there are two nations in India, India shall not be divided into two parts, one for Muslims and the other for the Hindus; that the two nations shall dwell in one country and shall live under the mantle of one single constitution; that the constitution shall be such that the Hindu nation will be enabled to occupy a predominant position that is due to it and the Muslim nation made to live in the position of subordinate co-operation with the Hindu nation.”

Kapil Sibal, the 2G spectrum scam and the infamous ‘zero-loss’ theory

Besides being an anti-Hindu crusader, Kapil Sibal has also taken stands that align against the interests of India. Sibal, who was then the Telecom Minister, floated  “zero loss theory” in the 2G Spectrum scam case in 2011. His theory, suggesting that the Indian government suffered no financial loss from the undervalued allocation of 2G spectrum licenses in 2008 under his predecessor A Raja, had sparked outrage. The 2G spectrum was sold on a first-come-first-served basis rather than through a competitive auction. 

The outrage stemmed from the fact that the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report stated that there was a presumed loss of Rs 1.76 lakh crore to the exchequer due to the irregularities in spectrum sales. In 2017, when the Supreme Court acquitted all the accused in the case, including Kanimozhi and A Raja, Sibal claimed that he stands ‘vindicated’; however, the special CBI court, in reality, acquitted the accused, citing insufficient evidence of corruption and the prosecution’s failure to prove criminality. Sibal, in his attempts to whitewash the corruption in the 2G spectrum case, resorted to questioning the credibility of CAG and dismissing its revelations as some trivial annoyance, displaying that political hubris reigned supreme over economic reality in the UPA era.

Imagine, a scam ranked by Time magazine as the world’s second-biggest abuse of power was simply a ‘zero loss’ episode in a series of scams in the UPA era.

Kapil Sibal and other Rajya Sabha MPs moved impeachment motion against Allahabad HC judge for calling Islamic extremists “Kathmulla”

In India’s flawed political parlance, calling a democratically elected government as ‘fascists’ and the Prime Minister as ‘dictator’ is acceptable, however, if a sitting high court judge calls Islamic extremists as “Kathmulla”, it becomes anti-Muslim hate speech.

In December 2024, a motion to remove Allahabad High Court Judge Shekhar Kumar Yadav from office was submitted to the Rajya Sabha Secretary-General over his allegedly controversial comments at a Vishwa Hindu Parishad event. The motion was submitted by a delegation headed by Kapil Sibal and others, including Vivek Tankha, Digvijaya Singh, P. Wilson, John Brittas, KTS Tulsi, Manoj Kumar Jha and Saket Gokhale.

“But these kathmullah… this may not be the right word… but I won’t hesitate to say it because they are harmful to the country…they are detrimental, against the nation, and people who incite the public. They are the kind of people who do not want the country to progress, and we need to be cautious of them),” the judge had stated during the event.

According to the motion for impeachment, Justice Yadav  broke  “the secular ethos of the constitution and the judge’s oath of office.” Justice Shekhar Yadav’s judicial roster was altered by the Chief Justice of the Allahabad High Court four days after his statement, and the alterations took effect on 16th December. He was also summoned by the Supreme Court Collegium to clarify his position on the matter after the apex court took cognisance of his speech on 10th December. In January 2025, the Allahabad High Court dismissed the PIL seeking Justice Yadav’s impeachment.

Kolkata RG Kar Medical College Rape and Murder Case: When Kapil Sibal defended TMC govt’s insensitivity and prioritised reputation of lawyers over justice for the victim

In September 2024, Kapil Sibal, who represented the West Bengal government, objected to the live streaming of the SC proceedings in the brutal RG Kar Hospital rape and murder case. Sibal claimed the reputation built over 5 decades would be destroyed by the live streaming of the case. Urging the Supreme Court to stop the live feed, Sibal complained that it has tarnished the reputation of lawyers and has resulted in threats to them. In response, the CJI DY Chandrachud-led bench emphasised the public interest aspect, maintaining that the court operates openly. He rejected Sibal’s request to discontinue live streaming.

Sibal received flak for defending the Mamata Banerjee-led West Bengal government despite allegations of delayed FIR filing and mishandling by the state authorities. Sibal’s claim that the FIR in this case was filed promptly was questioned by the court itself. Sibal’s insensitivity peaked when he blamed the victim’s parents for the delay in FIR filing.

The senior counsel was also accused of laughing in the courtroom during the hearing in the case while doctors in West Bengal were on streets protesting the brutality the deceased victim was subjected to and the alleged negligence of state authorities. Sibal, however, denied this allegation.

Kapil Sibal represented a pro-Pakistan leader in the Supreme Court over a plea challenging the abrogation of Article 370, sought a ‘referendum’ in Kashmir

In the name of preserving ‘secularism’ and ‘democratic values’, Kapil Sibal had qualms about representing a person who openly declared his love for Pakistan.

In September 2023, the Supreme Court heard pleas challenging the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35 of the Indian Constitution. One of the petitioners in the case was a National Conference (NC) leader named Mohammad Akbar Lone, who had raised pro-Pakistan slogans in the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in 2018.. The counsel representing Lone was none other than Kapil Sibal. Back then, CJI Chandrachud had pulled up Sibal for the pro-Pakistani remarks of Lone.

Instead of condemning Lone’s pro-Pakistan stand, Kapil Sibal alleged that raising the issue of ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ sloganeering by his client, Mohammad Akbar Lone, would lead to unnecessary media coverage.

Sibal also represented other petitioners who challenged the constitutional legality of the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35A. He had vehemently opposed the removal of these temporary provisions giving special status to Jammu and Kashmir.  Even though these provisions granting special autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir obstructed full integration of J&K into India by allowing separate laws, restrictions on non-residents from settling or owning property, and perpetuating Jihadist separatism by curbing central authority. This fuelled decades of unrest, terrorism and discrimination against Kashmiri Hindus. OpIndia has reported time and again how Jammu and Kashmir has been witnessing an unprecedented wave of development and economic growth following the removal of Article 370.  

It must be recalled that Kapil Sibal, while arguing against the abrogation of Article 370, called for a Brexit-like referendum in Kashmir. “Ultimately, this was a political decision taken in the context of the situation then prevailing, right? And the complete abrogation of Article 370 must also be a political decision. Your Lordships will remember in Brexit what happened, there was no constitutional provision seeking a referendum. But when you want to sever a relationship which has been entered into, you must ultimately seek the opinion of the people. Because people are central to this decision,” said Sibal, whose argument was shot down by the Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud.

Kapil Sibal and the Rafale Deal case

In 2018, Kapil Sibal represented Yashwant Sinha, Arun Shourie, and Prashant Bhushan as they moved a joint plea challenging the Modi government’s procurement of Rafale fighter jets from France. Sibal had questioned the deal’s transparency and pricing. The case back then had become a political flashpoint ahead of the 2019 general elections, with Congress and other opposition parties hurling the ‘Chowkidar Chor Hai’ jibes against PM Modi.

However, the Supreme Court eventually dismissed the plea and found no irregularities in the deal. OpIndia reported earlier, however, after anticipating a clean chit to the centre on the Rafale Deal in the CAG report, the Congress party, especially Kapil Sibal, out of nowhere raised questions on the impartiality of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, Rajiv Meherishi himself.

Kapil Sibal’s misplaced sympathy for gangster-turned politician Atiq Ahmed’s criminal son

In 2023, days after Asad Ahmed was killed in a police encounter, former Congress leader Kapil Sibal came out in defence of the son of gangster-politician Atiq Ahmed. Sibal tried to downplay the threat posed by Asad Ahmed to the police. “A young boy (Asad), whose age is 19, how can he threaten the security of the country? If you want to catch him, then hit him on his leg or prosecute him. Why do you want to kill him?” Kabil Sibal inquired.

It would not have been shocking if this statement came from an Islamist leader or a random Muslim-appeasing politician, however, a seasoned lawyer like Sibal sympathising with the main accused in the murder of lawyer Umesh Pal, who was gunned down in broad daylight on 24th February 2023, was outrageous. Asad was also planning to break his father, Atiq Ahme,d out of police custody and attack the police convoy. However, despite being well aware of the facts, Kapil Sibal sought to ignore them, lament the death of Asad Ahmed and insinuated that the deceased was not a security threat. Even Pakistani Jihadi who carried out terror attack in Mumbai on 22th November 2008 was also 20-21 years old at that time, perhaps for Sibal, even he was also not a threat to national security.

