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Truth about murder of Muslim man ‘Babbu’ during Delhi Riots: Victim a rioter, acquitted Muslims not ‘innocent’, being tried separately for targeting Hindus – what Court said

Nupur J Sharma
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Truth about murder of Muslim man ‘Babbu’ during Delhi Riots: Victim a rioter, acquitted Muslims not ‘innocent’, being tried separately for targeting Hindus – what Court said

On the 18th of March 2025, the Karkardooma Court pronounced their judgement on the murder of a Muslim man called Babbu, during the Delhi anti-Hindu Riots. The court acquitted 11 Muslims who were charge-sheeted in the case, framing charges against 8 Hindus.

The case pertains to FIR 119/2020, which was filed by Pappu, the brother of Babbu. In the FIR, Pappu had said that his brother, Babbu, was an auto-driver and was driving back home on 25th February 2020. At about 2 PM, Babbu reached Khajuri Chowk, there was a mob, which was pelting stones. It was further alleged that Babbu got serious injuries and Babbu was admitted to Jag Parvesh Chandra Hospital, Shastri Park, Delhi by police. Thereafter, Babbu was referred to UCMS and GTB Hospital for treatment and during treatment Babbu died on 27.02.2020.

Babbu’s postmortem indicated, “Cause of Death is coma as a result of head injury produced by blunt force impact. However, viscera preserved to rule out poisoning”.

Thereafter, the investigation led the police to arrest 11 Muslims and 8 Hindus in the given case. The court document says that during the investigation, the accused, including Hindus and Muslims “Admitted to their involvement in the incident of riot dated 25.02.2020 at Khajuri Khas i.e. the place of occurrence in the present case”.

What had happened on the 25th of February – as revealed by Court documents

On the 25th of February, the investigation by the police revealed that both communities started gathering at Khajuri Chowk. While members from the Hindu community were gathering towards Khajuri Khas, members from the Muslim community were gathering towards Shree Ram Colony. Both communities thereafter started raising slogans against each other and pelting stones at each other.

It is pertinent to note that all the accused – Hindus and Muslims – charge-sheeted in the current case were identified by eyewitnesses as being part of the respective mobs.

It is during this, that Babbu was caught hold of and beaten by some Hindus.

It is pertinent to note that Babbu was not an innocent bystander or just an auto-driver who was on his way home. The charge sheet, as quoted by the Court, reveals that Babbu himself was a rioter and a part of the Muslim mob.

This aspect of the investigation – that Babbu himself was a rioter and a part of the Muslim mob – has not been discredited by the court. In fact, apart from the charge sheet being quoted, the court in its judgement makes no other mention of Babbu being a part of the mob – therefore – not disregarding this finding by the police.

The court observed that it is clear that this case is of two rival groups attacking each other – as evidenced by two videos – when Babbu was chased and beaten.

On what basis did the police charge sheet the Muslim accused, later acquitted

As evidenced by the charge-sheet excerpt, the police had arrested and charged the Muslim accused by invoking Section 149 of the IPC. Section 149 essentially says that those who are a part of the mob are assumed to have a common objective to commit crime and are therefore, individually, severally and vicariously responsible for the crimes committed.

Section 149 says:

If an offence is committed by any member of an unlawful assembly in prosecution of the common object of that assembly, or such as the members of that assembly knew to be likely to be committed in prosecution of that object, every person who, at the time of the committing of that offence, is a member of the same assembly, is guilty of that offence.

The logic employed by the police was simple – Hindus and Muslims were both face-to-face – and the ensuing riot from both sides ended up in the killing of Babbu – identifiable members from both sides were individually and severally liable for the crime.

What the court said about section 149, acquitting the Muslim accused

The court said, “for inviting liability by virtue of Section 149 IPC, it is not required to prove overt act on the part of every member of the mob. However, it is important for the prosecution to show that the alleged act was done by the members of that mob in pursuance to the common object of that mob and accused was member of such mob at the relevant time. Hence, common object of an unlawful assembly plays important role in fixing the vicarious liability”.

The court said that the members of the Muslim mob were “sympathisers” of Babbu and after he was beaten up by the Hindus, it was the Muslim mob that picked him up and took him away.

As such, Section 149 cannot be invoked because while it is true that to invoke Section 149, an overt act is not necessary to be proven against members of the mob, it is important that a “common object” is displayed. Since the deceased was a Muslim, the Muslim mob, while they were rioting, cannot be said to have played a part in killing Babbu since it was the Hindu mob which shared the “common objective” against the Muslim rioters.

Were the 11 Muslims acquitted in this case innocent? Not at all – what the court said

In para 49 of the judgement instructing to frame charges against the Hindu accused, the court made an important observation.

The court said:

The chargesheet itself refers to a different case being investigated i.e. FIR no. 103/20 by SI Naveen, wherein all these aforesaid accused persons were arrested. FIR 103/20 was also registered in respect of an incident taken place at the same place during same time period, wherein Ct. Amit had sustained fracture in his hand. This example is sufficient to say that for any other riotous activity of aforesaid accused persons, they should have be separately booked. They cannot be prosecuted in this case, which relates to culpable homicide of Babbu. In this case, court has to look for culpability of accused persons, who are connected with incident of beating of Babbu, which resulted into his death.

The judgement notes that the Muslim accused, acquitted in this case, are already being tried in another case of rioting on the same day and in the same place. Essentially, FIR 103/2020 pertains to the Muslim rioters injuring and targeting police officials and Hindus. It is the same incident in which the Hindus beat up Babbu. Since the Muslim rioters are already being tried in a separate case for the same incident of rioting, they cannot be tried in this case since this would amount to double jeopardy (being tried twice for the same crime).

Crime of commission – How Live Law presented the judgement

LiveLaw, a legal portal, published a thread on X (formerly Twitter) on the 19th of March.

In the thread, they mentioned the portions of the judgement which acquitted the Muslims and ordered the framing of charges against the Hindus without mentioning that the Muslim rioters were not innocent and had not been implicated falsely but were rioters who were already being tried in a different case for targeting Hindus and police officials.

The report which was published on the 20th of March by LiveLaw also missed this important aspect of the judgement, portraying the Muslim rioters as innocent men, falsely implicated by the police.

How propagandists used the Live Law report to exonerate Muslims and why they are wrong

One propagandist claimed that innocent Muslims who “risked their lives to help the victim” were framed by the police.

One Muslim propagandist claimed that the “court said that “Muslims were targeted because of their religion”.

This is, of course, a misrepresentation. The court said that the Muslims were targeting Hindus for their religion and the Hindus were targeting the Muslims in turn. In the case of Babbu, the court used this to ascertain blame for Babbu, saying that the Hindus were beating Babbu up for his religious identity, however, the court also said that the Muslim mob was pelting stones and was armed against the Hindus.

