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INDI alliance’s freebie politics exposed: DMK rolls out cash, laptops as ‘welfare’ ahead of 2026 Tamil Nadu polls after accusing BJP of ‘Vote Revdi’ in Bihar

2026 is an election year for five separate regions of the country. Tamil Nadu is scheduled to hold assembly polls in the early months of the year, and the incumbent Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government has already introduced freebie schemes to attract voters. Notably, the party had promptly condemned the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance as “corrupt” for granting ₹10,000 to 75 lakh women in Bihar under the Mukhya Mantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana.

Furthermore, DMK is a member of the I.N.D.I. Alliance and “most trusted ally” of the Congress, which also furiously criticised Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the same. Rahul Gandhi’s close associate, Jairam Ramesh, referred to the move as “vote revdi” and “vote chori” perpetrated by the NDA alliance, as the grand old party did not even spare the Election Commission, questioning its credibility and accusing the body of failing to conduct “free and fair” elections in the northern state.

Nevertheless, the same individuals have chosen to maintain a strategic silence after the DMK unveiled various initiatives, ranging from distributing laptops to providing financial assistance to win over the voters. It appears that the party’s conduct does not imply any electoral manipulation for its benefit, and the EC also seems to be performing effectively, contrary to the situation in Bihar.

This flagrant hypocrisy has become a core element of these parties, where any decision that favours them is regarded as a victory for truth and justice, otherwise, they do not hesitate to slander any Indian institutions.

DMK hopes to capitalise on the “gift baskets” and free giveaways

On 4th January (Sunday), the Tamil Nadu government stated that nearly 2.22 crore rice ration card holders would receive ₹3,000 in cash and Pongal “gift baskets” this year. The program would cost ₹6,936 crore, and the order has been issued by Chief Minister MK Stalin. The financial component of this would also be extended to families staying in the Tamil rehabilitation camps in Sri Lanka. There are plans to hand out free saris and dhotis as well.

Officials are arranging the date on which the chief minister shall start dispersing the gift baskets, as he is scheduled to visit the southern areas this week. The qualifying cardholders are already receiving tokens. It is noteworthy that the gift baskets from the previous year featured no cash and included just ₹1,000 in both 2023 and 2024. These were given out without any cash in 2022 as well.

Moreover, on New Year’s Day, the government released incentives for 2024–2025 as well as Pongal gifts for several staff categories, costing the exchequer ₹183.86 crore.

On the other hand, on 5th January (Monday), Stalin is scheduled to introduce “Ulagam Ungal Kayil (The World in Your Hands),” a scheme that is going to provide 20 lakh laptops in two phases to government college students in multiple streams. Ten lakh computers would be presented in the first phase. Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin is also expected to participate in the Chennai Trade Centre event.

The laptops, which were purchased from manufacturers including Dell, Acer, and HP, comprise 256 GB SSD storage, 8 GB RAM, along with Intel i3 or Ryzen 3 processors. The declaration was made in March of last year to offer high-tech gadgets to students enrolled in the state’s colleges, but it has materialised only a few months ahead of the assembly elections. Over the following two years, 20 lakh college students would receive a laptop or tablet.

The stark double standard displayed by DMK and Congress

Last November, DMK leader TKS Elangovan accused PM Modi of securing victory in the Bihar elections through dishonest methods. He described the saffron party as corrupt and claimed that their success was solely due to their distribution of 10,000 rupees to each woman. “He has to rely only on money. They paid ₹10,000 to every woman in Bihar. They had won. It is a corrupt party,” claimed Elangovan.

Likewise, the Congress Party continued to blame the Election Commission, the NDA and Mukhya Mantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana for its electoral debacle in Bihar. Senior Congress leader Ashok Gehlot expressed, “The assembly results are disappointing. It seems to me that the payments of ₹10,000 to women were continuing even when the election campaign was on. Such a thing never happens.”

He also reiterated the unfounded allegations of “vote theft” and added that the EC acted like a “mute spectator.” He then asked, “Why did it not stop this? It did not intervene at all.”

Ironically, now DMK has also introduced a wide array of “gifts” just ahead of the polls in the state. Does this indicate that it is also corrupt, and their only strategy for securing elections involves the provision of freebies to voters? Similarly, is the EC not simply a passive observer, allowing the Dravidian party to carry on with such announcements without taking any action?

These valid inquiries have no answers amid the searing hypocrisy of the opposition because for these parties and their cabal, “What’s good for the goose is definitely not good for the gander.” In fact, it is entirely opposite. They would perpetuate anti-BJP rhetoric, while simultaneously celebrating the culture of freebies fostered by their own parties.

Opposition supporters insult voters, peddle propaganda

Meanwhile, their ecosystem also jumped on the “freebies” bandwagon and did not even think twice before insulting the people of Bihar for voting for the NDA. An individual wrote that they “sold their souls for a mere ₹10,000” and further remarked, “Now let’s see if the people of Assam are willing to sell theirs too.”