When Kapil Sibal claimed that Assam was a part of  Myanmar

Back in 2023, Kapil Sibal sparked outrage by claiming that Assam was originally a part of Myanmar. Kapil Sibal made the controversial comments on 7th September 2023 in the Supreme Court while opposing petitions challenging Section 6A of the Citizenship Act. A five-judge constitution bench of the Supreme Court is hearing a batch of petitions challenging the constitutional validity of Section 6A of the Citizenship Act, 1955.

Section 6A of the Citizenship Act, 1955 provides a different cut-off date for immigrants to be considered illegal immigrants. As per this, all foreigners who entered Assam on or before 25th March 1971 will be granted Indian citizenship, against the cut-off date of 19th July 1949 for the rest of the country. While arguing against the petitions, Kapil Sibal, who represented Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and AAMSU, said that the history of Assam is complicated as it was part of Myanmar, which was later handed over to the British. Sibal also claimed that migration to Assam can’t be mapped, as ‘no migration can ever be mapped’.

Kapil Sibal represented the Karnataka Waqf Board and insinuated that if Hindu festivals were to be celebrated on Waqf land, Muslims would be ‘provoked’

In August 2022, the Supreme Court denied permission for Ganesh Chaturthi celebrations at the disputed Idgah Maidan in Bengaluru. The apex court imposed a status quo on the Maidan on a petition by the Karnataka Waqf Board and said, “No pooja, no namaaz as of now.” The Idgah Maidan was at the centre of a controversy with both the Karnataka Waqf Board and the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike claiming its ownership.

While the Karnataka High Court had permitted the state government to consider a plea seeking permission to celebrate Ganesh Chaturthi on Idgah Maidan in Chamarajpet, Bengaluru, for a limited period, the state Waqf Board approached the Supreme Court claiming that no such religious celebrations had been held here for 200 years. Appearing on behalf of the Waqf Board, Kapil Sibal had argued before the top court that the Karnataka HC’s order violates the 1964 order passed by the Supreme Court. Sibal had put up a rhetorical question to the judges: If other religious festivals are allowed on the grounds owned by Waqf, where only Islamic religious festivals are held, ‘Your Lordships know what will happen’.

 He also argued that the Karnataka HC’s order might change the ‘character of the maidan’ and that ‘nod to the puja at the maidan might hurt communal harmony.’ Sibal had put up a rhetorical question to the judges, that if other religious festivals are allowed on ground owned by Waqf, where only Islamic religious festivals are held, ‘Your Lordships know that what will happen’. Kapil Sibal, who on many occasions projected himself as a ‘Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb’ enthusiast and a big-time secularist, shamelessly advocated for Muslim hegemony over a disputed land to prevent Hindus from celebrating their festival on the Idgah Maidan.

Kapil Sibal to don his black robe once again to represent Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind before the Supreme Court against the Waqf Amendment Act (UMEED Act)

In continuation of his dark legacy of championing causes that either align with the interests of Islamists or against the interests of Hindus, Kapil Sibal is set to represent Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind in the Supreme Court against its plea challenging constitutional validity of the Waqf Act (UMEED Act) recently cleared by both houses of the Parliament and assented to by the President of India. Sibal was rebuked recently for mentioning pleas challenging the Waqf Act before the SC for urgent hearing. CJI Sanjiv Khanna told Sibal and advocate Abhishek Manu Singhvi to follow established procedures.

It is pertinent to note that Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind is one of the most influential and largest Islamic organisations, which has provided legal support to Muslims accused of terrorism cases for over a decade now. It has defended its actions, saying that they provide legal services to ‘innocent Muslims’. The legal cell, set up by JUH president Maulana Arshad Madani in 2007, takes up the cases and enlists lawyers to defend the terror accused in the courts. The Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind has offered its services to around 700 accused. What is worrying about such interventions is that they have been able to get acquittals of at least 192 terror accused since 2007. Most of the acquittals did not take place owing to the proven innocence of the accused. Instead, the Muslim men were released due to a lack of evidence or shoddy investigation by the police. Jamiat also hired a lawyer to fight the case of the anti-Hindu Nuh Violence accused Congress leader Mamman Khan.

The Jamiat has earlier demanded a separate law to “specifically punish those inciting violence against minorities” amid the alleged rise in Islamophobia. From opposing Hindu side’s pleas to reopen Kashi-Mathura temple dispute cases to proclaiming that Muslims will follow Shariah only, the Jamiat has been clear about how ‘secular’ it’s ideology is and how deep their ‘love’ is for the farce called Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb, however, Kapil Sibal being the legal eagle dedicated to preserving this farce, has no qualms in representing an outright Islamist outfit and defend their plea against a law aimed at curbing corruption within Waqf Boards, arbitrary landownership claims against properties and religious sites of Hindus, Christians and other non-Muslims, illegal encroachment of government lands and ending the monopoly of a privileged few.

Triple Talaq case and Kapil Sibal’s advocacy for the perpetuation of a regressive practice against Muslim women

Kapil Sibal’s career trajectory as a lawyer reflects a pattern of championing causes that Hindu interests or entrench Muslim hegemony, that too at the expense of obstructing societal reforms. In the Shayara Bano vs Union of India case, Kapil Sibal represented the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB). His advocacy on behalf of AIMPLB witnessed him argue vociferously for the continuation of the regressive and highly patriarchal practice of instant Triple Talaq. Sibal chose to prioritize Islamic orthodoxy over gender justice.

Back in 2017, OpIndia reported about the six main arguments put forth by Kapil Sibal while representing AIMPLB before the Supreme Court. His first argument was, “Triple talaq is going on since 1400 years, how can you say it is unconstitutional?” Basically, if Muslim women were being randomly ‘divorced’ by their husbands over reasons as trivial as using less salt and spices in food, since hundreds of years, the practice should continue and the elected government of a so-called secular nation must not interfere.

Another argument Sibal offered before the court was, “If Hindus’ faith about Rama’s birth at Ayodhya can’t be questioned, then triple talaq, a matter of faith for Muslims shouldn’t be.” He, however, despite being a legal representative of Sunni Waqf Board in the Ram Janmbhoomi case, ignored the fact that the faith of Hindus about Ramlalla’s birthplace was questioned in the court and the Hindu side presented its historical and scriptural records to prove the veracity of their claim.

Some of the other arguments presented by Kapil Sibal in this case were, “Shariat is personal law and not subject to fundamental rights”, “Majority community cannot make laws for the minority unless the reform comes from within the community.” Just because a certain section of people was aggrieved by their personal laws, does not warrant a case to seek reform in the area.” “Hindu laws of divorce and succession are more discriminatory than triple talaq.”

In his desperation to defend the indefensible, Sibal resorted to suggesting that Sharia is somehow greater than the Indian constitution for Indian Muslims, and that Muslims are free to accept and abide by the Constitution as per their whims. He suggested that any reform should come from within the Muslim community instead of through parliament, however, as he himself argued that the practice of Triple Talaq has been prevalent since 1400 years, if a “reform from within the community” didn’t come in all these centuries, how many more centuries should have Muslim women waited for it. He had even downplayed the rampant cases of instant triple talaq, saying that such cases do not warrant a reform.

Fortunately, on 22nd August 2017, Supreme Court of India delivered a historic verdict declaring Talaq-e-biddat or ‘instant triple talaq’ unconstitutional i.e. the act of pronouncing divorce by a Muslim man by saying (or even electronically sending on messaging platforms) the term ‘talaq’ three times in a go, will no longer be a valid form of divorce in the eyes of law. The Modi government had submitted before the apex court that the said practice is indeed violative of rights conferred by Article 14, 15 and 21. In 2019, the Modi government criminalised the regressive practice of instant triple talaq whereby a Muslim man could legally divorce his wife by pronouncing Talaq three times.

Conclusion

It seems like Kapil Sibal has a knack for perpetuating a framework that prioritises communal privilege for Muslims over national interest. While Sibal as a lawyer is free to take up the case of any of his clients, the senior lawyer’s career trajectory indicates that beyond the façade of being a progressive jurist, Sibal is a defender of Islamists who feel entitled to hold certain special rights and privileges by virtue of being Muslims, even if that means crushing the rights of the Hindu majority and other non-Muslim communities in the country.

From opposing the Hindu claim in the Ramjanmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Title Dispute case to defending to regressive practices like instant Triple Talaq, pushing for reinstatement of the divisive Article 370 and 35a, downplaying the massive 2G spectrum scam, representing Islamists and alleged anti-Hindu rioters in court, among other cases, Kapil Sibal’s career trajectory comes across as a relentless crusade against Hindu and national interests.

