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From ‘India’s cleanest city’ to public health emergency: All you need to know about deadly water contamination in Indore

Shriti Sagar
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From ‘India’s cleanest city’ to public health emergency: All you need to know about deadly water contamination in Indore

Indore, which over the years has been recognised as the cleanest city in India, finds itself in a state of severe health crisis in early 2026. In the Bhagirathpura area of the district, at least 15 people have died, and over 200 are still in hospitals from a nasty water contamination mess as of early January 2026. Folks started getting sick from vomiting, diarrhoea, fever, and dehydration after drinking the municipal tap water that turned foul-smelling and dirty-looking.

How the crisis unfolded: Timeline and cause 

Back in mid-December 2025, people in Bhagirathpura, an area with about 15,000 residents, first noticed something off with their tap water. It looked discoloured, smelled bad like sewage, and tasted bitter. They kept complaining to city officials, but nothing happened fast enough. By 25th December, families were still using it for cooking and drinking since there weren’t good options.

Image via PTI

Things got bad quickly on 27th and 28th of December. The first bunch of illnesses caused severe stomach issues from the tainted water. Local clinics saw patients coming in weak and dehydrated. Health teams started checking homes. Then, on 29th December, cases exploded. Mayor Pushyamitra Bhargava said at least three deaths were tied to diarrhoea from the bad water, with more folks rushing to bigger hospitals.

On 30th December, over 100 were admitted, and reports said more than 1,100 got sick in total. Symptoms all pointed to waterborne bugs. Surveys ramped up house-to-house. By 31st December, death counts were fuzzy; officials said four to seven, but families linked even a six-month-old baby’s death to milk made with the water. 

The state government announced ₹2 lakh compensation for the families of the deceased. Administrative action followed, with a zonal officer and assistant engineer suspended and a sub-engineer dismissed.

On 1st and 2nd January, lab tests finally confirmed it, bacteria like E. coli, Salmonella, and Vibrio cholerae in the supply, mixed in from sewage leaking through a busted 30-year-old pipeline under a public toilet near a police outpost. 

They fixed the pipe, isolated it, cleaned things up, and started sending clean water via over 20 tankers a day. Officials told everyone to boil water or avoid taps till checks cleared it. Over 1,400 to 2,000 affected in all, with promises for better monitoring statewide.

NHRC steps in, seeks accountability

On Thursday, 1st January, 2026, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) took suo motu cognisance of the case on the 1st of January through reports that appeared in the media. The Commission noted that if the reports were true, the case embodied a grave breach of the victims’ right to health and life.

The commission fired off a notice to Madhya Pradesh‘s Chief Secretary, demanding a full report within two weeks. News from 31st December pointed to the main drinking water pipe running right under a public toilet, a leak let sewage flood in. Broken lines everywhere made it worse, pushing dirty water straight to homes. This kind of neglect hit hard on vulnerable folks’ right to safe living.

Jal Jeevan Mission findings raise bigger concerns

A fresh Union government report released on Sunday, 4th January, under the Jal Jeevan Mission showed big problems with rural drinking water in Madhya Pradesh. Out of samples from rural spots, 36.7% weren’t safe to drink – tested for E. coli, total coliform in certified labs, plus pH checks right there. This came out amid the Indore deaths, now at 15 confirmed from city supply issues.

In Indore district’s rural homes, just 33% got potable water; well below acceptable standards. Some areas like Alirajpur hit 100% good, but others like Anuppur had zero. Gwalior at 20.9%, Morena 25.2%, and more showed spotty results. Bhopal was 56.9%, Jabalpur 54.3%. About 23.4% of homes didn’t get steady supply, 36.7% had busted taps during checks. Only 3.7% griped about taste, but 22% said not enough water came safety slips often go unnoticed till it’s too late.

Pollution Control Board warnings ignored for years

This wasn’t out of nowhere. A Madhya Pradesh Pollution Control Board probe back in 2016-17 tested groundwater at 60 spots in Indore, including Bhagirathpura. Almost all had total coliform over 10 MPN per 100 ml – a clear sign of faecal sewage sneaking in from bad pipes and drainage. 

They told Indore Municipal Corporation: mark those pumps and wells unsafe, put up signs, stop sewage mixing. But large chunks of the city, especially old pipeline zones with waterlogging, stayed risky.

Concerns over Indore’s water system were also highlighted in a 2019 Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report on water management in Indore and Bhopal. The report found serious deficiencies, despite a $200 million Asian Development Bank loan sanctioned in 2004 to improve water and sanitation infrastructure in Bhopal, Indore, Jabalpur, and Gwalior. It aimed for a clean, steady supply for all. 

But a 2019 CAG report slammed the mess: water only hit four zones daily in Indore, five in Bhopal. Just over half the families, 530,000 out of 941,000, had taps.

Leaks took 22 to 108 days to fix. From 2013-2018, 4,481 bad samples, 362,000 families in Bhopal and 533,000 in Indore without clean water, 545,000 water disease cases.

Losses were huge; 30-70% non-revenue water vanished, unknown. Tax collections tanked, with dues at Rs 470 crore. Supply was skimpy: 9-20 litres per person daily in Bhopal, 36-62 in Indore. 

Tanks went uncleaned, no audits to spot waste. Experts call it criminal neglect, sewage lines laid carelessly near drinking pipes, both failing lets filth in. One activist said that if even one pipe held, no deaths. Another blamed blind city growth for more tragedies ahead.

Government action and official response

Chief Minister Mohan Yadav owned it, posting on X about strict steps. He ordered show-cause notices to Indore Municipal Commissioner and the Additional Commissioner, booted the Additional Commissioner, and yanked the Superintending Engineer from water works. They filled spots right away to fix the gap.

In a post on X, he wrote, “…I issued directions to the Indore Municipal Corporation Commissioner and Additional Commissioner to issue a show-cause notice in this regard, to immediately remove the Additional Commissioner from Indore, and to relieve the In-Charge Superintending Engineer of the charge of the Water Distribution Works Department. I also issued directions to immediately fill the necessary positions in the Indore Municipal Corporation with effect from now.”

Compensation kicked in at ₹2 lakh per death family early on 31st December. Chief Medical Officer Madhav Prasad Hasani said top care was a priority. Pipeline got repaired pronto, tankers rolled 20+ daily with safe water. Door-to-door checks caught hundreds more cases, hospitals handled 200 still admitted.

“Currently, senior doctors and district administration officials are continuously monitoring the situation at the hospitals and keeping a check that proper treatment is being ensured to the patients. I am going for the hearing of a case regarding this contaminated water issue and give further details later. Till now, as per records, four deaths occurred though we will revise and update if we received additional data and evidence in this regard,” Hasani told ANI.

Who is Delcy Rodriguez? Venezuela’s Vice President who has taken charge on Supreme Court’s order after President Maduro’s capture by the US

Shriti Sagar
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Who is Delcy Rodriguez? Venezuela’s Vice President who has taken charge on Supreme Court’s order after President Maduro’s capture by the US

After the armed forces of the United States invaded Venezuela and captured President Nicolás Maduro along with his wife Cilia Flores, the country’s Supreme Court on Saturday ordered Vice President Delcy Rodríguez to assume the role of acting president. The announcement came after U.S. President Donald Trump said that American forces will be in the country and run it till a proper transition can take place.

The Supreme Court’s order has come as a setback for the opposition, who were celebrating the capture of the President and hoping to form the government.

According to a report by Reuters, in a ruling issued by its Constitutional Chamber, the Supreme Court said Rodriguez would temporarily take charge to ensure the continuity of the Venezuelan state. The court stated that she would assume “the office of President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, to guarantee administrative continuity and the comprehensive defence of the Nation” during what it described as the “forced absence” of President Maduro.

The court added that it would continue deliberations to decide the legal framework required to maintain governance, sovereignty, and national defence in the current situation. The ruling comes at a time of extreme tension between Caracas and Washington, with conflicting claims emerging over who now holds power in Venezuela.