Roshan Rai described the ₹10,000 as a bribe to women. He then associated the scheme with the election announcement in Bihar, attacking the integrity of Gyanesh Kumar, the Chief Election Commissioner of India.

Similar allegations were made by another Congress supporter on social media.

The principle for the opposition and its supporters is to attack the BJP and the ED under the guise of freebies, vote theft, corruption or any other unsubstantiated claims while leaving no stone unturned to lure voters to ensure their hold on power, and the aforementioned developments in Tamil Nadu serve as a prime example.

The DMK and Congress, currently in the seat-sharing phase, do not perceive any wrongdoing in such allocations by the government, as they anticipate gaining electoral advantages from such actions. However, any such decision by the BJP or NDA would quickly elicit a strong reaction from the same parties and their advocates who do not even spare the voters for exercising their democratic right.

The myth of ‘Bangla Birodhi’, propagated by TMC to tarnish the BJP: Read how the Modi govt has been honouring the legacy of Bengal and Bengalis

As Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Rashtra Prerana Sthal in Lucknow on the 101st birth anniversary of former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, one image stood out with quiet force: the imposing statue of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee.

For a party routinely caricatured as ‘Bangla Birodhi’, here was the Bharatiya Janata Party paying homage to a quintessential Bengali bhadralok, its ideological founder and, through him, to a lineage that shaped post-Independence India for over half a century.

Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee did not merely found the Bharatiya Jana Sangh; he identified, mentored, and politically nurtured two of independent India’s most consequential leaders, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Between them, these two men shaped national political discourse, organisation, and governance for decades. Vajpayee’s statesmanship and Upadhyaya’s integral humanism continue to define the ideological spine of the BJP. To dismiss this lineage as “anti-Bengal” is not just intellectually dishonest, it is historically absurd.

Ironically, many of those who now shriek ‘Bangla Birodhi’ owe their political existence to the very tradition they vilify. Mamata Banerjee’s political survival after her exit from the Congress was made possible by Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s political generosity and the BJP’s strategic accommodation. Without that space, the Trinamool Congress may never have emerged as a viable alternative in Bengal. Gratitude, however, is a scarce virtue in politics, especially among those whose survival depends on rigid vote-bank arithmetic.

Today, the Trinamool Congress resembles a regional clone of the Congress’s worst instincts, an uneasy coalition of appeasement politics, radical Left tendencies, and institutional hostility. If the Congress represents a pan-India “Maoist-Muslim League” political formulation, the TMC is its pocket edition, tailored to Bengal. Ideology has been replaced by expediency; governance by muscle; and constitutionalism by street power.

It is worth restating a fundamental truth that both the Left Front and the TMC deliberately avoid: that there exists a Bengali Hindu homeland within India largely because of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee’s foresight. His principled opposition to the partition of Bengal and his insistence on safeguarding Hindu interests in the east ensured that West Bengal remained part of the Indian Union. Indian communists spent decades demonising him for this; the TMC maintains a calculated silence. Acknowledging Syama Prasad’s contribution would puncture the carefully cultivated narrative that nationalism and Bengal are incompatible.

For over five decades, Bengal has been ruled by parties claiming to be uniquely “Bengal-centric”. The results are there for all to see: industrial flight, capital starvation, collapsing infrastructure, crumbling public healthcare, decaying schools, teacher shortages, infiltration, and alarming demographic shifts. Under the TMC, this decline has accelerated into systemic rot marked by grassroots corruption, political violence, social boycotts, and the silencing of dissent. Holding a different political opinion in many parts of Bengal now carries real social and physical risk.

Travel across India and speak to probashi Bengalis from Delhi to Kashi to Gaya, and a recurring question emerges, often unprompted: “Whither lies salvation and liberation?” It is not rhetoric; it is despair. In Kolkata and the districts, shopkeepers, tea vendors, and small traders speak in hushed tones, fearful yet exhausted. The cup of misery is not just full it is spilling over.

The Left championed insularity with ideological rigidity; the TMC has weaponised it with constitutional contempt. Mamata Banerjee’s repeated attacks on constitutional institutions, her abuse of central agencies, her routine casting of aspersions on the judiciary, her thuggish posturing towards the Election Commission, and her wilful non-compliance with Centre state norms reflect an alarming erosion of republican values. Even among opposition-ruled states, West Bengal stands out for this brazenness.

The very phrase ‘Bangla Birodhi’ is a manufactured lexicon, alien to Bengal’s civilisational ethos. Bengal’s history is one of cultural synthesis, not parochial hostility. The Maharaja of Darbhanga, Rameswar Singh, a Maithili aristocrat, was among the greatest patrons of Bengali education and culture, donating generously to Calcutta University. Rao Jogindranarayan Roy of Lalgola, born in Ghazipur, became one of the most influential benefactors of the Bengali renaissance, supporting Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Rabindranath Tagore, and Sarat Chandra Pandit. It was under his patronage that the discovery and publication of the Charyapada, pushing back the history of the Bengali language by a millennium, became possible.