Now, with his advocacy against the Waqf Act 2025, Sibal continues to align himself with causes that entrench Muslim institutional dominance, serving the Islamist elite while sideling the welfare of ordinary Muslims and rights of Hindus and other religious communities who have suffered due to arbitrary claims laid over their properties by Waqf Boards across the country. While expecting Sibal to be an outright neutral lawyer is senseless given he has been an active politician, a parliamentarian and a minister, Sibal emerges more as both, an enabler and defender of division, prioritising Islamist privilege and ideological opposition to the BJP alongside inflicting collateral harm on Hindus while letting national interests and unity go for a toss.

Trump’s tariff war: US President announces 125% for China, gives 90-day breather for countries including India that have opted for negotiations

Amid the ongoing tariff war between the US and China that had been rattling the global markets, US President Donald Trump on Wednesday (local time) announced an immediate increase in tariffs on China to 125 per cent.

The move by the US President came following a retaliatory move by China, where it increased its tariff on US goods from 34 per cent to 84 per cent starting April 10.

In a simultaneous move, Trump announced that for 75 countries which have called Representatives of the United States for trade talks, he has authorised a 90-day “pause” and a substantially lower reciprocal tariff.

The countries having trade talks with the United States include India.

“Based on the lack of respect that China has shown to the World’s Markets, I am hereby raising the Tariff charged to China by the United States of America to 125 %, effective immediately. At some point, hopefully in the near future, China will realize that the days of ripping off the U.S.A., and other Countries, is no longer sustainable or acceptable,” Trump said on social media platform Truth Social.

“Conversely, and based on the fact that more than 75 Countries have called Representatives of the United States, including the Departments of Commerce, Treasury, and the USTR, to negotiate a solution to the subjects being discussed relative to Trade, Trade Barriers, Tariffs, Currency Manipulation, and Non Monetary Tariffs, and that these Countries have not, at my strong suggestion, retaliated in any way, shape, or form against the United States, I have authorized a 90 day PAUSE, and a substantially lowered Reciprocal Tariff during this period, of 10%, also effective immediately. Thank you for your attention to this matter!” he added.

Earlier today, in a retaliatory move, China announced that it would increase its tariff on US goods from 34 per cent to 84 per cent starting April 10, as reported by Al Jazeera.

The decision comes after the US increased tariffs on China to a whopping 104 per cent, following President Trump’s threat of “additional 50 per cent tariffs” on Beijing starting Wednesday.

Trump had announced an additional 50 per cent tariff on China after Beijing announced a 34 per cent tariff on the United States in a tit-for-tat response. 


(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

Telangana HC upholds death penalty for Dilsukhnagar bombers including Indian Mujahideen founder Yasin Bhatkal: Exclusive details from Court judgment

On 8th April 2025, the Telangana High Court upheld the death sentences awarded to five convicts in the 2013 Dilsukhnagar twin bomb blasts case. The Division Bench comprising Justice K Lakshman and Justice P Sree Sudha dismissed the criminal appeal filed by the convicts, who are linked to the Pakistan-based terror outfit. Founder of the terror organisation Indian Mujahideen, Yasin Bhatkal, is one of the convicts sentenced to death.

The Special Court of the National Investigation Agency had sentenced IM operatives Bhatkal, Zia-ur-Rehman alias Waqas, Asadullah Akhtar alias Haddi, Tehseen Akhtar and Aizaz Shaikh to death for the blasts that killed 18 people, including an unborn child. 130 people were reported injured in the incident. The explosions occurred seconds apart on 21st February 2013 at Dilsukhnagar market in Hyderabad.

Initially, FIRs were registered by local police before the case was transferred to the NIA by the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. The accused were arrested between 2013 and 2014. Bhatkal and Akhtar were apprehended at the Indo-Nepal border and Pakistani national Waqas in Rajasthan.

OpIndia accessed a copy of the judgment.

Details of the case

The court upheld the judgment of the Special NIA Court dated 13th December 2016, in which Yasin Bhatkal (referred to as Accused No. 2), Zia-ur-Rehman alias Waqas (referred to as Accused No. 3), Asadullah Akhtar alias Haddi (referred to as Accused No. 4), Tehseen Akhtar alias Monu (referred to as Accused No. 5), and Aizaz Shaikh (referred to as Accused No. 6) were convicted. All of the accused were booked under relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Explosive Substances Act (ES Act), the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act (PPD Act), and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). Mohd Riyaz alias Riyaz Bhaktal (referred to as Accused No 1) is still absconding.

In its Charge Sheet No. 1, the NIA pointed out that the accused were part of Indian Mujahideen, which was declared an unlawful association under the provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). The aim of the organisation was to gather individuals with a similar mindset and dedication towards activities including waging jihad or holy war against Hindus, other communities, and the Indian State. Regular meetings were held every Friday at Iqbal Bhatkal’s house, which included weapons training, financial planning, talent spotting, spiritual discourse, and more.

According to the charge sheet, IM’s role in terror activities was first revealed through an email sent to a media channel following the bombings in Varanasi, Ayodhya, and Lucknow. The motive cited for the attacks was the demolition of the disputed structure in Ayodhya and the Gujarat riots of 2002.

Details of the incident

On 21st February 2013, two bomb blasts took place in Dilsukhnagar, Hyderabad, at 6:58 PM, with a gap of six seconds between them. Eighteen people, including a quickborn child, were killed and 131 injured. The first blast occurred at a bus stop in Dilsukhnagar, followed by the second near the Al-Mirchi Centre.

Initially, Malakpet and Saroornagar Police Stations registered respective cases and began the investigation. However, on 13th March 2013, the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, transferred the case to the National Investigation Agency (NIA). New cases were registered by the NIA on 14th March.

Details of arrest and investigation

Yasin and Tehseen were arrested by the NIA on 29th August 2013. Their involvement in the bombing was revealed during interrogation. The accused stated before the NIA that there was a conspiracy to wage war against the Government of India by committing terrorist attacks to kill innocent people, disrupt national security, and instil fear and insecurity among the general public. They further informed the NIA that their activities were funded by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).

Riyaz and Yasin had entered India via Nepal in September 2010. Riyaz arranged funds for their terror activities through hawala and Western Union Money Transfer (WUMT), which Yasin received using fake identities.

In February 2013, the accused obtained explosives in Mangalore and travelled to Hyderabad on 16th February. After conducting reconnaissance of several locations, including Dilsukhnagar, they selected it as the target site.

A day before the blasts, the accused visited various locations to purchase materials required for the operation, including pressure cookers and old bicycles. The bombs were planted at around 4 PM on 21st February 2013. After planting the devices, they left for Bengaluru and subsequently reached Mangaluru on Riyaz’s instructions.

During the investigation, the NIA found that the accused were using chat messengers, including Yahoo Messenger, via proxy servers. They communicated using fake identities and coded language. In March 2013, before the arrests were made, Asadullah and Zia-ur-Rehman attempted to flee to Pakistan via Nepal using passports obtained from Kerala.

On 5th September 2014, Aizaz Sheikh was arrested by the Delhi Special Cell in connection with a 2011 case. It was revealed during the investigation that Sheikh, on the instructions of Riyaz, arranged hawala money, SIM cards, and mobile phones for the accused, and carried explosives to aid others involved in the case.

Furthermore, in 2010, Aizaz purchased a laptop in Mumbai and used it to prepare fake voter IDs, driving licences, and other documents using samples available on Google and Photoshop software. The fake documents were shared with Riyaz as per requirement. He was also involved in several previous bomb blasts in different parts of India. The documents prepared by Aizaz were used to procure SIM cards and to evade arrest both before and after the bomb blasts.

Interestingly, they used both Hindu (Girish Joshi) and Muslim names to withdraw funds from Western Union. Aizaz, an active member of Indian Mujahideen, was initiated by his father-in-law, Mohsin Choudhary—a jihadist and resident of Pakistan. He and Riyaz used to chat with Aizaz regularly to motivate him to engage in terror activities, including bomb blasts in India. Aizaz was also behind supplying explosives for the German Bakery blast in Pune. He also sent emails to media houses claiming responsibility for bomb blasts on behalf of IM.