The Supreme Court of Venezuela also said that it rejects and condemns the extremely serious military aggression carried out by the United States against the people and territory of Venezuela, as well as the capture of Maduro and his wife. It said that the American action violates the Constitution and laws of Venezuela, as well as international law and the Charter of the United Nations.

Who is Delcy Rodríguez?

Delcy Rodríguez is one of the most powerful and recognisable figures in Venezuelan politics. Born on 18th May, 1969, in Caracas, Rodríguez is 56 years old and comes from a deeply political and revolutionary family background.

She is the daughter of Jorge Antonio Rodriguez, a left-wing guerrilla leader who founded the Liga Socialista party in the 1970s. Her father is remembered by supporters of Venezuela’s socialist movement as a revolutionary figure who fought against what he saw as imperialist influence in Latin America. This legacy played a major role in shaping Delcy Rodriguez’s political worldview from an early age.

Rodríguez studied law at the Central University of Venezuela, one of the country’s most prestigious institutions. Trained as an attorney, she entered public life during the rise of the Bolivarian movement and quickly built a reputation as a sharp, outspoken defender of Venezuela’s socialist government.

Rapid rise through the political ranks

Delcy Rodríguez first gained national prominence when she served as Venezuela’s Minister of Communication and Information between 2013 and 2014, where she was responsible for shaping the government’s media strategy during a period of political unrest.

From 2014 to 2017, Rodriguez served as Venezuela’s foreign minister. During this time, she became known internationally for her combative defence of the Maduro government against criticism from the United States, the European Union, and regional blocs. One of the most notable moments of her tenure came in 2017, when she attempted to attend a Mercosur trade bloc meeting in Buenos Aires after Venezuela had been suspended from the group, leading to a diplomatic standoff.

In 2017, Maduro appointed Rodriguez as the head of the pro-government Constituent Assembly, a powerful body that effectively sidelined the opposition-led National Assembly. The Constituent Assembly played a key role in expanding Maduro’s powers and reshaping Venezuela’s political institutions, further cementing Rodríguez’s status as one of his most trusted allies.

In June 2018, Maduro named Rodriguez vice president. Announcing the appointment on X (formerly Twitter), Maduro described her as “a young woman, brave, seasoned, daughter of a martyr, revolutionary and tested in a thousand battles.”

Rodriguez’s key role in Venezuela’s Economy and Oil sector

Beyond her political influence, Rodriguez has also been at the centre of Venezuela’s economic decision-making. Over the years, she has simultaneously held the roles of vice president, finance minister, and oil minister, giving her enormous control over the country’s economic direction.

In August 2024, Maduro formally added the oil ministry to Rodriguez’s portfolio, tasking her with managing Venezuela’s most critical industry at a time of escalating US sanctions. Oil remains the backbone of Venezuela’s economy, and Rodríguez was responsible for navigating sanctions, maintaining exports, and managing relations with both state-owned companies and the struggling private sector.

Interestingly, despite her socialist credentials, Rodriguez has applied relatively orthodox economic policies in recent years in an effort to rein in runaway inflation and stabilise the economy. This approach has earned her influence even among segments of Venezuela’s battered private sector.

She also works closely with her brother, Jorge Rodriguez, who currently heads Venezuela’s National Assembly. Together, the siblings form a powerful political axis at the heart of Maduro’s government.

Trump’s claim: Rodríguez “Sworn in” as President

The situation took a dramatic turn when US President Donald Trump made a series of explosive statements earlier on Saturday, 3rd January. Trump claimed that Delcy Rodriguez had already been “sworn in” as Venezuela’s president and suggested that she was willing to cooperate with Washington.

Trump went even further, declaring that the United States would be “running Venezuela in the immediate future.” His remarks created confusion and sparked international concern, as they appeared to signal a direct challenge to Venezuela’s sovereignty.

These claims were immediately disputed by Venezuelan officials and contradicted by events unfolding in Caracas.

Rodríguez pushes back, demands proof of life for Maduro

Less than two hours after Trump’s comments, Delcy Rodriguez addressed the nation in a televised message broadcast on state television. Speaking from Caracas, despite earlier reports that she was in Russia, Rodríguez made it clear that she rejected the US narrative entirely.

“There is only one president in this country, and his name is Nicolás Maduro Moros,” Rodriguez said firmly. She insisted that Maduro remained Venezuela’s legitimate leader despite his capture by US.

Rodriguez also demanded that the US government provide proof of life for Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores. Her message, delivered in audio and televised formats, questioned the legality and morality of the US operation.

“What is being done to Venezuela is a barbarity,” she said. “We are determined to be free.”

Accusing the US of regime change agenda

In her address, Rodriguez accused the United States of launching an illegal invasion under false pretences. She said Venezuela had long warned that an aggression was underway and claimed the real objective was regime change.

“We had already warned that the masks had fallen off,” she said. “This aggression seeks regime change in Venezuela, and with it, the seizure of our energy, mineral and natural resources.”

Her remarks directly challenged Trump’s triumphant tone and made clear that Washington’s plans would face serious resistance from Venezuela’s leadership.

A show of unity against US claims

Significantly, Rodriguez delivered her speech alongside members of what she called Venezuela’s National Defence Council. The group included the defence minister, the attorney general, and the heads of the legislature and judiciary.

This unified appearance was a clear signal that Venezuela’s institutions were closing ranks, directly contradicting Trump’s assertion that the United States would soon control the country. Venezuelan state television repeatedly identified Rodríguez as vice president during the broadcast, reinforcing the message that Maduro remained the country’s president.

Both Venezuela’s defence minister and attorney general also publicly criticised Trump and condemned the US military action, calling it a violation of international law.

Trump, however, remained defiant. In a news conference, he warned Venezuelan political and military leaders to comply with US demands, saying that “what happened to Maduro can happen to them.”

Despite this threat, Rodríguez’s swift and forceful response suggested that Maduro’s supporters are not backing down. Her statements made it clear that, in their view, Maduro’s detention does not end his presidency.

As Venezuela enters a volatile new chapter, Delcy Rodríguez has emerged as a central figure, not as a replacement for Maduro, but as his fiercest defender. Whether the Supreme Court’s interim arrangement can hold amid mounting international pressure remains to be seen, but one thing is clear: the battle over Venezuela’s leadership is far from settled.

Cricket or Dawat-e-Jihad? A conspiracy to introduce Islamic victimhood into the field

अजीत झा
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Cricket or Dawat-e-Jihad? A conspiracy to introduce Islamic victimhood into the field

Cricket is essentially a game of bat and ball. It is a disciplined struggle for timing, line, and length. It is a sport shaped by team competition and sportsmanship, not by displays of an individual’s faith.

But over the past few years, there has been a deliberate attempt to transform the cricket ground into a religious arena. From the pitch to the dressing room, the Islamic agenda and the Muslim victim card are being infiltrated. This transformation appears to be part of a well-planned conspiracy, not a coincidence.

Be it Australian cricketer Usman Khawaja, announcing his retirement, lamenting that he faced “differences in his treatment because he is a Pakistani Muslim,” or Furqan Bhatt appearing on the field in the Jammu and Kashmir Champions League with a Palestinian flag on his helmet—these incidents don’t qualify as personal statements. They are attempts to normalise Islamic victimhood, political Islam, and religious agendas using the platform of cricket. Here, sport is the medium, the message is something else.

Those with a basic understanding of cricket know that Usman Khawaja was no ordinary player. An international career spanning over a decade, 87 Tests for Australia, and his name being discussed for captaincy—neither his Muslim origins nor his birth in Islamabad hindered his remarkable journey.

Don Bradman didn’t become a great cricketer because he prayed in church. Sachin Tendulkar didn’t become the God of Cricket because he was a devotee of Saint Satya Sai Baba. Wasim Akram’s reputation was built not by prayer but by swing. Virat Kohli’s identity is not due to his visits to Premanand Maharaj’s ashram, but due to his cover drive.