This syncretic, generous, confident Bengal is precisely what today’s ‘Bangla Birodhi’ peddlers want erased.

Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s engagement with Bengal stands out. From honouring Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in the heart of the national capital, to renaming the Andaman and Nicobar Islands after him; from securing UNESCO recognition for Durga Puja and Santiniketan, to expanding Vande Bharat connectivity, from reimagining road and rail infrastructure to articulating a vision of Bengal as the engine of Purvoday, his focus has been both symbolic and substantive.

This is not the approach of an adversary, but of a friend. It is why, beyond political slogans, many ordinary Bengalis increasingly see Narendra Modi as Banglar Mitra. The “Bangla Birodhi” label does not stick because lived reality contradicts it. What Bengal needs today is not manufactured hostility, but liberation from a vicious cycle of degeneration. And history suggests that Bengal’s redemption has always come when it embraced, rather than rejected, its national destiny.

Why Gujarat is being pushed back towards caste politics after a decade of development-centric governance

When discussing matters with journalists and political figures from outside Gujarat, one complaint is heard repeatedly: that Gujarat has not been a very “happening” state politically. To a large extent, this complaint is true. As a society, we are fundamentally peace-loving. Elections take place once every five years; there is some movement during the election period, a new government is formed, and then our focus returns to business. When the next election comes after five years, we deal with it then. This has been the pattern for the past several years.

However, this trajectory is now changing. In any case, everyone is exposed in the same bathhouse, but in all of this, a significant role is being played by the opposition and its ecosystem. After being out of power for three decades, this now appears to be the only remaining route for them to reach power.

In some states, caste politics still dominates. Even there, however, the influence of caste-based politics is gradually declining, while other issues are gaining importance. The equations are slowly changing. Gujarat, on the other hand, has recently begun moving in the opposite direction or rather, systematic and well-planned efforts are underway to push it in that opposite direction.

Historically, Gujarat has seen such phases before. A reading of history reminds us of Madhavsinh’s well-known “KHAM” theory. Until 2001, such politics continued. But after Narendra Modi came to power, caste began to recede from the centre of politics, and development, the economy, and governance moved to the forefront. One reason for Gujarat’s transformation during Modi’s 13 years of historic governance was precisely this shift. Modi understood that results come only when attention is diverted away from divisive issues and focused squarely on what needs to be done. When the government and society are focused on a single pitch, the opposition—whether it wants to or not—is forced to play on that same pitch and cannot easily derail the agenda.

After Modi left Gujarat in 2014, there was a constant search for opportunities to play on a different pitch. Following the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, a phase of agitations began in Gujarat as early as 2015, with communities and castes at the centre. What began as movements around social issues soon took on additional dimensions, and ultimately led to what such agitations usually result in: instability and risk for the government. Anandiben Patel had to resign, and a new government was formed under the leadership of Vijay Rupani.

This government too faced multiple challenges. Caste-based politics was still dominant. Two years later came the 2017 Assembly elections, in which the BJP missed being ousted from power by just seven seats. It managed to retain power with 99 seats, but the situation was far from comfortable. For the first time in two decades, the opposition was closest to capturing power.

The BJP retained power with 99 seats, but its grip was not firm. Ever since instability and disorder were injected into the state in 2015 by pushing various communities to the forefront, a difficult phase had begun for the government. The consequences were felt in 2017. It would not be an exaggeration to say that had the 2017 results been different, the situation at the Centre might also have been different—but that is now a matter of speculation.

After the 2017 results, the BJP regrouped and began working afresh, steadily strengthening itself. On the other hand, the Congress became completely weakened, and the kind of intense manoeuvring seen before 2017 largely came to an end. This atmosphere continued until 2022. Learning from past experiences, the BJP recalibrated its equations; several other factors also played a role, and the 2022 elections produced a result unprecedented in scale. The BJP won 156 seats, a number that has since risen to 162 out of a total of 182 seats.

Following this historic return in 2022, a fresh, organised effort has once again begun, centred on the same agenda: to somehow push Gujarat back into a 2015-like situation. To once again foreground caste, and to once again create dissatisfaction among communities by any means necessary.

If one observes carefully, this pattern has been visible in Gujarat for quite some time now. Whenever an issue becomes, or is made into, a statewide issue, it is immediately given a caste overlay. Leaders of particular communities are brought forward. Once someone is recognised as a leader, the urge to remain in the spotlight and to demonstrate that they are “fighting for the community” is a natural human tendency. In that sense, the fault does not lie entirely with these individuals. But eventually, the entire community has to bear the consequences. Such leaders leap into action, politics gets mixed in, and ultimately the entire environment is destabilised.