Contentions of accused while challenging Trial Court’s judgment

While challenging the Trial Court’s judgment, the accused raised several objections. They claimed procedural lapses, including delays in FIR registration, contradictions in the reported timings of the blasts, and that the FIR lacked names and sufficient details. The complaint being in English was also questioned, given the complainant’s unfamiliarity with the language.

The accused argued that the seizure procedures were not properly followed and that dying declarations were not recorded. Furthermore, they alleged that FSL experts were not examined, and that the case rested solely on circumstantial evidence without forming a complete chain. They contended that the identification parade was delayed, improperly conducted, and that no eyewitnesses had identified them.

Further objections included the absence of proper sanctions, flawed charge framing, and procedural violations under the CrPC. They claimed that key witnesses were unreliable or not examined, expert opinions lacked credibility, and electronic evidence was unsupported by Section 65B certificates.

Analysis and findings of the court

While the prosecution examined 157 witnesses and submitted 507 documents and 201 material objects to prove the charges against the accused, the defence produced no witnesses, relying only on documents such as IP address and email records. The Court found no merit in the contention regarding delay in lodging the complaint, as the initial FIRs were promptly filed and later legally transferred to the NIA.

Statements by witnesses confirmed the procedural integrity of the seizure, site inspections, and forensic submissions. The Court noted that bomb squads, local police, and NIA officials worked in coordination, and the claims that the trial court lacked jurisdiction had already been rejected by both the High Court and Supreme Court.

Material seized from the scene—including cycle parts, metal splinters, and electronic devices—was properly documented and forwarded to the FSL. The Court concluded that the investigation and prosecution were conducted in accordance with the law.

Scene of occurrence / bomb blasts

The bomb blasts occurred at Dilsukhnagar on 21st February 2013, near the 107 Bus Stop and A-1 Mirchi Centre. A witness in the first case, an RTC driver, was having tea nearby when the blasts occurred. He witnessed chaos, scattered bodies, and injured persons. Along with others, he used buses to shift the victims to hospital. His complaint led to the first FIR at Malakpet Police Station.

A witness of the second blast, a local shopkeeper, heard both explosions and rushed to assist the victims. His complaint led to the second FIR at Saroornagar Police Station.

Cross-examinations of the witnesses revealed initial confusion, darkness, and public panic. The witnesses confirmed that the local police arrived within minutes. Later that night, the NIA team also arrived to examine the site. Despite minor procedural lapses, such as missing diary entries, both FIRs were promptly registered and were supported by eyewitness testimonies, establishing the occurrence and gravity of the blasts.

Conspiracy, involvement, participation and execution

The investigation revealed a deeply rooted conspiracy by IM operatives to wage war against India. The accused, funded by ISI, plotted and executed serial bombings to instil fear, disrupt public order, and target civilians. Yasin and Zia entered India via Nepal in 2010 under directions from Riyaz. They later joined Tehseen and Akhtar. They operated from hideouts in Bihar, Mangalore, and Hyderabad, frequently receiving funds via hawala and Western Union using fake identities.

In early 2013, they procured explosives in Mangalore, conducted test blasts near Abdullapurmet, and purchased pressure cookers and bicycles to assemble IEDs. Tehseen rented a house in Hyderabad. Yasin, Zia and Tehseen conducted recce at crowded locations and selected Dilsukhnagar as the target. On 21st February, they planted the bombs using bicycles. Both exploded within seconds, killing 18—including an unborn child—and injuring 131.

Evidence from multiple witnesses, along with CCTV footage, CDRs and forensic reports, confirmed their roles. Aizaz also played a key role in providing technical support and fake documents. The Court observed that the chain of events was clearly established beyond doubt.

Scene of offence and observation and seizure panchanamas

The prosecution meticulously documented the scene of the bomb blasts in the presence of independent witnesses. Seized items included critical material objects such as damaged cycle parts, detonator wires, blood-stained earth, and metallic fragments.

Furthermore, burnt two-wheelers and electronic remnants, a damaged bicycle, batteries, metal pieces, swabs, and other explosive remnants were recovered from the site. All recoveries were properly sealed, documented, and corroborated by eyewitnesses and panchas. The defence failed to counter these panchanamas during cross-examination. The Court held the seizures were legally valid, with minor inconsistencies being immaterial in such grave incidents.

Disclosures and confessions of the accused

The disclosure statements and confessions from the accused proved instrumental in establishing the conspiracy and execution of the terror incident.

Yasin detailed his travel from Mangalore to Hyderabad, recce operations, procurement of cycles, pressure cookers, explosives, and the planting of IEDs with Zia and Tehseen. His statement led to the recovery of critical evidence. He provided minute-by-minute details of his movement from Mangalore to Hyderabad. He confessed to booking his bus ticket under the alias ‘Danish’, staying at the shelter house in Abdullapurmet arranged by Tehseen, and conducting recce at crowded locations across the city. He admitted to participating in a test blast near Ramoji Film City, purchasing pressure cookers from Sri Mahalakshmi Steel Palace for preparing IEDs, and buying two bicycles to plant the bombs. He further detailed how the IEDs were assembled, transported, and placed at 107 Bus Stop and A1-Mirchi Centre.

Zia revealed Taliban-style training in Pakistan and his ability to assemble IEDs. He reconstructed the bomb-making process with dummy components under NIA supervision, which was videographed and documented. His disclosure confirmed his role in the test blast, procurement of explosive material, and delivery from Mangalore to Hyderabad. He revealed that he received terror training in North Waziristan, FATA, including bomb-making and handling explosives. He confessed to assembling the IEDs in Hyderabad using material received via hawala and WUMT. He also demonstrated the entire bomb-making process using dummy components.

Tehseen admitted to arranging shelter, purchasing cycles, and participating in planting the IED at A1-Mirchi Centre. The information provided by him matched locations and events. He confessed to scouting for a hideout, renting the Abdullapurmet house, arranging local logistics, and planting the bomb-laden cycle at A1-Mirchi Centre. His participation and provided digital mapping of key locations was confirmed by electronic evidence. He also identified the cycle sellers and shops where items used for the blasts were purchased.

Akhtar and Aizaz provided information about chats with Riyaz Bhatkal, financial and logistical support, and preparation of fake IDs. These confessions corroborated material evidence and witness testimonies. He revealed how they used coded language to coordinate the Hyderabad blasts. He revealed specific dates, discussions about bomb-making materials, the difficulty in sourcing explosives, and the involvement of other accused. He confirmed overseeing the preparations and acknowledged the successful execution of the blast.

Aizaz admitted to supplying fake IDs, SIM cards, mobile phones, and hawala funds on instructions from Mohsin Chaudhary and Riyaz Bhatkal. He confessed to preparing forged documents using Photoshop and encryption tools such as TrueCrypt and AxCrypt, storing jihadist material on encrypted drives, and sharing them via online platforms. His statements led to the recovery of fake voter cards, passports, and email accounts used for covert communication.

Each of these disclosures led to discoveries of places, materials, and digital evidence corroborated by independent witnesses and physical seizures. The Court held that these were not merely custodial statements but were supported by recoveries, site identifications, and consistent timelines. The minor contradictions were deemed insignificant.

Online chatting

During trial, it was established that the accused persons conspired through online chats to carry out the terror incident. Café owners confirmed Yasin and Tehseen accessed their premises using fake IDs. Their chat logs were retrieved, revealing detailed discussions between Riyaz and Akhtar about preparations, explosives, target locations, and timing. Chats showed Riyaz directing the others, with Akhtar offering suggestions and encouragement.

Tehseen’s arrival and rented house at Abdullapurmet

Their stay at a hideout at Abdullapurmet was confirmed by witnesses. They confirmed that Tehseen introduced himself as Sameer and stayed with them before renting the house via local contacts. Witnesses also confirmed Yasin and Zia joined Tehseen at the rented house before the bombings and vanished after the blast.

Purchase of pressure cookers

The prosecution established that Yasin and Tehseen purchased two large Ganga-brand pressure cookers, which was confirmed by the shop owner. The cookers were purchased a day before the blast. A technical expert confirmed that the fragments found at the crime scene matched the material of the cooker. Handles and whistles were later recovered from the Abdullapurmet hideout during a search by the investigating agency.

Conducting test blast

The prosecution proved that Yasin and Tehseen conducted a test blast near a hillock close to Abdullapurmet days before the Dilsukhnagar attack. There, remnants including detonator shells, wires, and soil samples were seized and recorded. The investigation confirmed the test was conducted to verify the explosive’s impact. As Yasin had specific knowledge of the site, the Court held the test blast as part of the preparation for the main terror attack.