The world knows them all for their cricketing prowess, not for their personal beliefs. Their beliefs are personal, off the field. But before he leaves, Usman Khawaja has put cricket on the back burner and Pakistan and Islam at the forefront. This isn’t just an insult to the spirit of the game; it’s a murder of the very sport that gave him the platform to make these statements.

Usman Khawaja and Furqan Bhat are part of the trend set and fostered by Pakistani cricket. Prayers during matches, religious gestures in front of the cameras, the compulsion to attribute victory to Allah’s grace—each such gesture was defended in the name of ‘personal faith.’

But when it happens repeatedly, systematically, and in a camera-friendly manner, it ceases to be personal. It becomes a message. That same message inspires budding players like Furkan Bhat to establish their religious identity before their cricketing career.

We’ve seen messages like ‘Victory belongs to Allah’ on jerseys. This is an attempt to adapt the language of the game to the vocabulary of a particular religion. This same language is heard in Pakistani players’ post-match presentations and repeated in TV studios. Remember how many times in cricket analysis have you heard about Yousuf Youhana’s transformation to Mohammad Yousuf after converting to Islam being described as a ‘turning point’? Have you heard discussions about Saeed Anwar’s alleged ‘miracles’ after he became a cleric, more than about his cover drive?

Recall the 2014 video in which Pakistani cricketer Ahmed Shehzad was caught telling Sri Lankan player Tillakaratne Dilshan that if you convert to Islam, you will ultimately attain paradise no matter what you do in life. This wasn’t a conversation with a fellow cricketer. It was a religious intrusion.

The ICC has issued warnings in some cases, but it has failed to stop the religious infiltration. The Danish Kaneria incident shows that this toxicity has spread beyond the field and into the dressing room. He openly described how he was isolated based on his religious identity and pressured to convert. This is not the suffering of one player, but evidence of a mentality where religion takes precedence over the team.

The question here isn’t one of faith. The question is whether the cricket team is an extension of some religious agenda? If not, why this religious coercion?

Usman Khawaja’s statement is the next step in this trend. When age, fitness, and discipline are questioned, religion is used as a shield. Pakistan is adept at this art. For years, it has dismissed its failures as “conspiracy,” criticism as “anti-faith,” and discipline as “suppression of faith.”

It’s not that cricket is a purely gentleman’s game. It has been embroiled in many controversies, such as the Kerry Packer series, match-fixing, and Monkeygate, but religion has never been the agenda. When religion becomes the agenda, the neutrality of the game is lost. Team spirit is shattered. A shared religion takes the place of a shared goal. Discipline slackens, and audience confidence erodes.

The solution must be clear and strict. Any political or religious display on the field should be declared completely unacceptable. If religious coercion is found in the dressing room, the entire team should be punished. If necessary, that country should be banned from international cricket.

Remember, cricket is a game that unites civilisations, not a field to divide them. When players put their agendas before their jerseys, the game loses. The spectators lose.

Cricket must be allowed to remain cricket, free from the burden of Islam. If this doesn’t happen, the day is not far off when ideologies, not bats and balls, will clash on the field.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Leftists outrage after BCCI asks KKR to release Mustafizur Rahman: Why the Left can’t tolerate India responding to Hindu persecution in Bangladesh

Jinit Jain
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Leftists outrage after BCCI asks KKR to release Mustafizur Rahman: Why the Left can’t tolerate India responding to Hindu persecution in Bangladesh

On Saturday, January 3, the left-wing liberal ecosystem found yet another reason to erupt in outrage after the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) directed Kolkata Knight Riders (KKR) to release Bangladeshi cricketer Mustafizur Rahman from the upcoming Indian Premier League (IPL) season.

The decision followed widespread public anger over Rahman’s inclusion at a time when Hindus in Bangladesh continue to face targeted violence in the aftermath of the August 2024 ouster of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The political upheaval was followed by Islamist mobs running amok, attacking Hindu homes, temples, and individuals with near impunity, shocking Indian public opinion and triggering calls to bar Bangladeshi players from India’s cash-rich cricket league.

BCCI secretary Devajit Saikia confirmed that the board had formally informed KKR of its decision and permitted the franchise to sign a replacement player if it chose to do so. KKR subsequently clarified that it had released Mustafizur Rahman from its squad.

Public anger rooted in real atrocities

While India–Bangladesh relations had already soured in recent months, the situation deteriorated sharply after gruesome incidents such as the lynching of Hindu man Dipu Chandra Das and multiple attacks on Hindus under the pretext of “blasphemy.” These incidents were not aberrations but part of a wider pattern of religious persecution that the Bangladeshi state has failed to decisively curb.

It was against this grim backdrop that Indian citizens questioned the propriety of allowing a Bangladeshi cricketer to participate in one of the world’s most lucrative sporting leagues, even as minorities in his home country were being hunted for their faith.

Left-liberal outrage over India responding to public sentiment

However, the moment the BCCI acknowledged public anger and acted, the familiar outrage machinery of the left-wing ecosystem kicked into overdrive. Journalists, historians, and foreign policy commentators rushed to lament “damaged diplomacy” and “lost soft power,” as though sporting ties must take precedence over mass violence against Hindus.

Gargi Rawat of NDTV questioned the move, tweeting: “Imagine what kind of message this sends to our neighbour Bangladesh. Sangeet Som may have scored points for his domestic audience, but this damages India’s diplomacy and relations.”

Ram Guha, a self-described historian with a knack of distorting facts and spinning narratives, termed the decision “deeply unwise,” arguing that cricketing ties were vital for good relations with Dhaka and speculating that such a move could push Bangladesh closer to Islamabad, a familiar trope deployed whenever India takes a stand that the Left finds inconvenient.

Foreign affairs editor Suhasini Haider went further, suggesting that India had no business expressing disapproval over the persecution of Hindus if it risked offending Dhaka. She lamented that while External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar could visit Bangladesh and Prime Minister Narendra Modi could meet Bangladeshi leaders, a cricketer was apparently being denied the right to play in India.

Adding to this chorus, ‘columnist’ Saba Naqvi also weighed in hours after the BCCI’s directive, declaring that India had lost all “moral stature” in South Asia and had become “mean-spirited” for not allowing a Bangladeshi player to feature in a commercial league.

In a lengthy post on X, Naqvi argued that India’s historical role in Bangladesh’s liberation, the fact that the Bangladeshi national anthem was composed by Rabindranath Tagore, and India hosting the deposed Bangladeshi prime minister should have prevented such a decision.

She went on to claim that India was choosing a “nasty uncivil script not befitting a great power,” allegedly driven by impending state elections and “Hindutva hardliners,” concluding with the lament that India had fallen from being a “moral power the world admired.”

The argument was revealing, not for its concern about morality, but for its complete erasure of the ongoing persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh. Once again, the violence faced by minorities was treated as a minor inconvenience, while the exclusion of a foreign athlete from a private league was elevated into a civilisational crisis.

Selective morality and predictable hypocrisy

These sermons on morality appear to be reserved exclusively for the Indian state. Had Virat Kohli been barred from playing in a foreign country for political reasons, the same left-wing ideologues would have instantly framed it as a failure of India’s foreign policy. None would have questioned the country imposing the ban; instead, New Delhi would have been asked to explain itself.

This perversity is not confined to sports. When Donald Trump imposed tariffs on India, the left-liberal ecosystem rushed to write obituaries for India’s foreign policy. Few asked why the United States was attempting to strong-arm India into a trade deal favourable to Washington. As always, the instinct was to blame India first.

False moral equivalence as a permanent feature

Whether the issue is diplomacy, trade, or cricket, the script remains unchanged. India asserting itself is portrayed as a moral failure; India responding to public sentiment is framed as majoritarian bullying; and India refusing to subordinate its decisions to elite approval is cast as civilisational decline.

The outrage over Mustafizur Rahman’s exclusion ultimately says little about India’s moral stature and much more about the left-wing ecosystem’s enduring discomfort with a country that no longer seeks validation from its self-appointed moral custodians.