Another misrepresentation was by a propagandist called “Drunk Journalist”. He claimed that police had charged the Muslim men claiming that the Muslims killed Babbu.

In reality, the Muslims were charged owing to Section 149. As explained, the police had booked the Muslims saying that since Muslims were also a part of the mob which created the riot, they would be individually and severally responsible. They were not charged by the police for directly killing Babbu. Such narrative is peddled often to discredit the investigation of the police – not because the propagandists want to save the specific Muslim accused – but because they want to cast a shadow of doubt on the entire police investigation – specifically to whitewash the crimes of the conspirators like Sharjeel Imam, Umar Khalid and others.

It is pertinent to note that the conspiracy to create violence and burn Delhi started right on the 6th of December 2019 – with the explicit involvement of Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam and several others. Detailed coverage of how the conspiracy unfolded can be read here.

Beyond the conspiracy, if we analyse only the violence which broke out on the 23rd, 24th and 25th of February 2020, it is also documented in the charge sheet how the violence was initiated by the Muslim mob and not the Hindus. conspiracy

In charge sheet 59/2020, which explains the Delhi anti-Hindu Riots conspiracy, it is categorically mentioned that on the first day of the Delhi anti-Hindu riots – the 23rd of February – it was the Muslim mob which started the violence.

A group of individuals who were demanding the opening of the 66-foot road near Jafrabad had assembled at Maujpur Chowk around 3:00 PM on 23rd February. The Maujpur Chowk where they had assembled was about 750 M away from the Jafrabad Metro Station.

The charge sheet then reveals that the residents of Jafrabad and Kardampuri who were supporting the blockage of the Jafrabad metro station congregated in the thousands and started pelting stones from all quarters at the group that was demanding the re-opening of the roads.

However, this portion of the charge sheet proves that the incidents of violence were indeed started by the anti-CAA protestors – the Muslim mob.

The first murder to have been committed during the Delhi anti-Hindu Riots was that of Constable Ratan Lal by the Muslim mob.

It was only by the latter half of 24th February 2020 did the Hindus started defending themselves and retaliating. This fact is evident by the judgement in the case of the death of Babbu – who was beaten by Hindus – causing his ultimate death. The incident happened on the 25th of February when Hindus started defending themselves and retaliating against the Muslim mobs who had gone on a rampage since the 23rd of February. In no way does that whitewash the fact that the Delhi anti-Hindu riots were indeed orchestrated, planned and executed by the Muslims and Leftists to specifically target Hindus of Delhi – as evidenced by the police investigation and several court orders covered in the past.

Jaya Bachchan, who wanted a ban on mimicry by RJs, now remembers freedom of expression after protests against Kunal Kamra for his ‘joke’

OpIndia Staff
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Jaya Bachchan, who wanted a ban on mimicry by RJs, now remembers freedom of expression after protests against Kunal Kamra for his ‘joke’

On 24th March, Rajya Sabha MP and veteran actor Jaya Bachchan raised concerns over the shrinking space for free expression. Her comments came in response to the attack on alleged stand-up comedian Kunal Kamra’s office by Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) members. Ironically, in 2014, she had raised objections over mimicry done by Radio Jockeys (RJs).

Reacting to the backlash against Kunal Kamra over his video indirectly mocking the Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Eknath Shinde, and the FIR, she asked, “Where is the freedom of speech?” She added, “If restrictions are placed on what people say, what will happen to the media? You people are already in bad shape. Soon you’ll be told—say only this news, don’t say anything else. Don’t take Jaya Bachchan’s interview.”

Taking aim at the ruling party, Bachchan added, “There is freedom of action only when there is violence—beat up opposition members, rape women, murder them. What else is left?” She also criticised Eknath Shinde, saying, “You left your original party for power. Wasn’t that an insult to Balasaheb Thackeray?”

The irony – her 2014 call for a ban on mimicry

While Jaya Bachchan has suddenly realised that there is a need for ‘freedom of speech’, her own record says otherwise. In August 2014, she had raised objections in Parliament against mimicry and jokes by radio jockeys. She called such humour “absolutely objectionable” and accused RJs of being guilty of obscene jokes and disrespecting lawmakers. At that time, she asked then Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar if he was going to do anything about it and demanded action against what she saw as an attack on the dignity of Parliament.

The change in her stance on freedom of speech is a stark reminder that for several public figures like her, the value of free speech depends entirely on who is speaking and whom they are speaking against.

The latest Kunal Kamra controversy over song mocking Eknath Shinde

On Sunday, 23rd of March, Shiv Sena workers reportedly vandalised the hotel – The Unicontinental Mumbai, in Khar – where Kunal Kamra did his “comedy” skit. Members of Shiv Sena also gathered outside various police stations demanding action against Kamra.

In his skit, Kunal Kamra performed to a parody song set to the tune of the 1997 Bollywood song ‘Dil to pagal hai’. In that, he had referred to Chief Minister Eknath Shinde as ‘Gaddar’ (traitor) for his defection in 2022.

Waqf Act: How the British initially shaped it, only for Congress to hand it unchecked power after independence

Anurag
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Waqf Act: How the British initially shaped it, only for Congress to hand it unchecked power after independence

Waqf has a long, winding history in India. Initially, back in 1894, the British came up with the Waqf Bill for the first time via a judgment. At that time, the British were grappling with its legal status. From 1894 to 1947, laws and amendments were introduced to shape the Waqf Act’s legal system. Later, after 1947, the Congress-led government eventually turned it into a system with far-reaching authority. So much so that now Waqf Boards can claim any property using several clauses, and the onus to prove the land they have claimed is not Waqf lies on the actual owner, which in many cases is the central or the state government.

Waqf was initially supposed to be about charitable endowments, which has drastically changed over time. It has grown into something much larger, often at odds with the secular framework of the country. The initial rules were indeed set by the British, but it was the Congress that took it further—and took it too far. Here is how the Waqf has changed over time.

British rule – A shaky start for Waqf

Waqf properties were dedicated under Islamic law for religious and charitable purposes. However, under British rule, Waqf faced legal hurdles. In 1894, a landmark judgment by the Privy Council in Abul Fata Mahomed Ishak vs Russomoy Dhur Chowdhury sent a shockwave through the Muslim community. According to the judgment, Waqfs which benefited the founder’s family were declared invalid. The Council cited English law’s aversion to perpetuities as the basis of the judgment.

It was not a minor ruling and challenged a tradition stretching back to the Delhi Sultanate. Notably, Sultan Muizuddin Sam Ghaor gave villages to Multan’s Jama Masjid, which continued through the Mughal era’s vast Waqf holdings. The decision by the Privy Council caused uncertainty among the Muslim community.

The case that led to the establishment of the foundation of the Waqf Act stemmed from a family feud over a Waqf property in Bengal. Two brothers, Abul Fata Mahomed Ishak and his sibling, had created a Waqf property as per Islamic law. The intention behind creating it was to provide for their descendants. The remaining benefits would eventually flow to charitable causes. Following the death of the founders, a creditor named Russomoy Dhur Chowdhury challenged the validity of the Waqf in court.