Purchase of cycles

It was further established that Yasin and Tehseen purchased two old cycles that were used to plant the IEDs. They were bought from a cycle repairer two days before the blasts. Furthermore, another cycle was sold on the day of the blast, which was established as well. The recovered damaged cycle parts from the blast sites matched the purchased bicycles, firmly linking them to the accused and the explosions.

Parking of cycles at Malakpet Railway Station

An employee under the parking contractor testified that three persons parked a cycle on 20th February and two of them returned with another on 21st February. He identified the accused and recalled their physical appearances and interactions. The cycles were parked with receipts, retrieved later. His testimony confirmed the prosecution’s claim. This key evidence linked the movement of the accused directly to the bombing logistics and the placement of explosive-laden bicycles.

Leaving the rented house on the day of the blast

On the day of the blasts, Yasin and Tehseen vacated the rented house. An eyewitness confirmed that Tehseen handed him the keys, stating his mother was unwell and he was going to Mumbai. Their sudden departure, just hours before the explosions, was considered highly suspicious. The Court held that this conduct—leaving the hideout immediately after preparing and transporting the IEDs—was part of the conspiracy. The prosecution successfully proved that the accused intentionally abandoned the house to evade detection after executing the twin bomb blasts.

Recovery of explosives at Mangalore

Explosives and bomb-making materials were recovered from Zephyr Heights, Mangalore, where Yasin and Zia had stayed. An FSL expert from Karnataka confirmed that the materials matched those used in the blasts. Seized items included ANFO, gel explosives, detonators, wiring, digital timers, and bomb circuitry tools. The Court accepted this as strong corroborative evidence, directly linking the accused to the preparation and possession of explosives.

Receipt of hawala money

It was further proved that Yasin and Tehseen received hawala money through WUMT and other outlets using fake identities. Eyewitnesses confirmed Zia collected funds multiple times, including on 26th February 2013, 20th March 2013, and 12th April 2013. TRM forms and voter IDs were used for verification. The WUMT Manager confirmed similar transactions. All funds were received using aliases. The defence claim that such transactions occurred post-offence was rejected, as conspiracy evidence spans pre- and post-blast activities. The evidence confirmed financial support for executing the Dilsukhnagar bombings.

Use of Hindu identity by the accused

On 27th December 2012, Aizaz received a voter ID card in the name of Girish Joshi from Riyaz. He replaced the photograph on the voter card with that of Asadullah. The fake ID was used by him to withdraw money from Western Union two months prior to the blast.

A fake ID in the name of Lokesh Kumar was created with Yasin Bhatkal’s photo. A fake passport for Bhatkal was in the name of Ravi Sinha, while a fake passport for Asadullah was in the name of P. Kumar Lokesh. Fake IDs in the names of Narendra Kumar, Pravir Kartal, and Vikas Yadav were also created by Aizaz. Some of them were forwarded to Mohsin Chowdhury.

Final execution and planting of bombs

On 21st February, Yasin and Tehseen executed the bomb blasts. IEDs were assembled using pressure cookers and explosive material packed in white fruit cartons. Around 4 PM, they vacated the Abdullapurmet hideout and proceeded to Malakpet Railway Station. There, Yasin and Tehseen retrieved previously parked bicycles and mounted the IEDs. Zia planted the bomb at the 107 Bus Stop and Tehseen planted the bomb at A1-Mirchi Centre. Yasin supervised the operation.

Post-blast escape and movements

After the blasts, Yasin and Zia escaped from Hyderabad using pre-booked tickets under false names. They travelled to Lakdi-ka-pul by auto, then to Bangalore, and eventually reached Mangalore. Tehseen left separately and went to Ranchi by train. Later disclosures confirmed that Yasin fled to Nepal, where he was sheltered by Yasin Bhatkal. These escape movements were pre-planned, highlighting the calculated nature of the attack and efforts to evade detection immediately after the execution.

Zia’s expertise in preparing and blasting of IED

The prosecution established that Zia possessed technical expertise in assembling IEDs. The Assistant Director at CFSL testified to witnessing a voluntary demonstration by Zia at CRPF Camp, Hakimpet. Zia assembled an IED using components provided and completed a live circuit, verified when a bulb glowed in place of explosives. The demonstration confirmed his capability to construct functioning IEDs and substantiated his role in preparing the bombs used in the Dilsukhnagar twin blasts.

Retrieval of jihadi material, emails, and fake IDs

Disclosure by Aizaz led to the retrieval of vital evidence, including jihadi literature, draft emails on Indian Mujahideen letterhead, and fake identity documents used by Yasin and Tehseen. A Senior Assistant from the Collector’s Office confirmed that Aizaz unlocked his laptop using passwords and voluntarily accessed incriminating files. This digital material further established the conspiracy and support structure behind the blasts. The Court held that the recovery of such items at Aizaz’s instance was valid and demonstrated his active involvement in facilitating terrorist acts through logistical and technical support.

Eye-witnesses

The defence claimed that the blasts case lacked direct eyewitnesses and relied solely on circumstantial evidence. However, the prosecution presented Merugu as a direct witness. He recounted seeing a bearded man (later identified as Tehseen) park a cycle with a box near Anand Tiffin Centre moments before the explosion. He initially failed to identify the accused during the first Test Identification Parade on 28th June 2014 due to poor lighting and distance but successfully identified him in the second parade on 9th July 2014 when allowed closer access.

TV9 journalist T. Nageshwar Rao supported Merugu’s account. He testified that Merugu approached him post-blast and described witnessing someone park the suspicious cycle. Merugu agreed to a video interview with his face covered, which was aired on the same night.

The Court held that eyewitnesses like Merugu are crucial and their accounts remain intact and trustworthy. Consequently, it rejected the claim that no direct evidence existed and affirmed the findings of the trial court, drawing support from the Supreme Court’s position in Ramakant Roy v. Madan Rao that credible eyewitnesses outweigh hypothetical expert opinions.

Sentencing

The High Court independently evaluated the case and upheld the trial court’s judgment sentencing the accused to death, life imprisonment and other penalties. The Court found that the trial court had carefully weighed all aggravating and mitigating circumstances, including psychiatric evaluations and probationary reports, before concluding that this was a rarest of rare case warranting capital punishment. The discretion exercised was found neither arbitrary nor unreasonable.

Given the calculated and diabolical manner of the bombings, which killed 18 and injured 131, the Court held that life imprisonment would serve no purpose as the convicts were beyond reformation. The appeal was dismissed, and the sentence of death confirmed. Certified copies were ordered to be issued to the convicts, and they were informed of their right to appeal to the Supreme Court within 30 days. All pending applications stood closed.

Accused No 2, Mohd Ahmed Siddibapa alias Yasin Bhatkal, was awarded the death penalty for multiple offences including conspiracy to commit murder (Section 120B r/w 302 IPC), direct murder charges (302 r/w 34 IPC – two counts), under Section 3(b) of the Explosive Substances Act (ES Act), and for committing terrorist acts under Section 16 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). He was also sentenced to life imprisonment for offences under Sections 121, 121A, 122 IPC, 307 IPC (two counts), 436 IPC, Sections 5 of the ES Act (two counts), and Sections 17, 18 and 19 of the UAPA. Additionally, he received rigorous imprisonment ranging from 2 to 10 years for charges under Sections 316, 201, 466, 474 IPC, and Sections 14 of the Foreigners Act and 4 of the Prevention of Damage to Public Property (PPD) Act, along with corresponding fines and default imprisonment.

Accused No 3, Zia-ur-Rehman alias Waqas, received identical punishments as Yasin Bhatkal, including the death penalty for conspiracy and execution of the blasts, life imprisonment for related terror and criminal offences, and rigorous imprisonment for forgery, destruction of evidence, and use of fake documents. He too was held guilty under multiple provisions of the IPC, ES Act, Foreigners Act, PPD Act, and UAPA.

Accused No 4, Tehseen Akhtar alias Monu, was also sentenced to death under similar provisions as the other two, including for his direct role in executing one of the twin bomb blasts. He received life imprisonment for various terror-related and criminal acts and rigorous imprisonment for his role in forgery, destruction of evidence, and procuring fake IDs and shelter.