Months after Opposition leader Maria Machado ‘thanked’ Trump for her Nobel Peace Prize, the US attacked Venezuela to topple the Maduro regime

Aditi
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Months after Opposition leader Maria Machado ‘thanked’ Trump for her Nobel Peace Prize, the US attacked Venezuela to topple the Maduro regime

In what appears to be a typical regime change operation masquerading as moral action against “narcotic terrorism,” the United States carried out multiple strikes in Venezuela in the wee hours of January 3, 2026. The capital city of Caracas was jolted out of sleep as its skies were echoed by the sounds of strafing fighter jets around 2 am. The strikes were confirmed by none other than US President Donald Trump through a post on Truth Social.

Trump also confirmed that the US forces captured Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and flew them out of the country to the U.S. Attorney General Pamela Bondi said that Nicolas Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, have been indicted in the Southern District of New York, adding that the president has been charged with Narco-Terrorism Conspiracy, Cocaine Importation Conspiracy, Possession of Machineguns and Destructive Devices, and Conspiracy to Possess Machineguns and Destructive Devices against the United States. 

The US attack on Venezuela is not a sudden event, but a predictable outcome for a country or regime that falls out of US favour. The developments, conspicuously, come months after Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Machado dedicated her Nobel Peace Prize to the US President and thanked him for what he had been doing “around the world for peace”. She described her Nobel win as a “recognition of the struggle of all Venezuelans” and a boost to conclude the task, which was “to conquer freedom.”

Machado openly called for US intervention in Venezuela in the name of achieving Freedom and democracy. “We are on the threshold of victory and today, more than ever, we count on President Trump, the people of the United States, the peoples of Latin America, and the democratic nations of the world as our principal allies to achieve Freedom and democracy,” Machado wrote on X after winning the Nobel Peace Prize in October 2025.

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Responding to Machado’s Nobel victory, President Trump had said he talked to her over a phone call, wherein she told him that she accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in his honour and she believed that he deserved it. The mutual appreciation displayed by the two leaders leaves little room for doubt as to the past and the future trajectory of events unfolding in Venezuela.

In December 2025, Machado endorsed the US pressure on President Maduro and made a global appeal to cut the flow of money from drugs, arms and human trafficking, which she attributed to what she described as the authoritarian regime in Venezuela. She had remarked that she was “very hopeful” that Venezuela would be free and that “It’s going to be soon.”

Trump accused the Maduro regime of narcotic terrorism

The US-Venezuela conflict arises mainly from the US dual allegations of the Maduro regime pushing thousands of migrant workers to the southern border of the US and smuggling narcotics into the US territory. President Trump accused President Maduro of “emptying his prisons and insane asylums” and “forcing” inmates to migrate to the United States. Trump has also accused Maduro of drug trafficking and working with groups designated as terrorist organisations.

The US President alleged that Venezuela acted as a major transit route for cocaine and thus contributed to the US drug crisis. He claimed that Venezuelan boats have been engaged in smuggling narcotics through the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. Deviating from the traditional US practice of dealing with drug cartels through law enforcement, the Trump administration launched a military campaign against the Venezuelan drug cartels in September 2025. The US carried out strikes on suspected drug-smuggling boats in the past months, an act described by Trump as a “war on drugs”.

The US strikes on Venezuela look like a typical regime change op

In 2020, Maduro was indicted on “narco-terrorism” conspiracy charges in the Southern District of New York. The US says that it is engaged in an armed conflict with drug cartels, which it has been accusing Maduro of harbouring and leading. However, the Venezuelan President has been categorically denying the US allegations and has termed the accusations as a US ploy to remove him from power to gain access to Venezuelan oil. Notably, days before the US strikes, Maduro had offered to cooperate with the US on the issues of drug trafficking and migration. It is speculated that President Maduro might face charges in the US, considering his 2020 indictment. Meanwhile, President Trump might also face questions at home as the US strike in Venezuela was carried out without Congress’s approval.

What is transpiring in Venezuela is a familiar script that the world has seen come into action multiple times in the past in countries, including Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria. Toppling existing unfavourable regimes and planting a favourable rule in countries has been an old US tactic around the world.

From one-child policy to condom tax: Why China’s pro-birth policies are failing and why India should pay attention

Dhruv Mishra
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From one-child policy to condom tax: Why China’s pro-birth policies are failing and why India should pay attention

China was associated with population control for many years. Family life was shaped for generations by the one-child policy, which was more than just a rule. It was a system enforced through law, incentives, and pressure. Contraception was encouraged, births were discouraged, and the government firmly intervened in reproductive decisions.

When a country that once controlled births starts taxing condoms

Today, that legacy has now completed a full circle. In a striking reversal, condoms and oral birth control pills are now more expensive in China. Due to the country’s dramatic reversal of tax exemption on contraception. The small message conveys a louder voice that the country that once worked to limit births is now anxious about having too few.

This policy change is motivated by statistics rather than morals or philosophy. A shrinking, ageing population is beginning to threaten China’s economic momentum and future stability. The deeper question this raises goes beyond China: what happens when individual choices to delay or avoid parenthood make economic sense but, collectively, leave nations struggling to sustain themselves?

Why China is pushing for babies urgently

China’s urgency to boost the births stems from harsh demographic realities. After decades of strict population control, its fertility rate has dropped to around 1.15 children per woman. It is far below the replacement level of 2.1 needed to sustain a stable population. China has recorded a population decline for the last 3 years, even as deaths outnumber births.

At the same time, more than 20% of the population is aged 60 or above. which is also adding pressure to public finances, healthcare, and the pension system.

Because of a shrinking workforce and slowing economic growth, Beijing is more concerned about the possibility of “getting old before rich”, a situation in which a country faces the costs of ageing without the economic productivity to sustain them.

The long shadow of the one-child policy

For more than 30 years, China’s one-child policy did more than restrict family size. It has fundamentally reshaped societal behaviour and individual aspirations. The policy was introduced in 1980. This programme embedded state control deep into private life, turning reproduction into a monitored act. With time, small families were not just enforced but normalised. Having one child or none became the default, while larger families came to be viewed as impractical, risky, or even irresponsible.

As a result of this protracted programme, marriages were postponed, and childbirth was pushed farther into adulthood as couples modified their goals to fit economic and political constraints. The costs of raising kids become more expensive alongside urbanisation and the psychological and emotional damage caused by aggressive enforcement like forced abortions, sterilisations, and invasive surveillance. Importantly, it also undermines the public confidence in the government regarding issues related to reproduction and family. After the policy was scrapped and replaced with two-child and three-child norms, behaviour did not immediately change. The larger lesson is clear: laws can change policy, but social conditioning built over many generations cannot be swiftly or easily reversed.

Why pro-birth policies are struggling to work

In an effort to reverse the fertility rate, the Chinese government has implemented several pro-birth initiatives in recent years. These include promises to eliminate out-of-pocket hospital delivery costs, expand childcare subsidies, offer cash incentives for families with young children, and increase access to public preschools. Universities have been urged to support good messaging about marriage and family life. Removed the administrative barriers to marriage registration.

However, fertility rates have continued to decline despite these attempts. A basic drawback of state involvement is shown by the discrepancy between policy goals and societal responses. While marketing campaigns can signal official goals and financial incentives can lower certain immediate costs, they cannot address underlying concerns about work-life balance, housing affordability, job stability, and economic security.

The other side: Why young couples are hesitant

To understand why pro-birth policies are failing, it is necessary to look beyond the country’s intent and focus on the reality of the couples’ faces every day. In China’s major cities, housing prices have risen far faster thanincomes. Turning home ownership, a traditional requirement for marriage, has become an unattainable dream. Childcare and education costs add another layer of financial pressure, with the quality of schools, daycare, and extracurricular activities demanding sustained spending over decades.

With slowing economic growth, it is becoming harder to plan long-term. Long working hours and demanding corporate cultures leave little room for family life, while dual-income households become a necessity rather than a choice. For women, it is much harsher. Despite high levels of education and workforce participation, childcare and household responsibilities continue to fall disproportionately on them, often at the cost of career progression and financial independence. In such conditions, parenthood is perceived not as a natural next step but as a high-risk decision. For many young couples, delaying or avoiding children feels economically rational, not irresponsible. An attempt to preserve stability in an increasingly uncertain future.