He argued that there was no legal standing of the Waqf under British India’s judicial system. The dispute escalated to the Privy Council in London, where the core issue discussed was whether this Waqf, designed to support the family indefinitely, aligned with the legal norms of the British. It was not about the legality of the Waqf’s management but its very existence that was at stake and created a fissure between Islamic traditions and colonial law.

Following the judgment, Muslim leaders pushed back against the ruling, which eventually worked in their favour. In 1913, the British introduced the Mussalman Wakf Validating Act, which allowed Waqfs—even those aiding families—to exist, as long as charity was the ultimate goal.

Over time, till 1923, more structure was added to the Waqf Act, requiring registration and oversight to curb mismanagement of the properties. The aim was to provide a practical governance structure to the Waqf. The British could have scrapped it, but they decided to box it in and keep it running, only to hand it over to the Congress-led Indian government after independence.

How Congress helped Waqf get unchecked powers

When India gained independence, the Congress had a chance to rethink Waqf’s place in a secular nation. However, Congress decided to expand its powers. In 1954, under the first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Waqf Act was introduced, replacing the 1923 law. The law established Central and State Waqf Boards to oversee properties. It was not merely a handover of power, but it gave Waqf a formal foothold in the country. The Waqf Act of 1954 allowed boards to register and manage endowments with minimal checks.

Though the base structure of the Waqf Act was introduced in 1954, the real shift came in 1995 when the Congress-led central government introduced a new Waqf Act. Under the new Act, Waqf Tribunals were established to handle disputes outside regular courts. The move raised eyebrows as it gave Waqf its own judicial setup instead of integrating it into a broader legal framework that resolves all cases. The empowerment given to the boards enabled them to exert sway over properties and disputes, making it extremely difficult for a common man to get justice in case a property is wrongfully declared Waqf.

Then came the 2013 amendment, where Congress doubled down. Just before losing the Lok Sabha Elections in 2014, Congress brought amendments to the Waqf Act, handing sweeping powers to the Waqf Boards, including surveying properties, “reclaiming” land, evicting occupants, and more without much oversight.

For instance, Section 54 of the Waqf Act allows boards to issue orders to remove “encroachers”, and Section 32 empowers them to manage Waqf properties almost autonomously. The Central Waqf Council got a bigger role too, advising on policy without clear accountability. The result is clear: Waqf Boards now have around six lakh properties under the Waqf umbrella. From markets to farms, residential plots, government buildings, temples, and even entire villages have been claimed as Waqf properties since then. Instead of scaling it back, which should have been the aim of the government, Congress gave Waqf Boards tools to flex their muscles—sometimes at the expense of other claimants. Why? Mostly because of appeasement politics. The 1894 judgment contained Waqf to some extent, but what happened in the following decades changed the scenario completely.

Why this matters

The evolution of Waqf is not just history. It is a live issue. Waqf Boards operate with little scrutiny. Even if the claims they make are proven to be fake, Waqf Boards do not face any legal action. In a secular nation, the existence of Waqf raises questions. Should a religious system have such latitude? Why did Congress not trim its powers? Why does Waqf still exist?

What is the story behind the Nilamadhaba Temple in Kantilo, Odisha, where President Murmu is visiting today

OpIndia Staff
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What is the story behind the Nilamadhaba Temple in Kantilo, Odisha, where President Murmu is visiting today

On Monday, 24 March, President Droupadi Murmu visited the Nilamadhaba Temple in Odisha’s Kantilo. The temple holds a significant place among the Hindus in Odisha and serves as a reminder of how the present culture and traditions of the state’s Hindu population originated from ancient tribal customs and how the roots of Dharma have emerged from the very seas, rivers and forests that have nurtured our people and lands for thousands of years.

Nilamadhav Temple: The ancient home of Lord Jagannath

As per Odia folklore and religious beliefs of the state’s culture that revolves around Lord Jagannath and old Vaishnava worship, Lord Nilamadhaba is one of the manifestations of Lord Vishnu. Nilamadhaba was being worshipped here before he came to be worshipped as Lord Jagannath at Puri. Nilamadhaba, or ‘Neela Madhava’ is one of the 24 principal names of Lord Vishnu in Vishnu Sahasranama (the 1000 names of Vishnu). Historical references say that the worship of Nilamadhaba was popular in Odisha for over 1000 years, from around 4th century AD.

In Odisha, the Nilamadhaba worship was centred around 4 rivers, Mahanadi, Rushikulya, Baitarani and Prachi. Kantilo is a place situated on the bank of mighty Mahanadi, the Nayagarh district of Odisha, about 110 Km away from Puri.

Folklore says Lord Vishnu appeared as an wooden idol in the form of Nilamadhaba here in Kantilo first.

Kantilo Nilamadhaba temple on the banks of Mahanadi river, image from X
Nilamadhaba, the manifestation of Vishnu

Odia lore credits a Satya Yuga king named Indradyumna for the construction of the Jagannath temple and the first commissioning of the distinct idols of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra, along with Sudarshana in Puri.

The pious king was blessed with a divine dream by Lord Vishnu himself. The Lord told Indradyumna that he has manifested in the form of Nilamadhaba in a place on the banks of Mahanadi in Odra Desha, where the Shabara (tribe) chief is worshipping him under a giant tree. Learning of this, Indradyumna sent his trusted Brahmin priest Vidyapati to locate the idol of Nilamadhaba and bring him to Purushottama Kshetra (Puri) to be worshipped in a grand temple.

Vidyapati travelled far and arrived in the tribal kingdom, where tribal chief Bishwabasu lived with his tribe. Vidyapati sought friendship and shelter in the tribal realm, which he was given, on Bishwabasu’s orders. Eventually, Vidyapati fell in love with Lalita, the daughter of Bishwabasu and married her. He noticed that Bishwabasu was often disappearing into the forest to worship Nilamadhaba at a secret location, he had no idea about.

Upon Vidyapati’s request, Lalita convinced her father to take Vidyapati for a darshan of Nilamadhaba. Bishwabasu agreed, but he blindfolded Vidyapati during the journey into the depths of the forest. Clever Vidyapati had concealed a handful of mustard seeds with him, which he kept sowing on the path.

After Vidyapati had the darshan of Nilamadhaba, he went back to his king, revealing that he had located Nilamadhab in the tribal realm. King Indradyumna arrived with his entourage and followed the path of the mustard plants now growing on the forest trail, only to be disappointed. Nilamadhaba had disappeared from his abode.