Accused No 5, Asadullah Akhtar alias Haddi, too was awarded the death penalty under Sections 120B r/w 302 IPC, Sections 3(b) ES Act r/w 109 IPC, and Section 16 of the UAPA r/w 109 IPC. Life imprisonment was imposed for conspiracy, shelter, aiding terror acts, and involvement in preparation and transport of explosives. Additional rigorous imprisonments were awarded for related offences involving fake identities, money transfers, and forged documents.

Accused No 6, Aizaz Shaikh, though not a direct executor of the blasts, was sentenced to death for his active role in the conspiracy, preparation of fake documents, financial facilitation, and aiding fugitives. His charges included capital punishment under 120B r/w 302 IPC, 302 r/w 109 IPC, Section 3(b) ES Act r/w 109 IPC, and Section 16 UAPA r/w 109 IPC. Life imprisonment was imposed under Sections 121A, 122, 307, 436, and multiple sections of the UAPA and ES Act. He also received rigorous imprisonment under forgery and ID laws.

All punishments included fines and default simple imprisonment in case of non-payment.

India withdraws transshipment facility extended to Bangladesh citing logistical challenges and congestion at ports

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) on Wednesday announced the withdrawal of the transshipment facility previously extended to Bangladesh, citing logistical challenges and congestion at Indian ports and airports.

Addressing the weekly press briefing, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said, “The Transshipment facility extended to Bangladesh had over a period of time resulted in significant congestion at our airports and ports. Logistical delays and higher costs were hindering our own exports and creating backlogs.”

“The facility, therefore, has been withdrawn with effect from April 8, 2025. To clarify, these measures do not impact Bangladesh exports to Nepal or Bhutan transiting through Indian territory,” the MEA spokesperson added.

Notably, a 13-member delegation from Bangladesh visited India from July 9 to 12, 2024, to explore the possibilities of transhipment of Bangladeshi Exim cargo through Indian ports located on the East Coast. The delegation was led by S M Mostafa Kamal, Joint Secretary, Ministry of Shipping, Bangladesh, and included representatives from other key Bangladeshi ministries and ports.

Earlier, the Ministry of Ports, Shipping, and Waterways, in a release, said that Agenda no. 6 in the agreed minutes of SSLT was moved by the Indian side to facilitate Bangladesh’s Exim cargo through Indian Ports on the East Coast using the Coastal Shipping Agreement and Protocol on Inland Water Transit and Trade (PIWTT) Agreement between India and Bangladesh.

The Bangladeshi delegation had identified several bottlenecks in Exim trade using Indian ports. In response, the Indian side agreed to provide comprehensive data analysis and comparisons and demonstrated the benefits for Bangladeshi exporters and importers in using Indian ports over existing transhipment ports like Colombo, Singapore, and Port Klang.

During the press briefing, MEA spokesperson Jaiswal also raised broader concerns regarding bilateral relations with Bangladesh, particularly the treatment of minorities and issues surrounding the Teesta Water Treaty.

Speaking on the situation of minorities in Bangladesh, Jaiswal emphasised the need for urgent and firm action. “We have conveyed our concerns regarding the treatment of minorities, the kind of violence that has happened against them…These violence and atrocities against minorities cannot be wished away…We hope that the Bangladesh government will take strong action against those responsible for these atrocities,” he said.

Regarding the Teesta Water Treaty, Jaiswal reiterated India’s commitment to dialogue, stressing that such discussions must be based on mutual consent and a conducive environment.

“There are 54 rivers shared between India and Bangladesh. To discuss all relevant water issues, we have a mechanism, a bilateral mechanism, called the Joint Rivers Commission. We are ready to discuss all issues provided that they are mutually agreed upon and provided that the overall environment is conducive for the same,” he said.

Earlier on April 4, Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Bangladesh Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC Summit in Bangkok on Friday and reiterated India’s support for a democratic, stable, peaceful, progressive and inclusive Bangladesh.

PM Modi underlined India’s concerns related to the safety and security of minorities in Bangladesh, including Hindus, and expressed his expectation that the Bangladesh government would ensure their security, including by thoroughly investigating the cases of atrocities committed against them, according to an MEA release.

In a press release, the MEA stated, “Prime Minister reiterated India’s support for a democratic, stable, peaceful, progressive and inclusive Bangladesh. Enunciating India’s people-centric approach to the relationship, the Prime Minister highlighted that cooperation between the two countries has brought tangible benefits to the people of both countries. He underlined India’s desire to forge a positive and constructive relationship with Bangladesh based on pragmatism.”


(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

“Activists” trying to negotiate on behalf of Maoists: As Left-wing terrorism faces a wipeout, “Urban Naxals” try to build pressure on Govt for a “ceasefire”

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has declared to eradicate Naxalism by March 2026 as the security forces are making notable strides in their campaign to eradicate red terror from the regions impacted across the country. The achievements in the anti-Naxal operations stem not only from encounters but also from the surrenders of dreaded terrorists who had huge bounties on their heads.

The development transpired as they witnessed the corruption and injustice within their ranks, alongside the commendable efforts of the Modi government, even in the most remote areas. As of 2015, approximately 106 districts across 10 states were classified as naxal-affected. This number was reduced to 38 by 2024 and further to 18. Out of these, 12 were considered the most impacted by naxal activities, yet this figure has now fallen to just 6.

While the government is on the brink of delivering on its major promise, the usual suspects, Urban Naxals, have once again reappeared from their holes, discredit the government and defend the harbours of leftist extremism. On 28th March central committee of the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) indicated its willingness to engage in peace negotiations with both the central and state governments, provided they cease the current “Operation Kagar (Final Line).”

The campaign seeks to eradicate naxalism in Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra (Gadchiroli), Odisha, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Telangana as well as installing new camps as part of the military offensive by security forces. The left-liberal ecosystem viewed this as an opportunity to mount pressure and undermine the government’s anti-Naxal efforts. A broad coalition comprising 150 alleged activists, more than 50 trade unions and leftist organizations called for immediate ceasefire and peace negotiations between the two sides, on 4th April.

A sininster appeal

The central committee’s inclination to dialogue and the Chhattisgarh government’s conditional approval led to the issuance of the open letter. It read, “We, the undersigned organisations and individuals, welcome the CPI (Maoist) offer of peace talks and the Government of Chhattisgarh’s response keeping the door for talks open. However, the government needs to demonstrate its intent by stopping the war on the ground immediately. We further call upon both parties to keep the best interests of the Adivasis and other villagers in mind, and to engage in peace talks keeping in mind the constitutional, democratic and human rights of citizens within the broader framework of the Constitution of India.”

From the outset of the letter, the leftists made their support for the Maoists evident, asking the government to cease its actions against the terrorists. They adeptly included references to indigenous groups, known as “Adivasis” and local villagers to create an emotional appeal rooted in humanitarianism while invoking terms such as constitution, democracy, and human rights. Notably, they craft this emotional narrative to justify terrorism, driven by their ideological beliefs rather than any genuine concern for these issues.

A genuine commitment would have prompted them to denounce the killings of security personnel and others by the Maoists. Moreover, equating terrorism committed by a group or individuals with government action to counter the same is not only unreasonable and outrageous but also implies a malevolent intent.

The letter pointed out that the “Adivasi dominated districts of Bastar division in Chhattisgarh, West Singhbhum in Jharkhand and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra are currently at the epicenter of this conflict.” It reiterated that their lives must be prioritized in all discussions. However, their rhetoric is not only repetitive but also devoid of emotional depth.

Sermons for the government

“We appeal to both sides to accept and announce a ceasefire to stop the use of violence in any form with immediate effect. There should be no more hostilities from either side whether in the form of operations, extra-judicial killings and encounters, IED blasts and killing of civilians or any sort of violence,” it added. It is noteworthy that while the letter is directed at both parties, the sermons are exclusively aimed at the government, as if the weapons wielded by Maoists shoot flowers instead of bullets.

The letter demanded, “The government, which has been constituted under the Constitution of India, is obligated to be the first to observe, respect and function based on constitutional principles and values. In the spirit of the Constitutional vision and ethos, a major responsibility vests with the government not to view the situation as though it is a ‘war’ with an external adversary but as an internal conflict involving our own citizens which requires to be brought to an amicable settlement at the earliest. Crucial to this process is for the government to demonstrate its magnanimity of spirit and commitment to constitutional values by taking the lead to call for peace talks with the Maoists without imposing prior conditions.”