Beyond China: A global pattern, not a Chinese exception

China’s demographic struggle is not an isolated case but part of a broader global pattern visible across advanced economies. South Korea offers the starkest example. Despite being one of the world’s wealthiest nations and spending billions of dollars on cash incentives, childcare subsidies, housing support, and even state-sponsored matchmaking, it now has the lowest fertility rate in the world. Japan, too, has poured resources into family support programmes, yet continues to record falling birth rates, declining marriage rates, and a rapidly ageing population.

These cases underline a crucial reality: that economic prosperity and generous incentives alone are not enough to reverse fertility decline once it becomes deeply embedded in social behaviour. When delayed marriage, child-free living, and career-first priorities harden into norms, policy tools lose their effectiveness.

The lesson from East Asia is sobering. Once demographic decline becomes structural rather than cyclical, reversal becomes extraordinarily difficult. Therefore, timing matters far more than the spending.

India enters the picture quietly but clearly

What China, Japan, and South Korea have been grappling with for years, India is now beginning to enter the demographic conversations. According to the recent data, India’s total fertility rate has slipped below the replacement level of 2.1. It marks a significant shift for a country long associated with population growth. At the same time, the average age of marriage and first childbirth is rising steadily, particularly in urban and semi-urban areas.

In India’s major cities, East Asian patterns are beginning to appear. Young couples are postponing marriage, prioritising education and careers, and increasingly opting for smaller families or none at all. High housing costs, competitive job markets, and the growing necessity of dual-income households are reshaping traditional family timelines.

This does not yet amount to a demographic crisis. India still has a relatively young population and a sizeable working-age base. However, it is no longer insulated from the forces driving fertility decline elsewhere. The early signs suggest that without timely course correction, India could find itself confronting the same challenges now haunting East Asia.

The cost of not having children for India

India’s demographic story has long been framed as an advantage, with a young population and a large workforce driving growth. However, as fertility rates fall and family sizes shrink, that advantage risks gradually turning into a liability. A sustained decline in births would mean a smaller working-age population in the decades ahead, even as the number of elderly citizens continues to rise. This shift carries clear economic implications. Fewer workers will be required to support a larger dependent population, placing pressure on public finances, pension systems, and healthcare infrastructure.

The demographic dividend that once fuelled growth could slowly give way to demographic drag, in which productivity slows, and fiscal burdens increase. Beyond economics, an ageing society also faces social challenges, including changing family structures and an increased demand for care and support systems. These outcomes are not immediate or catastrophic, but they are cumulative. Left unaddressed, they can reshape growth trajectories and strain institutions over time. 

Conclusion: Between Two Costs, a Narrow Window

There is no simple choice in the population debate. For families, having children has become increasingly expensive, uncertain, and emotionally demanding. For nations, however, not having enough children carries its own long-term costs, like economic, social, and structural ones. The challenge lies in navigating this tension without coercion or denial.

China’s experience shows what happens when demographic correction comes too late, after social habits have already hardened. India can still learn from those models, but the time for slow, careful action is running out. The decisions taken today will determine whether future generations inherit demographic balance or demographic strain.

Why are ‘global human rights champions’ missing in action as Hindus are killed in Bangladesh? Where are the ‘Gretas’ & Trudeaus?

Dhruv Mishra
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Why are ‘global human rights champions’ missing in action as Hindus are killed in Bangladesh? Where are the ‘Gretas’ & Trudeaus?


The attack on Khokon Chandra Das in Shariatpur and the lynching of Dipu Chandra Das were not chaotic flashes of mob rage driven by confusion or accident. In both cases, the chronology was horrifyingly apparent: a crowd gathered, restraint collapsed, and brutal force followed. Dipu Chandra Das was lynched by a mob, while Khokon Chandra Das was beaten, stabbed, doused with petrol, and set on fire, eventually dying in a hospital due to severe injuries.

Pattern, not accident

The brutal attack on Khokon Das and the killing of Dipu Chandra Das did not occur in isolation. In the last few weeks, multiple cases of mob violence targeting Hindus were reported across different districts in Bangladesh. In Rajbari, a Hindu man, Amrit Mondal, was attacked and killed after rumours were spread against him. In Mymensingh, Dipu Chandra Das was lynched by a mob acting on unverified blasphemy allegations.

These are not isolated incidents. Hindus have been killed, lynched, stabbed, threatened and sometimes entire Hindu villages have been burned by Islamists in the past year and a half, with the caretaker government in Bangladesh always, always either pretending they are unrelated cases of petty crime, or trying to justify the cases as political anger against Awami League supporters.

What links these cases is not a single allegation, but a recurring structure of violence. Mobs form rapidly, social restraint collapses, and violence is unleashed with extreme brutality. Homes are torched, families flee, and the wider Hindu community is left terrorised long after the crowd disperses. The aftermath follows another familiar script: sporadic arrests, official assurances, and then silence.

Who spoke up and who didn’t

The violence did draw responses, but unevenly. Governments moved first. India publicly conveyed concern over the safety of minorities in Bangladesh and urged Dhaka to ensure accountability. The United Kingdom also issued statements condemning the killings and emphasising the need to protect vulnerable communities. These were formal, on-record reactions that acknowledged the gravity of the crimes. Local activists from Bangladesh, Hindu organisations, and diaspora members were much more outspoken. To prevent the problem from falling out of the public eye, they planned protests, gave police updates, identified victims, and documented instances.

What stood out was the relative quiet from major international human rights organisations, notably Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, unlike their response to conflicts such as Gaza, where both organisations issued rapid statements, detailed reports, emergency appeals, and sustained media briefings. The attacks against Hindus in Bangladesh did not trigger comparable mobilisation. The contrast is visible not only at the organisational level but also among high-profile global activists.

Not a single prominent activist like Greta Thunberg, who has been outspoken and highly active on Gaza-related issues, even on political issues like the farmer protests in India, have not issued public statements on the recent killings of Hindus in Bangladesh. Public statements are still a big thing; she has not made a single tweet about these atrocities. The same silence applies to several other prominent international activists who regularly comment on human rights crises worldwide. There were no stand-alone investigations, no urgent global campaigns, and no continuous public briefings explicitly focused on these killings. Where Bangladesh was referenced, it was mainly within broader thematic discussions, not as a crisis demanding immediate international pressure. This comparison is difficult to overlook. When governments and local civil society speak clearly, but the world’s most influential human rights watchdogs respond cautiously or minimally, especially when they have demonstrated the capacity for rapid action elsewhere, it raises an uncomfortable but legitimate question. It is about priority and which victims are considered worthy of ongoing international campaigning.

What silence actually Looks Like

In this context, silence does not mean the complete absence of words. It is more subtle and more consequential. It appears as the absence of focused attention. There have been no dedicated investigative reports centred specifically on the plight of Hindu victims in Bangladesh. There have been no emergency action alerts urging supporters worldwide to pressure authorities. And there has been no sustained international media push driven by NGO briefings that keeps the issue in circulation beyond the first news cycle. This stands in contrast to how global human rights organisations have responded to other episodes of mob violence or communal attacks elsewhere. In those cases, even before court proceedings conclude, NGOs often publish preliminary assessments, appoint spokespeople, issue rolling updates, and frame the violence as a test of state responsibility. The aim is not just documentation but momentum to ensure governments remain under constant scrutiny. In Bangladesh’s recent cases, that momentum never materialised. The killings briefly surfaced in regional reporting and social media, then receded from the international agenda. Without sustained amplification, diplomatic pressure weakens, public memory fades, and the victim’s life becomes a footnote rather than a catalyst for accountability.

Conclusion: When silence becomes a choice

The question raised by these killings is not whether global human rights organisations or prominent activists are obligated to respond to every act of violence. It is whether their selective urgency undermines the very universality they claim to defend. When the lynching of a religious minority confirmed by police, documented by media, and acknowledged by governments fails to trigger sustained global advocacy, the silence itself becomes questionable.