Disheartened at the failure, King Indradyumna started a tough penance, renounced food and water and started meditating for Lord Vishnu to appear before him. Lord Vishnu did not disappoint his bhakta, he spoke to Indradyumna again, and told him that he would appear as ‘Daaru Brahma’ (divine log of wood) on the beaches of Puri, and instructed Indradyumna to get a grand temple built for him, where he will be worshipped as Jagannatha.

When Indradyumna found the Daaru Brahma, he brought them to the palace. Lord Vishwakarma, the divine architect, appeared as an old carpenter to carve idols from the logs. But the old carpenter had a condition, nobody should disturb him while he worked behind closed doors, with absolute secrecy.

And so Vishwakarma started carving the idols. After seven days, the king and queen grew restless, they opened the doors to the workshop, only to find Vishwakarma vanished, leaving behind three grand idols of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra, with unfinished hands and feet. The incomplete, yet unique idols were enshrined in the grand temple, and to this day bless millions of devotees in Puri.

The king did not forget his duty towards the tribals either. Lalita’s tribe was known as ‘Daitapati’, and were granted the status of special sevayats for Lord Jagannath in the temple. To this date, Lalita’s descendants, the Daitapatis, are the special sevayats of Lord Jagannath. Every 12 years, the idols are given a ‘Naba Kalebara’ where new idols are carved from the logs of Neem trees. The location of the Neem trees are revealed to the Daitapatis in dream. The trees bear the distinct marks of Lord Vishnu, in the forms of Shankha (conch shells), Chakra, etc.

The selective outrage factory: Mumbai vandalism over Kunal Kamra’s show condemned, Nagpur violence by Muslim mobs rationalised as a reaction to Aurangzeb protests

Jinit Jain
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The selective outrage factory: Mumbai vandalism over Kunal Kamra’s show condemned, Nagpur violence by Muslim mobs rationalised as a reaction to Aurangzeb protests

Two recent incidents in Maharashtra—the Nagpur violence triggered by protests against Mughal emperor Aurangzeb and the vandalism of Mumbai’s Habitat Studio following “comedian” Kunal Kamra’s provocative remarks—expose the glaring hypocrisy of left-leaning intellectuals and their shameless intellectual dishonesty in their selective outrage against two incidents, both of which ended up in grave loss to private property. 

While the Nagpur riots saw a furious Muslim mob indulging in arson and destruction of public property, stone-pelting, and torching of private vehicles, the Mumbai incident involved Shiv Sena workers attacking a venue after Kamra’s politically charged jabs at their leader. Yet, the response from the so-called liberal intellectual class has been jarringly inconsistent.

The vandalism in Mumbai was provoked by washed-up comedian Kunal Kamra, who in a meticulously crafted “skit”, criticised former Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde. On Sunday, 23rd of March, Shiv Sena workers reportedly vandalised the hotel – The Unicontinental Mumbai, in Khar – where Kunal Kamra did his “comedy” skit. Members of Shiv Sena also gathered outside various police stations demanding action against Kamra. 

In his skit, Kunal Kamra performed a parody song set to the tune of the 1997 Bollywood song ‘Dil to pagal hai’. In that, he had referred to Chief Minister Eknath Shinde as ‘Gaddar’ (traitor) for his defection in 2022.

And in no time, the left-leaning liberals on X pulled in support of Kunal Kamra, who instigated vandalism with his political commentary laced as “humour”, days after they held Hindu Groups responsible for Nagpur violence because they criticised Mughal tyrant Aurangzeb and called for the removal of his tomb in Sambhaji Nagar.

Nagpur violence: Whitewashing rioting by Muslim mobs

Nagpur witnessed large-scale violence when Hindu groups, led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, protested against Aurangzeb’s legacy and demanded the removal of his tomb. This, in turn, triggered an aggressive backlash from a Muslim mob that resorted to vandalism, torching vehicles, and attacking police officers.

Instead of outrightly condemning the rioters, several left-wing commentators rushed to justify, arguing that the violence was a reaction to “provocation.” They suggested that the protesters had crossed a line by demanding the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb and that this somehow “explained” the violent backlash. The irony is hard to miss—these are the same voices that preach the virtues of free speech and tolerance but suddenly found excuses when Islamist mobs went on a rampage.

Mumbai vandalism: Defending Kunal Kamra while condemning Shiv Sena

Contrast this with the reaction to the vandalism of Habitat Studio in Mumbai. Kamra, known for his politically charged comedy, mocked Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, calling him a ‘gaddar’ (traitor). Shiv Sena workers took offence and vandalised the venue. This time, the same intellectuals who had excused the Nagpur violence as a “reaction to provocation” suddenly rediscovered their commitment to free speech.

They rushed to defend Kamra, arguing that satire is a fundamental part of democracy and that Shiv Sena’s reaction was an attack on artistic freedom. Nowhere did they apply the same logic they had used in Nagpur—that provocations can lead to violent reactions. Instead of introspecting on whether Kamra’s remarks might have incited anger, they squarely placed the blame on Shiv Sena workers.

India Today journalist Rajdeep Sardesai defended violence that enveloped Nagpur last week, justifying it as a fallout of protests against Aurangzeb’s tomb. “To unleash a hate-filled narrative where you want to go and demolish Aurangzeb’s tomb, you must be prepared for some reaction and a backlash,” Rajdeep Sardesai says in a snippet that has since gone viral on the internet. 

This week, Rajdeep pivoted to take a swipe at PM Modi over his “criticism is the soul of democracy” remark. “Will anyone in govt (state or centre) speak up to defend Kamra’s right to free expression? Didn’t like what the stand-up comedian said? Don’t watch!” Sardesai said. 

Rajdeep Sardesai’s mental gymnastics in the span of a week

Curiously, Rajdeep didn’t invoke the “Don’t like it, don’t watch it” mantra when hundreds of Muslims in Nagpur orchestrated a violent rampage against Hindu protests over Aurangzeb’s tomb. But when the tables turned—with Shiv Sena workers vandalizing a Mumbai studio after being provoked by Kamra’s “humour”—he suddenly reached for the “right to free expression” argument to condemn the attackers.

Rajdeep is not the only one to somersault and blame the vandals instead of criticizing Kunal Kamra for hurting their sentiments and inciting their anger. Others of the left-leaning intelligentsia shamelessly lined up to rightfully condemn vandalism, but in the process exposed their own selective outrage and intellectual dishonesty.

The hypocrisy of selective outrage

The blatant double standards are impossible to ignore. When Islamist mobs in Nagpur reacted violently to protests against Aurangzeb, the Left defended them, arguing that Muslims were pushed against the wall with unabated criticism of Mughal ruler Aurangzeb, throwing word salad to defend their tenuous stance, and justifying the continued veneration of Aurangzeb by a significant section of the Muslim population.

But when Kamra made provocative remarks against a contemporary political figure, the same group conveniently shifted its stance—now, the responsibility was solely on the offenders, and provocation was no longer an excuse.