The activists emphasized that the government has to bear full responsibility, as it is required to function in accordance with the Constitution, consistent with the essence of the letter. Essentially, what they are conveying is that while the Maoists control the streets with violence, establish parallel governments, flout the country’s laws and behave as sovereign entities in the territories they occupy, the government must practice restraint because of its allegiance to the Constitution. They are advising the government to handle successionist forces with kid gloves, leveraging the constitution to exert pressure.

The letter stated that the the violent struggle, fueled by the political and military ideologies of the Chinese Communist Party and Maoist revolutionary movements globally, should be regarded as an “internal conflict,” warranting a magnanimous response from the government. Nevertheless, there is no such call directed towards the forces that are the primary instigators of this bloodshed. These groups which already oppose India and its Constitution, appear to evade any accountability, values or principles associated with it. The letter not only belittles the decades-long battle against Naxalism but also implies that the responsibility for maintaining peace lies entirely with the government, while the Maoists should be allowed to act without consequence.

Attack on anti-Maoist operations

The activists subsequently drew parallels between the initiation of the disbanded “Salwa Judum” (a militia utilized in counterinsurgency operations in Chhattisgarh, active from 2005-2011) and its aftermath, contrasting it with the ongoing “Operation Kagar” to further criticize the government’s actions.

The letter then highlighted, “According to an official estimate, 16,733 people have been arrested in the last 25 years, and 10,884 surrendered. The government claims that Maoists will be finished by March 2026, and there are only 400 armed cadre left now. The bulk of the weaponry recovered (a mere 263 weapons) is country-made pistols, crude 12 bore guns or muzzle loaders. The number of ‘severely affected’ districts has come down to six. Under these circumstances, the Maoists are hardly such a security threat as to warrant the kind of offensive that we are seeing in terms of militarization.”

They conveniently neglected to mention that the decline in Maoist numbers is not attributable to any generosity on their part but rather to the long-term actions of multiple governments which have intensified and yielded improved outcomes under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. If there had not been a consistent commitment to eliminate Naxalism, these groups would have continued to unleash bloody turmoil as they did during the period of a powerful “Red Corridor.”

The letter advocates for the government to withdraw its aggressive campaign against naxalism, which would enable the latter to consolidate their forces, enhance their abilities and potentially negate the advancements made in combating the menace, over the years.

The activists then invoked the apex court’s decision and claimed, “Instead of observing the directions of the Supreme Court to disband SPOs and stop engaging surrendered/arrested Maoists in any form in counter-insurgency operations, the government has expanded the use of District Reserve Guards and Bastar fighters consisting of ex-Salwa Judum recruits. They are the ones most responsible for human rights abuses, and their own human rights are abused in the process. Hardly any civilians have been compensated for their losses since Salwa Judum and no prosecutions have taken place despite Supreme Court directions.”

The court’s order should be implemented and it is apparent that no rational person would ever support the infringement of human rights against innocent civilians. However, what is particularly intriguing is that these groups only consider human rights when it involves defending their most notorious offenders including naxalites and jihadis. The concept of human rights is nothing more than a manipulative tool to protect their ideological allies for them.

Shooting off the shoulders of Adivasis

The letter revealed itself in layers, much like an onion, exposing the demonic agenda at play. It mentioned the native population and alleged, “More than 160 security camps have come up across Bastar. Most of these are on the common lands and in some cases private lands of villagers, and are causing severe distress to the Adivasi inhabitants. There is approximately one security personnel per 9 civilians.”

“The pace of schools, health services, public transport and other welfare schemes has not kept pace with that of roadbuilding. Instead, the government has signed a number of MOUs with mining companies, which villagers fear will lead to widespread displacement and environmental degradation. Their constitutional struggles against mining and other forms of displacement have been suppressed, both in the normal course and under the excuse of fighting Maoism,” it further accused.

The activists are not only troubled by the government’s initiative to remove naxalism from India but also against the initiatives aimed at developing remote areas that have remained stagnant due to Maoist influence. They frequently employ similar strategies to impede development, citing environmental concerns and alleged encroachment on local land. Moreover, they invoke the term “Adivasi” to promote their anti-development agenda, which is presented as a concern for the community.

However, the same is conspicuously absent when it comes to the underdevelopment caused by the Maoist presence in these regions, leaving local villagers to endure substandard living conditions. The truth has never been the priority for left-liberals, who thrive on their preferred narrative of alarmism and hindering development for their propaganda.

Moolvasi Bachao Manch

The letter claimed, “Villagers who have been peacefully protesting at various sites asking for their constitutional right to be consulted under PESA and other provisions have suffered severe repression, their protest sites have been demolished and villagers beaten. Mortar shells and bombs have been used indiscriminately causing panic among villagers who are no longer able to live normal lives. The Moolvasi Bachao Manch has been banned and its young leaders have been arrested, on serious charges like UAPA. The official justification is merely that they protested against security camps and extra-judicial killings, even though the Constitution guarantees the right to assembly and protest. The government has closed off any room for peaceful dialogue.”

It is noteworthy that “The Moolvasi Bachao Manch” was outlawed by the Chhattisgarh government, which outlined that it had been consistently against the development programs of the centre and state government in Maoist-affected areas as well as the camps set up to house security forces. The organization has also been urging the public to oppose these actions. “The organization has interfered in the judicial administration, promoting disobedience of legally established institutions, which has led to disturbances in public order and peace, putting citizens’ safety at risk. These actions have been deemed detrimental to the security of the state,” the official order declared.

At least three cases had been filed against Moolvashi Bachao Manch members for their involvement in the transfer of supplies and money to the Naxal formations, according to Sunderaj P, the inspector general of police for the Bastar Range. “Law is very clear that if any person or organisation either directly or indirectly supports the activities of the banned and prohibited CPI (Maoist), they also would be subjected to stern legal action,” he voiced.

These organizations and individuals often champion environmental causes when it comes to development and the betterment of people, especially in Naxal or terrorism affected areas, yet they appear to have no qualms about the challenges faced by those who spend their lives in impoverished conditions.

The act of monkey balancing

After assigning blame, delivering lectures and attributing all responsibility for the peace negotiations and violence to the government, the letter tried to do the predictable act of monkey balancing by briefly mentioning the kangaroo courts operated by the Maoists. “The Maoists should cease hostilities against state forces and the use of IEDs which endanger ordinary villagers, including children and cattle. They should put an end to the ‘death sentences’ handed out in jan adalats (public courts),” it stated.

“In the conditions of armed struggle and state repression the real issues that concern the people are relegated to the background, such as food security, land and forest rights, education, health and cultural rights besides their multi-faceted exploitation. Any mining that comes up on their lands requires their consent. All these issues need to be immediately addressed, which is only possible under conditions of peace and justice,” the letter swiftly reverted to its initial agenda after a momentary deviation.

It subsequently issued demands portrayed as (unsolicited) advise. “We welcome all initiatives towards peace. As concerned individuals from various parts of the country, we once again demand peace talks within the ambit of the Indian Constitution. We propose some simple yet urgent demands for which the government must initiate the process:

  • The government should stop the offensive in Adivasi areas, in order to facilitate a ceasefire.
  • The CPI (Maoist) should cease all hostilities against the state forces to facilitate a ceasefire.
  • Dialogue must begin between Government and CPI (Maoist).
  • Free access to the affected areas should be provided to the independent civil organizations and media.
  • People’s livelihood needs and constitutional rights must be addressed urgently.
  • The state should immediately release Adivasis and other activists jailed for asserting their democratic rights and disagreeing with state policies inimical to Adivasis so that they can participate in the talks and remain equal stakeholders in this dialogue. (For example the activists of Moolvasi Bachao Manch).”

The letter not only equated a democratically elected government with anti-India elements, urging them to agree to a ceasefire and engage in dialogue but also called for media and independent civil organizations to be permitted access to Maoist-affected areas, disregarding the sensitive nature of these regions and potentially exposing them to propaganda from vested interests as well as endangering lives as well as the progress made by the government.

Additionally, it demanded the release of those imprisoned, regardless of the severity of their charges, indicating that their agenda supersedes the importance of national security and law and order. The letter projected as if involvement with Maoists in the name of anti-development or anti-government protests is a democratic right of the people and should be respected. Those participating in actions detrimental to the country do not qualify as stakeholders and should not be recognized as such.

Who wrote the letter

The letter was released in the name of groups like All India Feminist Alliance (ALIFA), All India Krantikari Kisan Sabha (A.I.K.K.S), All India Lawyers Association for Justice, Association for Protection of Civil Rights and 50 such organistions. Notorious individuals like former Amnesty India supremo and Umar Khalid fan Aakar Patel, Delhi riots accused Harsh Mander along with Ashima Roy Chowdhury, Dr. Walter Fernandes, Dr. Sebastian Joseph Professor and Fawaz Shaheen were among 149 “concerned citizens” who were also behind the letter.