Human rights lose moral force when attention appears conditional. Advocacy loses credibility when outrage is immediate in some theatres but restrained or absent in others. For the victims and their families, this disparity is not academic, but it shapes whether justice is pursued with seriousness or allowed to dissolve into procedural formality and forgotten headlines.

Bangladesh’s Hindu minorities do not need symbolic sympathy or fleeting mentions in annual reports. They need the same consistency, urgency, and international pressure that global institutions readily deploy elsewhere. Until that happens, claims of universal human rights will continue to ring hollow, measured not by words issued, but by the silences that remain.

Children threatened for wearing a tilak, women harassed with obscene gestures: Ahmedabad’s Hindus say wedding processions not allowed to pass the mosque – Ground report

લિંકન સોખડિયા
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Children threatened for wearing a tilak, women harassed with obscene gestures: Ahmedabad’s Hindus say wedding processions not allowed to pass the mosque – Ground report

After reports of harassment of Hindus by local Muslims surfaced in Kalana village of Sanand taluka in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, OpIndia talked to local Hindus. Speaking to OpIndia, the Hindus recounted their ordeal and disclosed how Muslims in the village have been repeatedly targeting them. Local Hindu women told OpIndia that the Muslims do not allow them to celebrate festivals and stop them from taking wedding processions past the local mosque.

A Hindu family was recently attacked by a Muslim mob over a social media post of a Hindu boy. The father of the boy was seriously injured in the attack and is receiving medical treatment at a hospital. The father told OpIndia that his son had made a social media post demanding justice for Bangladeshi Hindu Dipu Chandra Das, who was lynched and burnt alive in Bangladesh. He said that the social media post enraged local Muslims, who threatened that if such posts were made, the entire Thakorvas locality would be set on fire.

“Muslims perform obscene acts in front of our sisters and daughters:” Hindu women.

The Hindu women told OpIndia how local Muslims have been harassing them for a long time. The women said that local Muslims men have been tormenting them for the past 12 months. They said that Hindu children are threatened for wearing a tilak (a Hindu religious mark on the forehead), and no Hindu festival or other celebration is allowed to be observed peacefully in the village.

Expressing distress, a Hindu woman said, “When Hindu women and girls go out, Muslims stand in front of them in public wearing revealing clothes.” She added that some Muslims have been sexually and mentally harassing Hindu women for a long time.

Hindu children threatened for wearing a Tilak.

The women further revealed that local Muslim men target young Hindu children and threaten them for wearing a tilak. They also stop them from celebrating Hindu festivals. Another Hindu woman said that her husband and other family members were physically attacked when they were returning from work. She said Hindu women are scared to step out of the house as Muslims make obscene gestures towards them.

Hindu women of Kalana are demanding justice and have urged Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghavi to take notice of the incident. They also sought the intervention of BJP MLA Alpesh Thakur, who belongs to the Thakur community.

Hindu wedding processions are not allowed to pass the mosque

The Hindu women expressed suspicion that the recent attack on Hindus was a pre-planned conspiracy. Talking about the stone-pelting, one woman said that so many stones couldn’t appear in a single day and that it had been planned for 10 days. She recounted that she woke up in the morning and was going about her daily routine when suddenly the stone-pelting began.

The Hindus said that incidents of violence frequently occur during Hindu weddings in the village. They said that the groom and the wedding procession are not allowed to pass the local mosque. They further said that if Hindus try to take a wedding procession past the mosque, they are threatened by Muslims. Currently, the police are investigating the matter and taking action.

What exactly was the incident?

The entire incident took place on Monday night (29th December). Stone-pelting also occurred on Tuesday morning. Later, a police convoy reached the village and conducted a search operation. Fearing action, the accused fled their homes and hid in the village fields, where they were arrested after a search operation using drones.

Based on a complaint filed by the Hindu minor, the police registered an FIR against 22 Muslim individuals, including Shahrukh. Based on the complaint, the police registered a case against the accused under Sections 115(2), 352, 351(3), 189(2), 191(2), 190, 194(2), 324(2), and 125(A) of the BNS at the Sanand GIDC Police Station and initiated further investigation. Later, 42 people were taken into custody.

Rich want over-regulation to make the poor invisible: Zomato founder Deepinder Goyal opens up on gig work debate; responds to 10-minute delivery, career progress and other concerns

Raju Das
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Rich want over-regulation to make the poor invisible: Zomato founder Deepinder Goyal opens up on gig work debate; responds to 10-minute delivery, career progress and other concerns

Amid the debate over the working conditions of gig workers, Deepinder Goyal, founder of Zomato and Blinkit, has addressed the issues raised by delivery partners and others through a series of posts on X. The debate was raised after a nationwide strike was called by delivery partners associated with platforms like Zomato, Blinkit, Swiggy, Zepto, Amazon, and Flipkart on 31st December 2025, following a flash strike on 25th.

Deepinder Goyal in his posts defended the gig economy, clarified misconceptions about 10-minute deliveries, explained benefits available to delivery partners, and attributed disruptions to a small group of “miscreants.”

Delivery Workers’ Strikes and Demands

The strikes were organised by unions such as the Gig and Platform Service Workers Union (TGPWU) and the Indian Federation of App-based Transport Workers (IFAT), representing over 200,000 app-based delivery workers across India. The actions were framed as protests against an “exploitative” system, with workers demanding systemic changes to improve dignity, protection, and fairness.

A flash strike on December 25, 2025, reportedly caused 50-60% service disruptions in several cities, including metros and tier-2 areas like Gurugram, as workers halted operations to draw attention to ongoing issues. This was followed by a December 31, 2025, nationwide strike called for New Year’s Eve to maximize impact during peak demand. Unions claimed broad participation; however, it was found that only a small section of gig workers participated in the strike, and the majority were working as usual. Goyal also said that platforms like Zomato and Blinkit saw minimal disruption.

Workers are demanding fair and transparent pay, protesting falling earnings due to low per-order payouts, rising fuel costs, and a lack of holiday incentives. They are also demanding fixed minimum wages and an end to opaque algorithms that reduce incentives. Safety and working conditions were major concerns, with criticism on “ultra-fast” delivery models like 10-minute promises, which workers claimed increase accident risks by encouraging rushed driving. Demands included scrapping these targets, providing better insurance, rest breaks, and protection against long working hours.

Job security and grievance redressal were also highlighted, with complaints about arbitrary account suspensions without due process, weak support systems, and a lack of social security, such as pensions and health benefits. Unions called for national policies on gig worker rights, including background checks and fair termination processes. They sought an end to exploitative practices, such as pressure from platforms to meet unsafe targets, and recognition of gig work as deserving of labour protections.

Deepinder Goyal’s Response to the Debate

On 1st and 2nd January, 2026, Goyal posted a series of comments on X, directly addressing the strikes, gig worker conditions, and misconceptions about Blinkit’s 10-minute delivery model. He emphasised the system’s fairness and voluntary nature, explaining how the delivery platforms generate employment.

Regarding the strikes and gig worker treatment, Goyal said that Zomato and Blinkit achieved record highs on New Year’s Eve, with over 7.5 million orders delivered by more than 450,000 partners to 6.3 million customers, unaffected by strike calls. He credited local law enforcement for managing a small number of “miscreants”, about 0.1% of workers who intimidated others by snatching parcels, assaulting them, or threatening vehicle damage. He said that these agitators are former workers terminated for fraud, theft, impersonation, or absconding with cash, possibly instigated by “politically motivated individuals” seeking media attention, and argued that most delivery partners rejected the strike, choosing “honest work and progress.”

Defending the gig economy, he noted it as one of India’s largest job creators, with long-term benefits like stable incomes enabling education for workers’ children, and urged sceptics not to fall for “narratives pushed by vested interests,” asserting that an unfair system wouldn’t attract and retain so many voluntary participants.