If one believes in free speech, it must be defended consistently. If provocations are a valid excuse for one group’s violent reaction, the same logic should apply to the other. However, the selective outrage from left-leaning intellectuals exposes a deeper problem—their response is dictated not by principles but by ideological biases.

Democracy thrives on free speech, but it also demands intellectual honesty. Both the Nagpur riots and the Mumbai vandalism were acts of violence triggered by perceived provocation. If one is condemned, so should the other. But when certain intellectuals engage in mental gymnastics to justify one and denounce the other, they reveal their ideological blind spots. If free speech is sacrosanct, it must be upheld for everyone—not just for those who align with a particular political ideology.

RSS, National Education Policy, and self-serving opposition politics: TN language war, Congress’ politics and more

Debraj B
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RSS, National Education Policy, and self-serving opposition politics: TN language war, Congress’ politics and more

In his address at the annual function of RSS Delhi on December 7th, 1947, M.S. Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak (Chief) of RSS, declared, “Swayamsevaks would prefer to burn themselves to ashes in the cause of their Motherland, her defence, honour and culture. To save Hindutva is the sacred mission of the Sangh. With that firm determination, we are facing our problems and no one, not even the Creator of the Universe, can stand in our way of achieving true Bharatiyatva.”

Guruji, as he was fondly called right from his days of teaching at BHU, a disciple of Swami Akhandananda, had the crux of the RSS mission imbued in that statement. While the organization that had umpteen misgivings and accusations hurled at it ever since its founding days in 1925 steps into its centenary year, it remains well entrenched in India’s heartland with around 5 – 6 million members and more than 73,000 Shakhas (branches) nationwide. Indeed, RSS’ essence remains a cultural organization, away from active power politics – though its ideology has distinctly shaped and nurtured the democratic politics of Bharat. 

How is RSS shaping the tenets of the education system in Bharat, across technological advancements and deep-rooted wisdom of Rishis and Puranas? 

How is RSS shaping the education system?

There are multiple aspects of the notion of cultural nationalism that RSS exemplifies. Education is one of them. It is to be noted that at the heart of this is an effort around ‘intellectual decolonization’, with an aim to move away from the vestiges of Eurocentrism. It also centres around ‘inclusive nationalism’, which celebrates the plurality of Indian cultures.   

Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha (ABPS), the apex policy-making body of RSS, in its 2016 Resolution (No. 2) at the ABPS Sabha held in Nagaur, Rajasthan, laid down clear guidelines around how the education system in contemporary India should be like. “…Every child should get value-based, nationalistic, employment-oriented and skill-based education in an atmosphere of equal opportunity. It is utmost essential to ensure proper training, appropriate salaries and strengthen the dutifulness of the teachers to enhance their standard” – should be the driving force behind India’s education system. 

RSS has been of the opinion that the purpose of education is not merely to enable the student to earn a livelihood but also to impart values of patriotism, the spirit of service, and social responsibility. The medium of education should be Bharatiya languages. Hindi as a National Link Language should be encouraged. Working knowledge of one foreign language like English, French, German, etc should also be imparted. The prime goal should be character-building education, not sex education. Focus on Sanskrit should be given. 

Ever since Guruji established the first Gita school at Kurukshetra in 1946, Saraswati Shishu Mandirs began to operate in 1951, promoted by Nana Ji Deshmukh, Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Rajju Bhaiya. This subsequently mushroomed into nearly 25,000 schools. Later, many other schools and colleges, initiated by Sangh-inspired people, got nurtured under the overarching apex body Vidya Bharati. Most of the Vidya Bharati schools are affiliated to CBSE or their local State Boards. ‘Sanskar Kendras’ (cultural schools) are also run to impart moral values to young minds. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 saw a copious footprint of RSS’ educational ethos.

Key themes were universal access of education at all levels, early childhood education (shape young minds in line with our cultural roots), Foundational Literacy and Numeracy, increased flexibility to choose courses, mother tongue or regional language as medium of education till Class 5 (promote regional language to train pupils), Gender Inclusion Fund and Special Education Zones for disadvantaged regions and groups, and others. As can be seen, RSS’ goal of imbibing a deep sense of cultural nationalism to young minds has been given a fillip through NEP 2020.        

‘सा विद्या या विमुक्तये’ (Sa Vidya Ya Vimuktaye) – goes the motto of Vidya Bharati. Originally present in Verse 1.19.41 within Vishnu Purana, the phrase means – ‘That is knowledge which liberates’. Indeed, the stellar service rendered by Vidya Bharati and other educational institutes under RSS’ fold have been nurturing Bharat’s young minds to liberate themselves from colonial bondage and embrace the best of what India’s priceless heritage offers.

Resistance to NEP

American author Orison Swett Marden said, “Success is not measured by what you accomplish but by the opposition you have encountered and the courage with which you have maintained the struggle against overwhelming odds.” BJP-led NDA govt at Centre has probably seen this first hand, day in and out. Karnataka and Tamil Nadu vehemently protested against NEP 2020. TN’s primary opposition is the 3 language formula, which to them is a covert attempt at imposing Hindi. In reality, it has been made amply clear that no language will be imposed on any State. 

In it’s 2018 resolution, ABPS came up with the view that ‘The languages and dialects, prevalent in the country are most essential to protect our culture, noble traditions, excellent knowledge and vast literature as well as to promote creative thinking.’ The 3 language formula is perfectly aligned to that by keeping flexibility of choice to States and individuals while ensuring that at least 2 of the 3 languages are native to India. There can’t be a more balanced approach that lays focus on both modernity and tradition! Why the Opposition from DMK and Congress then? 

The short answer is politics. TN’s opposition stems from the inflamed sentiments against Hindi imposition that shaped Dravidianist polity in mid 20th Century. Right through 1937-40, 1948, and 1965, TN had seen agitations. It is ironic that the 1968 NPE had in fact mandated Hindi, unlike NEP 2020. It stated, ‘Every effort should be made to promote the development of Hindi.’ As a consequence of the agitations, TN had seen a two-language policy (Tamil and English) being institutionalized. The ‘link language’ as a consequence was clearly missing for TN. Bharat’s root can be best understood by using common parlance across its length and breadth, its sounds and colours – and TN being such a profoundly cultural state replete with temples and heritage deserves this more so. 

More politics by TN

DMK took the misaligned resistance to NEP 2020 a step further by refusing to partake in the PM SHRI initiative. PM Schools for Rising India (PM SHRI) was approved by the Cabinet in 2022 and it aims to set up more than 14,500 schools that enshrine the tenets of NEP 2020. The schools aim at being exemplary schools for children, and by linking a noble cause as this to petty regional politics, DMK only did a disservice to deserving pupils of the State!