Conclusion

It is significant when an individual renounces violence and integrates into society, however, this does not imply that unrestricted freedom should be granted to all. On the contrary, it is imperative to establish a precedent for others to follow regarding the consequences of engaging in anti-national activities and violating the laws of the country.

As expected, “Niya Nellanar” (your good village), launched by the government in Chhattisgarh to deliver fundamental amenities and advance development in isolated tribal villages impacted by Naxal activities, with a focus on improving quality of life and increasing government interaction, were absent from the letter. Many Naxalists even gave up arms after witnessing the positive outcomes of the scheme.

The letter appeared intent on blaming the government for the violence and unrest failing to consider the merits, demerits and effectiveness of the government’s strategies or the actions of the Maoists.This, like many left-liberal efforts, was essentially a smear campaign disguised as an open letter. With the Bharatiya Janata Party in power in both Chhattisgarh and at the centre, it became even more crucial for the ecosystem to launch this outrageous attack which lacked factual basis and was rich in rhetoric.

The letter, in fact, almost resonated with the sentiment, “Gandhians with guns,” expressed by the beloved author of both ultra leftists and jihadists, Suzanna Arundhati Roy who later tried to distance herself from the statement.

Muslim mobs go on rampage in Bengal: As Mamata Banerjee vows to protect Muslims and their Waqf properties, Islamists join protests to show support for TMC

Muslim mobs have been organising violent demonstrations in different parts of West Bengal against the recently implemented Waqf Act, which has been portrayed as an ant-Muslim law by several Muslim leaders as well as opposition parties, including the TMC. Amidst the ongoing violence in the state, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has voiced her opinion in support of Muslims agitating against the Waqf Act. Promising to protect the Waqf properties, Banerjee assured the Muslims in her state, “Please remember, when Didi is here, Didi will protect you and your properties”. Banerjee made the remarks on Wednesday (9th April), while speaking at an event of the Jain community in Kolkata.

Banerjee had earlier said that the Waqf Act will be repealed once the BJP led government in the centre goes out of power. “Once this government (BJP-led National Democratic Alliance) goes out of power and a new one comes to power, this bill will be nullified,” Banerjee said, speaking against the legislation. The TMC-ruled state has witnessed numerous incidents of violence led by Muslim mobs in several areas, including Murshidabad, Malda, Nadia, and Berhampore, over the past few days.

Stones pelted and vehicles torched in Murshidabad

In what began as a demonstration against the Waqf Act, mobs of Muslims pelted stones and torched vehicles in several areas of the Murshidabad district, including Jangipur and Umarpur, on Tuesday (8th April). The violent mob clashed with the security forces and pelted stones at them on the National Highway 12. Several police personnel sustained injuries in the stone pelting. The security forces had to use force and tear gas shells to disperse the mob.

Restrictions were imposed by the district administration in the Raghunathganj and the Suti police station areas, including a market shutdown and suspension of internet services. Teams of over 800 police personnel have been deployed in the district to prevent any law and order situation. “Prohibitory orders have been clamped across all sensitive areas, and it will continue till 6 pm on Thursday, April 10. The state secretariat has also ordered that all Internet facilities will remain suspended within the limits of the Jangipur subdivision till 6 pm on April 11. This step has been taken to prevent the spread of any misinformation and panic. The situation is now under control,” said a senior district police officer was quoted as saying.

Jangipur SP Ananda Roy said that the police have arrested 22 people in connection with the violence in which 2 police vehicles were set on fire. 8 out of the arrested persons have been taken into police custody. An investigation is being carried out by the police. “Violence erupted here yesterday. There had been a law and order problem. The Police took action and made arrests. 163 BNSS is in effect here. The internet is suspended here. Things are under control…Stone pelting had indeed occurred. Two police vehicles of the Police were torched. We have taken all legal actions. 22 miscreants have been arrested, 8 of them are being taken into Police custody for further investigation, a case has been registered,” said SP Roy.

State governor C.V. Ananda Bose has sought a report from the state government on the incidents of violence in the Murshidabad district.

Muslim mob chases police personnel in Nadia

Similar incidents of violence were alleged to have taken place in the Kanai Nagar area of the Nadia district on Tuesday (8th April). BJP IT Cell head Amit Malviya shared some videos of violence on X, claiming that Islamist mobs attacked police personnel in the area. Malviya accused the Mamata Banerjee government of not just enabling the violence and failing to protect the police in the state. The video posted by Malviya showed a mob chasing a police officer who managed to save himself by taking shelter in a petrol pump.

“The situation in Kanai Nagar, Nadia, in West Bengal, last evening was nothing short of horrific. Incited by Mamata Banerjee, Islamist mobs launched a violent attack on the police. In a desperate attempt to save their lives, police personnel were forced to take shelter at a nearby petrol pump. Despite the gravity of the incident, Mamata Banerjee, who also holds the portfolio of Home Minister, is choosing to mislead the public with diversionary statements about the Waqf Board, rather than addressing the breakdown of law and order. She has failed to even safeguard her own police force. It is time for police personnel across West Bengal to stand up against this political misuse of the force and work to restore law and order in the state, ” Malviya wrote on X.

Islamist mob blocked trains in Malda

In the Nimtita railway station in Malda, Mulsim mobs protesting against the Waqf Act reportedly blocked trains for hours on Monday (7th April). The protestors stopped the Azimganj-Malda passenger train at Nimtita station. A press release by the Railway Malda Division said that protestors also blocked trains at Sujnipara. The situation was brought under control after the intervention of the Railway Police Force (RPF).

The recent instances of mob violence in West Bengal against the Waqf Act paint a picture strikingly similar to the anti-CAA protests that started in December 2019 in Murshidabad. The anti-CAA protests also began with violent demonstrations in which ‘protestors’ set ablaze a railway station complex in Murshidabad and assaulted RPF personnel at Beldanga railway station. Similar instances of vandalising train stations and obstructing trains were reported from different areas of West Bengal. The protests soon escalated into the horrifying 2020 anti-Hindu riots in Delhi. From the anti-CAA protests to the anti-Waqf Act protests, it seems that West Bengal has been providing a perfect breeding ground for violence led by Islamist mobs on the pretext of opposing one legislation or the other.

Media, Mohammad Zubair lied that Delhi court ordered FIR against Kapil Mishra, only further probe was ordered, now stayed by special court

On 1st April, several media houses reported that a Delhi court ordered the registration of an FIR against BJP leader and Delhi minister Kapil Mishra in the 2020 Delhi riots case. It was reported that Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate Vaibhav Chaurasia accepted the petition of Yamuna Vihar resident Mohammad Ilyas seeking FIR Mishra, along with the Station House Officer (SHO) of Dayalpur police station and five others.

The media reports quoted the judge as saying that a cognizable offence was made out against Mishra. Md Zubair, an Islamist propagandist posing as a fact checker, also amplified such a report, saying that the court ordered an FIR against the BJP leader.

However, now it has emerged that the court never ordered the registration of any FIR against Mishra in the case. The court had only ordered a further probe on the allegations against him. The order issued by Magistrate Vaibhav Chaurasia said, “Let the further investigation be initiated with respect to proposed accused no. 2 and his associates with respect to first incident only and cognizable offence has been disclosed by the complainant.”

There is no mention of ordering any FIR in the order dated 1 April 2025. The court had also noted that FIRs were already registered in regard to other incidents mentioned by the petitioner.

Notably, Delhi Police had opposed the plea, saying that Kapil Mishra was being framed and he had no role to play in the riots.

Kapil Mishra had appealed against the Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate’s order for further probe against him, and Additional Sessions Judge (ASJ) Kaveri Baweja of the Rouse Avenue Courts today accepted the plea and stayed the order. The court noted that Magistrate Vaibhav Chaurasia ordered a further probe against Kapil Mishra and his associates despite the fact that FIRs had already been registered in the Delhi riot cases mentioned in the petition against Mishra, and the trial was pending in the concerned Courts.

The court stated, “Let notice of the revision petition be issued to the respondents returnable on 21.04.2025. The record of the court of Ld. ACJM be also requisitioned for the next date fixed. In the meantime, the operation of the impugned order shall remain stayed till the next date of hearing.”