Responding to specific queries, Goyal confirmed all workers have medical and life insurance, and hiring requires a valid driver’s license and background check. Responding to a query on ‘career progression’, he described gig work as temporary, saying it is not a career with progression, with 65% annual attrition. “This is not a permanent job for anyone. Most people do this for a few months in a year and move on to something more permanent,” he said. Importantly, he also stated there are no penalties for late deliveries, acknowledging real-world delays like traffic.

On the 10-minute delivery model, which strikers linked to safety risks, Goyal explained that it is enabled by operational efficiency, and it does not put any pressure on riders to rush through traffic. He explained that delivery partners are not even shown the time, and it is based on the distance from the store to the customer’s location. As Blinkit mostly delivers grocery items, and such stores are located in almost every location in a city, the app is able to promise 10-minute delivery, he explained.

Goyal stated that orders are picked and packed in 2.5 minutes at dense store networks near customers, with riders then covering an average of under 2 km in about 8 minutes at a safe 15 kmph. He said that riders have no timer visible in their app showing the customer’s promised time, removing any incentive to rush. He said that he understands why everyone thinks that 10-minute delivery must be risking lives, adding that it is indeed hard to imagine the sheer complexity of the system design that enables quick deliveries.

Addressing traffic violations, Goyal argued it is a societal issue in India, not unique to delivery workers, and attributed public bias to uniforms making them noticeable while non-uniformed violators go unremembered. He encouraged users to speak directly with riders for honest insights into why they choose gig work, suggesting it humbles assumptions of exploitation, and while admitting no system is perfect, he maintained it is “far from what it is being portrayed on social media.”

Addressing the claim of declining incomes, Goyal gave statistics showing that the income of gig workers rose by 10.9% last year, to ₹102 per hour from ₹92 per hour the previous year. According to him, if someone works 10 hours a day for 26 days a month, the average gross earning will be ₹26,500, and the net will be around ₹21,000 after deducting fuel and maintenance.

However, most workers don’t work the entire year; they work only for a few days. He said, “In 2025, the average delivery partner on Zomato worked 38 days in the year and 7 hours per working day, reflecting true gig-style participation rather than fixed schedules.” As per him, only 2.3% of partners worked more than 250 days in the year. Therefore, demands for full-time employee benefits like PF, or guaranteed salaries for gig roles don’t align with the nature of the job, Goyal said.

Deepinder Goyal further explained that delivery partners are not assigned shifts or geographies; they determine when to log in and log out, and their area of work in a specific city. They can even add or remove a desired work area based on their preferences. Based on these features of the job, gig work is a reliable source of secondary income for delivery partners, which is available to them all 365 days of the year, Goyal said. He stressed that it is used as a flexible, stop-gap earning option, not as a permanent employment.

Deepinder Goyal also confirmed that the riders keep 100% of the tips given by customers, saying it is over and above the wages. “All tips get passed on to our riders as is, without any deductions (even no deductions for payment gateway charges),” he said. However, he added that tips are a small part of a rider’s overall income, as India does not have a culture of paying big tips like in the West.

Gig workers at Zomato and Blinkit get accident insurance with coverage of up to ₹10 lakh, medical insurance with coverage of ₹1 lakh plus OPD coverage of ₹5,000, loss of pay insurance up to ₹50,000, and maternity insurance with coverage of up to ₹40,000. Goyal said that his company spent over ₹100 crore on insurance coverage for delivery partners in 2025. Additionally, female workers get period rest days of 2 days per month.

The company also helps the riders in filing their income tax returns. Moreover, delivery partners can also access the gig variant of the National Pension Scheme launched by the Government of India. The company also offers SOS Service for immediate support in case of emergencies, including accidents, vehicle breakdown, theft etc.

Emphasising the role of the sector in generating jobs, Goyal said that gig workers are one of the largest organised job creation engines in India, adding that they provide insurance, fair, timely and predictable wages.

Responding to calls for regulation of the sector, he said, “Gig doesn’t need more regulation, it needs less regulation. It will bring more people into the fold, who will be able to earn some money, upskill themselves and later join India’s organised workforce. Not to mention, consistently send their kids to school – which will fundamentally change the fabric of our nation one generation later.”

In his last comments on the issue, Deepinder Goyal offered a broader sociological perspective on the gig economy debate, calling it a historical shift that has made the labour of the working class visible to the affluent at an unprecedented scale, thereby evoking discomfort and guilt among consumers. He said that for centuries, class divides kept the labour of the poor invisible to the rich, but gig economy has brought them face to face.

He argued that for centuries, class divides kept workers invisible, allowing the wealthy to consume without confronting the human cost, but gig platforms now bring direct, repeated interactions that personalise inequality, such as seeing a delivery partner’s exhaustion while receiving a luxury meal.

“This is the first time in history at this scale that the working class and consuming class interact face-to-face, transaction after transaction. And that discomfort with our own selves is why we are uncomfortable about the gig economy. We want these people to look our part, so that the guilt we feel while taking orders from them feels less,” he wrote.

Goyal contended that calls to ban or over-regulate gig work stem not from genuine concern for dignity but from a desire to restore this invisibility of the poor. He warned that such actions would eliminate livelihoods without creating better alternatives, pushing workers back into unregulated informal sectors.

Goyal said, “Over-regulate it until the model breaks, and you achieve the same outcome through paperwork instead of slogans: the work evaporates, prices rise, demand collapses, and the people we claim to protect are the first to lose income.”

“The rich get their old comfort back. Convenience returns without faces. Guilt dissolves. We go back to clean abstractions and moral posturing from a distance. The poor don’t become safer, they become invisible again: back in cash economies, back in backrooms, back in shadows where regulation rarely reaches and dignity isn’t even debated,” he further stated.

Goyal advocated using this visibility-driven discomfort as a catalyst for continuous improvements, positioning the gig economy as progress toward addressing systemic issues rather than a return to ignorant complacency.

As the Magh Mela 2026 begins in Prayagraj, Yogi govt in UP prepares for 15 crore devotees: Read about the religious significance and Kalpavas ritual

श्रवण शुक्ल
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As the Magh Mela 2026 begins in Prayagraj, Yogi govt in UP prepares for 15 crore devotees: Read about the religious significance and Kalpavas ritual

With the beginning of the new year, the Sangam city of Prayagraj is once again poised to immerse itself in an ocean of faith. Starting on 3rd January, 2026, and continuing until 15th February, 2026, the Magh Mela 2026 is set to attract millions of devotees. Following the grand success of the Maha Kumbh 2025, this Magh Mela is another major test for the Yogi Adityanath government in Uttar Pradesh.

The Yogi government has decided to organise it on the Mahakumbh model, ensuring a safe, clean, and divine experience for devotees. It is estimated that 120 to 150 million devotees will come to take a holy dip at the Sangam this time.

The Magh Mela is considered a smaller version of the Kumbh Mela, but its religious significance is no less. Taking the holy dip (Snan) at the Triveni Sangam during the month of Magh bestows the same merit as performing thousands of Ashwamedha Yagyas, as per the Hindu faith. This fair is not only a festival of bathing, but also a celebration of penance, restraint, and self-purification.

Religious significance of Magh Mela

The month of Magh holds a special place in Hinduism. According to Hindu scriptures, bathing in the Ganga during the month of Magh washes away all sins and leads to salvation. Prayagraj’s Triveni Sangam, the confluence of the Ganga, Yamuna, and the invisible Saraswati, is considered the most sacred place in the world. Bathing here cleanses one of the sins of all past lives.

The Magh Mela is held annually, while the Kumbha (Kumbh) is held every 12 years and the Ardha Kumbha (Ardh Kumbha) every six years. However, following the success of the Maha Kumbh 2025, this Magh Mela has become particularly significant. Devotees believe that taking a bath at the Sangam purifies the soul and brings happiness and peace to life. This festival symbolises restraint, charity, and devotion.

Kalpavas: A unique tradition of penance

The most significant part of the Magh Mela is the Kalpavas (spiritual practice of Kalpavas). Kalpavas means to stay for a long period of time. Devotees stay in tents on the banks of the Sangam from Paush Purnima (3rd January, 2026) to Mahashivratri (15th February, 2026) and perform rigorous austerities.