Curious case of Congress’ opposition to NEP 2020

The most bizarre, and downright ludicrous, instance of opposition to NEP 2020 has been from INC. The first National Education Policy of 1968 was introduced by the then PM Smt Indira Gandhi, on the recommendations of the Kothari Commission18 (1964-66). Of the various recommendations therein, a section was devoted to the 3-language formula. Hindi was clearly called out as the ‘link language’, an idea that RSS also holds. It further mentioned, ‘In developing Hindi as the link language, due care should be taken to ensure that it will serve, as provided for in Article 351 of the Constitution, as a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India.’ 

The same Congress is now holding placards against Hindi imposition when NEP 2020 mentions nothing of that kind. 

The shortcomings of NPE 1968 were highlighted by Ramamurti Review Committee (1990) and Janardhan Reddy Committee (1992), findings from which were incorporated into the new NEP 2020 drafted by K. Kasturirangan Committee. Naturally, not only is NEP 2020 a more flexible set of guidelines as relates to the 3-language formula, but it is an improved version of the earlier NPE too. Hence, the party that should worry and oppose the least around NEP 2020 or ‘Hindi imposition’ is Congress! 

Best of past and present 

In a letter as a reply to Maharaja of Khetri, dated 04.03. 1895, Swamiji wrote, “…It is out of this past that the future has to be moulded; this past will become the future. The more, therefore, the Hindus study the past, the more glorious will be their future, and whoever tries to bring the past to the door of everyone, is a great benefactor to his nation.” NEP 2020 is moulded in a similar frame, with the best of our ancient wisdom and modern advancements playing their part in tandem. It remains to be seen though if the new education policy gets to shape new India and its brilliant minds in ways more glorious than we could possibly imagine, or it gets sacrificed at the altar of self-serving politics! 

UP: IAS officer involved in multiple corruption cases bought houses, bungalows and 700 Bighas land – How Abhishek Prakash amassed huge personal wealth

OpIndia Staff
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UP: IAS officer involved in multiple corruption cases bought houses, bungalows and 700 Bighas land – How Abhishek Prakash amassed huge personal wealth

From corruption accused Pooja Singhal to former IAS probationer Puja Khedkar accused of wrongfully claiming caste and quota benefits in civil services examination to now Invest UP CEO Abhishek Prakash allegedly amassing wealth illegally, the IAS officers are making headlines for wrong reasons lately.

On 20th March 2025, the Uttar Pradesh government suspended Invest UP’s CEO IAS Abhishek Prakash for allegedly seeking bribe through a now-arrested middleman Nikant Jain to approve a solar power plant project. At the behest of Abhishek Prakash, Jain was allegedly demanding 5% of the said project’s total cost as commission for approval.

The Lucknow Police have registered a case against Nikant Jain at the Gomti Nagar Police Station under BNS Section 308 (5) (extortion) and Sections 7, 12, and 13 of the Prevention of Corruption Act. Originally from Meerut, Jain is a resident of Gomti Nagar’s Viram Khand.

Meanwhile, the state government said in a statement that IAS Abhishek Prakash has violated the All India Services (conduct) rules -1968 section -3 and that he has been suspended with immediate effect.  Prima facie, the allegations levelled against IAS Abhishek Prakash have been found to be true after investigation, the state government said.

“Malicious intent of Invest UP CEO Abhishek Prakash, vested interest and unfair financial gain could be the reason for this…In the case, prima facie Abhishek Prakash has been found responsible. This is a violation of the All India Services (conduct) rules -1968 section -3. Abhishek Prakash is being suspended with immediate effect. Further disciplinary action will be taken against him as per IAS ( RR-2006),” the government said.

The All India Services (conduct) rules -1968 section -3 pertains to the ethical standards and code of conduct laid for IAS officers.

Notably, the Uttar Pradesh government’s action came just hours after Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath while addressing a public meeting in Gonda said that “no one will be spared if found guilty.”  

On 20th March, Vishwajeet Dutta of the SAEL Solar P6 Private Limited filed a complaint alleging that despite a positive recommendation from the review committee, the company’s file was stopped as they did not pay 5% commission that Abhishek Prakash sought through middleman Nikant Jain.

SAEL Solar P6 Private Limited had applied through both online and offline mediums for making parts for solar cells, solar panels, and equipment used for solar energy. The project is reported to be of immense strategic importance.

The complainant alleges that after a review committee gave a favourable recommendation to the project, IAS Abhishek Prakash allegedly asked Vishwajeet Dutta to meet Nikant Jain. Dutta was allegedly told that if he met Jain and paid 5% of the project’s cost in advance, he would approve the project, however, upon failing to comply, the project would not get approved no matter how hard Dutta tried.

FIR against IAS Abhishek Prakash (Source: Dainik Bhaskar)

Who is IAS officer Abhishek Prakash

Born in 1982, Abhishek Prakash is a 2006-batch IAS officer. At present, Prakash was holding charge of Secretary, Uttar Pradesh Government, Infrastructure and Industrial Department and CEO Invest UP, which is the State’s investment promotion agency. Abhishek Prakash has earlier been the DM of Lucknow for a long time. Prakash has also previously served as the DM of Lakhimpur Kheri, Aligarh and Hamirpur districts. 

Defence Corridor Land Acquisition Case and the “corrupt” role of Abhishek Prakash

Amidst the ongoing investigation around allegations of demanding 5% commission to approve a solar project, IAS Abhishek Prakash’s troubles are mounting further as the Defence Corridor file sent by the Revenue Council to the government might get a nod from CM Yogi Adityanath. In the Defence Corridor Land Acquisition Case, 18 officers, including Abhishek Prakash who was the then Lucknow DM, have been accused of corruption.

In this case, the former Chairman of Revenue Board Dr Rajneesh Dubey had submitted the report to the government after investigation. After that, some officials have also been charge-sheeted. It is being said that after getting the green signal from the CM, the file of Defence Corridor can be opened. With this, Abhishek Prakash’s troubles can increase further.

Bhatgaon Gram Panchayat in Sarojini Nagar Tehsil of Lucknow was picked for the Defence Corridor. Apart from the manufacturing facility for Brahmos missile, many companies related to the defence sector were looking for land. This resulted in the land rates in Bhatgaon skyrocketing.  As the prices went up dramatically, the land mafia became active and in connivance with the tehsil officers, the land that was to be acquired for the corridor was bought from the local farmers at a cheap rate. After that, a huge amount was extorted as compensation. Many of these officers also took land in the name of their servants and relatives. The then ADM and his subordinate employees allegedly played a key role in this fraud.

In the investigation report sent to the government, evidence has also been found of the names of allottees being added by manipulating the documents in the acquisition process in a fraudulent manner. Rules have been ignored in buying and selling. The non-transferable category of leased land could not be sold as per the rules, it was first made transferable and then sold. Compensation was paid by showing outsiders as the owners of the land. The officers who distributed the compensation have also been negligent in investigating the ownership rights.

The report also mentions that Rs 45.18 crore was sanctioned for about 35 hectares of land in Bhatgaon, in this, however, irregularities of around Rs 20 crore were uncovered. In this case, the role of the then DM Abhishek Prakash and his special employees of Sarojini Nagar tehsil came under scanner. After being suspended, one of these employees threatened the officers to expose the fraud.

In the preliminary investigation of the Revenue Board, many officers including the then DM Abhishek Prakash, ADM, SDM and Tehsildar were found guilty. In addition, four employees were suspended.  

Notably, as the chairman of the land acquisition committee, Abhishek Prakash fixed the land rates arbitrarily in connivance with the tehsil administration.

Abhishek Prakash’s controversial tenure as Lucknow Development Authority’s Vice-chairman

Besides, the allegations of corruption in the Defence Corridor Case and the recent ‘bribe for approval’ case, Abhishek Prakash has also been accused of benefiting several builders and arbitrarily issuing sealing and licenses while posted as the vice-chairman of the Lucknow Development Authority (LDA).

Reports say that during his tenure as LDA VC, he got many illegal constructions demolished, but benefited builders close to him. He is also accused of issuing licenses to builders he favoured in many areas including Aashiyana. There are also allegations of arbitrarily withholding the files of builders in connivance with LDA officials.

Abhishek Prakash colluded with mining mafias and rigged land purchases during his multiple postings as DM

During his time as the District Magistrate of Kheri, Hamirpur, and Aligarh over the years, Abhishek Prakash was accused of rigging in land purchase and sale in Aligarh. Several complaints were filed against Prakash accusing him of manipulation in government tenders in Lakhimpur and collusion with mining mafia in Hamirpur.

IAS Abhishek Prakash bought 700 Bighas of land in his family’s name during his tenure as DM of two districts

The corruption-accused IAS officer had allegedly purchased 700 Bighas of land while being DM of Lakhimpur Kheri and Bareilly in the name of his family. Abhishek Prakash had bought land in the name of his family members—mother, father and brother—as well as by forming some fake companies. Similarly, he is also accused of buying 400 bighas of land in Bareilly. There are also allegations of stamp duty evasion at both the places. In this matter, the DOPT had written to the UP government to launch an investigation.

Abhishek Prakash amassed huge wealth and properties during his tenure as district magistrate

It has been reported that during his tenure as the District Magistrate of Lucknow, IAS Abhishek Prakash allegedly amassed lavish properties including a house in Ansal housing society, a bungalow in Aashiyana, as well as a villa in the city. Prakash had close ties with middlemen Nikant Jain and Lucky Jafri, who used to do liaisoning for IAS officers. The duo used to make commission deals to get the files of important projects cleared by Prakash.

UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s zero-tolerance policy against corruption, 11 IAS officers suspended

While IAS Abhishek Prakash’s alleged corrupt practices have shocked the country, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has been getting appreciation for his zero-tolerance for corruption within bureaucracy. It is pertinent to mention that Abhishek Prakash is not the only IAS officer the Yogi government has suspended so far, 11 IAS Officers have been suspended over corruption allegations.

In November 2024, IAS Ghanshyam Singh was suspended in the case of delaying the measurement of fields in Lakhimpur Kheri.

In July 2024, IAS Devisharan Upadhyay was suspended as during his posting as Member Judicial Revenue Council, he was accused of arbitrarily restoring the leases of 35 plots in Aligarh.

In 2022, IAS TK Sheebu was suspended after he was accused of corruption in mining-related matters.

In 2022, IAS Sunil Kumar Verma was suspended from the post of DM of Auraiya on charges of misuse of power and corruption.

Similarly, IAS Devendra Pandey was suspended while he was DM in Unnao after he was accused of financial irregularities in purchases made in the Basic Education Department.

IAS Amarnath Upadhyay was suspended while DM Maharajganj. He faced the accusation of irregularities in the budget of cow protection centres.

Another IAS officer Kumar Prashant was suspended in June 2018 while he was DM Fatehpur. He was accused of rigging in government wheat procurement. Alongside Prashant, IAS Jitendra Bahadur Singh was also suspended while serving as DM Gonda after he was accused of embezzling government grains.  

Kedarnath Singh was suspended while he was in the tourism department.  IAS Sharda Singh was suspended while he was the Uttar Pradesh’s Chakbandi Commissioner. He was suspended after allegations of not recruiting on OBC quota in recruitment emerged.

Justice Yashwant Varma’s name appears on Delhi HC cause list despite CJI order to deroster him, transfer to Allahabad HC under consideration

OpIndia Staff
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Justice Yashwant Varma’s name appears on Delhi HC cause list despite CJI order to deroster him, transfer to Allahabad HC under consideration

The Justice Yashwant Varma controversy has taken a new turn as a fresh 24th March Delhi High Court cause list (calendar of pending court cases) shows him leading the bench. Notably, the judicial work that was previously under his purview was withdrawn following the discovery of unaccounted cash at his residence on 14th March following a fire incident, reported India Today. Some cases are reportedly still listed under him, despite the order to deroster him.

According to media reports, this could be an administrative issue as such schedules are sometimes set at least a week in advance and it could be the reason behind Justice Varma’s name on the list. Meanwhile, the proposal of transferring him to the Allahabad High Court is still under consideration.

On the other hand, Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna instructed Delhi High Court Chief Justice D K Upadhyaya to refrain from giving Justice Varma any judicial work and formed an internal committee to carry out an investigation. The three-member panel comprises of Justices Sheel Nagu (Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court), G S Sandhawalia (Chief Justice of the Himachal Pradesh High Court) and Karnataka High Court judge Anu Sivaraman.

The Supreme Court of India released several documents related to the case, along with a few photographs and a video clip showing burnt and half-burnt currency notes. Notably, the videos of the burnt cash, which formed a crucial piece of evidence, were initially shared with senior officials. Later on, after the videos reached all the stakeholders, instructions were issued from within the police department to delete all the videos keeping an original copy and to prevent them from circulating. Multiple agencies were present at the scene during the fire incident like the fire department, police, NDMC, CPWD etc, and several personnel made videos. However, when the videos were sent to higher officials, they were instructed to delete them.

Furthermore, Justice Varma was named in an FIR filed by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) under the Prevention of Corruption Act and an ECIR filled by the Enforcement Directorate under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act in an alleged fraud committed by Simbhaoli Sugars Ltd. Before his elevation as a judge to the Allahabad High Court in October 2013, Justice Varma was a non-executive director of the company whose accounts were reported as a non-performing asset (NPA) in 2012. By 2015, the Sambhaoli Sugars case was declared a ‘suspected fraud’ case and was reported to the Reserve Bank of India (RBI).

An investigation was launched by the CBI in February 2018 against Sambhaoli Sugars based on a complaint filed by the Oriental Bank of Commerce. The bank had accused the company of misappropriating ₹97.85 crore of loan amount which was supposed to go to farmers. The company allegedly diverted the funds for other purposes. The CBI FIR mentioned the names of 12 accused including the name of Justice Varma as a non-executive director of the company.