The main rules of Kalpavas are

  • Sleeping on the ground, on a kusha seat.
  • Simple food once a day (fruits, milk, satvik diet).
  • Observance of celibacy.
  • Daily bath in the Sangam.
  • Bhajan-Kirtan, Ramayana-Mahabharata recitation and meditation.

It is said in the scriptures that by performing Kalpavas, a person reaps the fruits of 12 years of austerity at once. It is considered a direct path to salvation. Millions of Kalpavasis set up small tents on the banks of the Sangam and live a simple life for the entire period.

Major Snan dates in 2026 Magh Mela

The Magh Mela 2026, held at the Triveni Sangam in Prayagraj, features six main Snan festivals, including three Amrit Snans (royal baths). These dates are determined according to the Hindu calendar, and each has special religious significance. The scriptures state that bathing at the Sangam during the month of Magh bestows merit equivalent to performing thousands of Ashwamedha Yagyas and absolves the sins of past lives ( Padma Purana, Prayag Mahatmya ).

These days, millions of devotees gather at the Sangam banks, where, along with a holy dip, an atmosphere of devotional singing, charity, and austerity is created. On the occasion of the Amrit Snan, a grand procession of saints and sages, featuring Naga Sadhus riding elephants and horses, flags and banners, and the resounding sound of drums, is a sight to behold. This scene offers a vibrant glimpse of the eternal tradition.

There are six main dates for special Snan festivals during the Magh Mela 2026. Of these, the three most important are the Amrit Snan (Amrit Snan).

3rd January, 2026 (Paush Purnima): This marks the official beginning of the Magh Mela and Kalpavas. The first major Snan takes place on this day. Bathing during the full moon on this full moon day purifies the mind and brings spiritual peace. The Skanda Purana states that bathing in the Sangam on Paush Purnima bestows blessings from the gods. On this day, Kalpavasis set up tents and began their penance, and the Mela area came alive with devotees from all over India.

14th January, 2026 (Makar Sankranti): The first Amrit Snan takes place on this day. This festival is celebrated when the Sun enters Capricorn, which is considered the beginning of Uttarayan. According to scriptures, Snan (holy dip), donating (Daan), and consuming sesame and jaggery on this day are especially virtuous (Mahabharata, Anushasan Parva). The most attractive event during Amrit Snan is the procession of the Akharas – Juna Akhara, Niranjani, Mahanirvani, etc. – all proceed towards the Sangam in a grand procession. Devotees offer prayers to the Sun God and then bathe.

29th January, 2026 (Mauni Amavasya): The most important bathing festival of the Magh Mela. On this day, it is customary to observe a silent fast and take the holy dip, which fosters self-control and self-reflection. The Matsya Purana states that bathing at the Sangam in Prayag on Mauni Amavasya opens the door to salvation and washes away all sins. This day is the most crowded at the fair, as it is considered the main bathing time. Kalpvasis especially await this date.

2nd February, 2026 (Basant Panchami): The second Amrit Snan. This is the festival dedicated to the worship of Goddess Saraswati, the goddess of learning, wisdom, and knowledge. Wearing yellow clothes, worshipping Saraswati, and bathing in the river Saraswati bestow wisdom and discernment. The significance of Vasant Panchami is described in the Bhagavata Purana. The procession begins again, and the Sangam banks are decorated with yellow flowers and textiles.

12th February, 2026 (Magh Purnima): The third Amrit Snan. Bathing in the full power of the moon on Magh Purnima brings happiness and prosperity. According to the Vishnu Purana, bathing in the Sangam on this day is equivalent to donating thousands of cows. The final grand procession of the Akharas takes place on this day.

15th February, 2026 (Mahashivratri): The final Snan and the conclusion of the fair. Bathing in the holy waters, accompanied by the worship of Lord Shiva, fulfils all desires. The Shiva Purana describes bathing in Prayag on Mahashivratri as highly virtuous.

The Yogi government has made grand preparations.

Following the historic success of the Maha Kumbh Mela in 2025, the Yogi Adityanath government has set a goal of organising the Magh Mela in 2026 on the same scale. Chief Minister Yogi reviewed the preparations several times and issued strict instructions to ensure all arrangements were completed by 31st December, 2025, which has been accomplished.

The main preparations are as follows-

Area Expansion: The fair area has been expanded to 800 hectares . Construction of tent cities, sectors, and ghats has progressed rapidly.
Security: Thousands of police personnel, CCTV, drones, and AI-based surveillance. VIP protocol has been completely abolished at the main bathing place.
Sanitation and Health: Deep cleaning of the Sangam banks, temporary hospitals, ambulances, and a team of doctors.
Transportation and Parking: Special trains, buses, and parking arrangements. A traffic diversion plan has been prepared.

Electricity and Water: 24-hour electricity and clean drinking water throughout the area.
Tourism Facilities: For the first time, four temporary tourist information centers will be available, providing information on guides and hotels.
Budget: ₹42 crore was initially approved, with additional arrangements made from the remaining budget of the Maha Kumbh.

Chief Minister Yogi said that the Magh Mela is a living embodiment of the eternal tradition. The government’s goal is to ensure every devotee has a safe and divine experience.

Special carpets made at Gyanpur Jail in Bhadohi for the Magh Mela (Image via X/DM_Bhadohi)

Grand tradition of Hindu festivals get highlighted under Yogi government

Under the leadership of Yogi Adityanath, Hindu festivals and religious events have reached new heights in Uttar Pradesh since 2017. Previously, these festivals were celebrated on a simpler, local scale, but now they have become world-class, record-breaking, and have been attracting millions of devotees. The government’s focus has been on respecting Sanatan culture, ensuring the safety, convenience, and comfort of devotees. This has not only strengthened faith but also significantly boosted tourism and the economy. This tradition has now become the hallmark of Uttar Pradesh.

Let us understand with some prominent examples how these events became grand and divine-

The unique splendor of Deepotsav in Ayodhya

Ayodhya‘s Diwali festival of lights is now world-famous. The Yogi government linked it to the spiritual significance of the city of Ram. Every year, millions of diyas are lit on the banks of the Saryu River. In 2025, the city was illuminated with over 2.617 million diyas, setting two Guinness World Records: the largest number of diyas lit and the collective Saryu Aarti performed by 2,128 Vedacharyas.

The event is punctuated by laser shows, Ramlila (the sacred fire of Rama), and cultural programs. While only a few thousand lamps were lit, now millions and world records demonstrate the grandeur the government has given to this timeless tradition.

Maha Kumbh 2025: The world’s largest religious gathering

The 2025 Maha Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj was historic. Over 660 million devotees took a dip in the Sangam, a world record. The Yogi government ensured the safest, cleanest, and most organised event in the world. This event generated an estimated ₹3.5 lakh crore in benefits to the state’s economy. Previously, the Kumbh Mela had limited arrangements, but now it has become a global-scale, divine event.

Flowers were showered on devotees from helicopters during the Maha Kumbh 2025 (Image via X/SwachhKumbh)

Kanwar Yatra: A shower of flowers in the name of faith

The Kanwar Yatra was made grand in Sawan. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath himself was seen showering flowers on Kanwariyas from a helicopter and conducting aerial inspections of the route. This same scene was witnessed on the Meerut-Muzaffarnagar route in 2025. Thousands of CCTV cameras, lighting, water, and security arrangements have made the journey smooth. Previously, there were complaints of inconveniences, but now it has become a safe and divine festival of faith.

The lights of Dev Deepawali in Varanasi

On Kartik Purnima, the ghats of Kashi are illuminated with 2.5 million diyas. In 2025, laser shows, green fireworks, and cultural programs added to the grandeur. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath himself witnessed the magnificent spectacle of Dev Deepawali from a cruise. It is becoming globally renowned as the Diwali of the Gods.

This tradition symbolises the revival of Sanatan culture. The Magh Mela 2026, being organised on the Maha Kumbh model, is an important part of this tradition. Prayagraj will once again send a message to the world that India’s faith and culture are immortal.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

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