However, the investigation in the case stalled and no significant action was taken in the case for a long time. In February 2024, the case was reignited after a court ordered the CBI to resume the investigation. However, the court order was overturned by the Supreme Court leading to the closure of the CBI’s preliminary inquiry (PE) in the case.

Saudi cleric reinforces what Nupur Sharma said in 2022, labels apologetic Muslims as ‘kafir’ for doubting marriage of Prophet Muhammad

OpIndia Staff
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Saudi cleric reinforces what Nupur Sharma said in 2022, labels apologetic Muslims as ‘kafir’ for doubting marriage of Prophet Muhammad

A Saudi Arabia-based Islamic cleric, Assim al-Hakeem, has reiterated what former BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma said during the course of a debate in 2022.

In an undated video that was shared on social media, the cleric was heard saying, “The biggest problem we have with the Westerners from America, Canada and Europe is that they don’t have their Islam on cemented area. They are so easy to flip to the other side and that is why you find many of them…have doubts. Why? The Prophet married Aisha when she was 9.”

Assim al-Hakeem appeared furious at ‘Westernised Muslims’ for doubting the fact and questioning the marriage of Prophet Muhammad.

“You are a kafir. If you doubt the Prophet and he thought of her for a second, you are a full-fledged kafir. Get the heck out of my house,” he mocked Muslims for casting aspersions on the marriage of Prophet Muhammad.

Later in the viral clip, Assim al-Hakeem pointed out, “You say, I don’t know why the Prophet married Aisha when she was nine and he was 50 years of age. It doesn’t sound good, but I accept it.“

“Do you think bad of the Prophet of Islam? Is he a paedophile? Astaghfirullah. I would be a kafir thinking this,” the Saudi cleric emphasised.

In an earlier tweet made in 2016, Assim reiterated that Aisha was nine years of age when she came with the Prophet. He denied all other investigations and references quoting that Aisha was around 17 when she came with the Prophet.

It is worth noting that Assim’s citation to Sahih al-Bukhari also states that Aisha was nine years old when Prophet Muhammad consummated the marriage.

As per sunnah.com, the Sahih al-Bukhari says, “Narrated Aisha: that the Prophet (ﷺ) married her when she was six years old and he consummated his marriage when she was nine years old. Hisham said: I have been informed that Aisha remained with the Prophet (ﷺ) for nine years (i.e. till his death).”

Sahih al-Bukhari quoted at sunnah.com

Sahih al-Bukhari, according to sunnah.com, is a compilation of hadith compiled by Imam Muhammad al-Bukhari. It is a compilation of Prophet Muhammad’s sayings and acts, commonly known as the Sunnah.

It has around 7563 hadith (with repetitions) in 98 books. The collection is considered by the vast majority of Muslims to be one of the most genuine collections of the Prophet’s Sunnah.

The controversy surrounding Nupur Sharma

In May 2022, Nupur Sharma was one of the panellists on the Time Now show along with Taslim Ahmed Rehmani on the Shivlinga found at the Gyanvapi disputed structure site. During the debate, Rehmani used derogatory language against Bhagwan Shiv that irked then-BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma.

Sharma countered her and questioned how would he react if she used the same language for Islam and the Prophet. Though it was a counter statement, Alt News’ co-founder Mohammed Zubair found it to be the perfect opportunity to ruin Sharma’s life.

He cunningly trimmed Rehmani’s remarks that came before Sharma’s counter remarks and presented as if Sharma was insulting Prophet Mohammed. The propaganda against Sharma worked and it sparked an international outrage.

Regardless of the fact that what Sharma said about the Prophet’s marriage to the 9-year-old Ayesha, which is mentioned in multiple Islamic hadiths, Nupur Sharma was branded as a ‘blasphemer’, with Islamic organisations openly declaring that she should be murdered.

Following the witch-hunt against Sharma, there were protests and riots across the country. People who supported Sharma were threatened by Islamists online and offline.

FIRs were filed not only against Sharma but also against those who supported her. Notably, Kanhaiya Lal, a Hindu tailor from Udaipur, Rajasthan, and Umesh Kolhe, a businessman from Maharashtra’s Amravati, were brutally murdered by Islamists for supporting Sharma.

When Nupur Sharma approached the Supreme Court seeking clubbing of FIRs against her, the two-judge bench that heard the matter seemed to have already formed an opinion against her based on the disinformation and misleading propaganda running in media and on social media. Justice Surya Kant, in his oral observations, blamed Nupur Sharma for what was happening in the country.

Canada’s new PM Mark Carney calls for snap elections on April 28

ANI
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Canada’s new PM Mark Carney calls for snap elections on April 28

Canada’s new Prime Minister, Mark Carney, has moved to dissolve the Parliament and called a snap election for April 28, Al Jazeera reported on Sunday.

The move comes less than two weeks after Carney took office, succeeding former Canada PM Justin Trudeau.

Carney cited the need for a strong mandate to deal with the ongoing trade tensions with the United States, sparked by President Donald Trump’s trade actions, as per Al Jazeera.

Following his meeting with the Governor-General Mary Simon, the Liberal Party leader told reporters in Ottawa that “Canada facing the most significant crisis of the lifetimes because of President [Donald] Trump’s unjustified trade actions and his threats to our sovereignty” and requested parliament’s dissolution.

“I’m asking Canadians for a strong, positive mandate to deal with President Trump and to build a new Canadian economy that works for everyone because I know we need change – big change, positive change,” he added.

According to Al Jazeera, the election was initially scheduled to take place by October 20, but experts believe Carney’s Liberal Party hopes to capitalize on its current momentum. Recent polls show the Liberals in a tight race with the opposition Conservatives.

The party, which has been in government since 2015, has seen a surge in support since Trudeau’s January announcement that he planned to step down amid repeated threats from Trump.

The US president’s tariffs and calls to annex Canada have fuelled anger and uncertainty, and many Canadians have been supportive of the Liberal government’s firm — and unified — response to Washington.

According to recent polls, after years of criticism for their handling of soaring housing costs and an affordability crisis, the Liberals are now locked in a neck-and-neck fight with the opposition Conservatives.

Menawhile, the Trump has repeatedly said he wants to make Canada into the “51st state.” He also has imposed steep tariffs on Canadian goods that economists say could plunge the country into a recession.

Carney, a former central banker and economist, has the highest approval ratings among federal party leaders, according to a recent Ipsos poll.

Canadians view him as the best leader to handle Trump’s tariffs and their impact. Carney has pledged to continue the firm response to US trade policies, including reciprocal countermeasures

He has also rejected Trump’s proposal to annex Canada, calling it “crazy” and said that Canadian sovereignty must be respected before he will hold talks with Washington.

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