If caste itself is the subject of an issue, that is one thing. But even in matters where caste has no relevance whatsoever, this angle is deliberately inserted. A few days ago, in the dispute between the Ambaji Temple Trust and the royal family, the High Court delivered a verdict ending the royal family’s special worship rights during Navratri. Even in this case, attempts were made on social media in some quarters to give the issue a caste colour. Recently, an attack on a sarpanch in Bagdana in Saurashtra was also turned into a situation where two castes were pitted against each other.

In Surendranagar, when a land scam was exposed and a collector was arrested, the ED’s action was linked to the officer’s caste. Even relatively trivial matters such as marriages or love marriages have been blown up into statewide issues and infused with community angles. Similar attempts were seen recently in some matters in Gondal as well.

Issues related to society and caste require governments and political parties to tread very carefully. But in Gujarat, whatever there is to lose will be lost by the ruling party. The opposition has nothing left to lose. That is precisely why they repeatedly attempt to fan such issues whenever possible.

The opposition and its ecosystem know that on issues such as development, education, and healthcare, defeating the BJP in Gujarat over the next ten years is virtually impossible. In these circumstances, this final route remains open to them: doing politics by foregrounding communities. That is why caste is injected into every issue, and sustained efforts are made to keep matters inflamed at any cost.

As explained in detail earlier in a series of articles, YouTuber-journalists, so-called influencers, and the entire ecosystem remain constantly engaged in creating this environment. One way or another, news is framed with a focus on castes. One way or another, we are drawn into debating these issues. Debate in itself is not a problem, but it is essential to remain aware of the consequences and adverse outcomes. Because much more of this is coming between now and 2027.

The glaring hypocrisy of the US: Read how the nation has toppled governments in the name of ‘democracy’ while empowering dictators around the world

In the wee hours of Saturday (3rd January), Caracas woke up to the sound of fighter jets slicing through the night sky. By morning, it was clear that Venezuela had become the latest stage for a familiar American drama, one where military force is framed as a moral mission to “restore democracy.” 

US President Donald Trump confirmed that American forces had carried out multiple strikes in Venezuela and captured President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, flying them to the United States. Trump announced the operation on Truth Social, presenting it as a decisive blow against what he called “narcotic terrorism.”

Soon after, US Attorney General Pamela Bondi revealed that Maduro and Flores had been indicted in New York on charges ranging from narco-terrorism conspiracy to cocaine importation and possession of heavy weapons. 

Trump accused the Maduro government of pushing migrants toward the US southern border, emptying prisons and mental institutions, and collaborating with drug cartels and terrorist groups. According to Trump, Venezuela had become a major transit route for cocaine entering the United States, with boats smuggling narcotics through the Caribbean and the Pacific.

The justification sounded familiar. It has been for many years that Washington has branded hostile regimes as being guilty of crime, human rights abuses, or threatening international security.

In the Venezuelan instance, matters were heightened by the Trump administration’s military campaign against reported drug-carrying boats in September of 2025 as it launched “a new war on drugs.” This is taking on military rather than law enforcement efforts.

However, Maduro had always denied such charges, terming them a cover for the eventual control of Venezuela’s huge oil reserves. Notably, just days before the strikes, Maduro had offered cooperation with the US on migration and drug trafficking. That offer was ignored. Instead, American jets flew in without congressional approval, raising serious constitutional questions back home..

What unfolded in Venezuela fits a pattern the world has seen many times before, a regime change operation wrapped in the language of democracy, security, and moral responsibility.

Regime change in the name of restoring democracy

The US intervention in Venezuela did not emerge in a vacuum. It is part of a long and deeply troubling history of American-led regime change across the world. From Vietnam to Iraq, from Afghanistan to Syria, Washington has repeatedly justified military action as a way to remove “bad regimes” and replace them with democratic systems. The results, more often than not, have been chaos, violence, and long-term instability.

In late 2001, US-backed forces entered Kabul, toppling the Taliban government within weeks. Hamid Karzai was installed as Afghanistan’s leader with strong American backing, and President George W. Bush confidently spoke of democracy taking root in Central Asia. Two decades later, US troops withdrew, and the Taliban returned to power almost overnight. The American-installed government collapsed with shocking speed, exposing how hollow and dependent it had always been.

Iraq followed a similar path. In 2003, US troops removed Saddam Hussein, promising to transform Iraq into a democratic beacon for the Middle East. Instead, the dismantling of Iraq’s security apparatus left hundreds of thousands of armed men unemployed. The country descended into insurgency, sectarian violence, and civil war. Iran-backed militias gained influence, and the chaos eventually gave rise to the Islamic State, reshaping the region’s security landscape in ways that continue to haunt it today.

Syria, Libya, and earlier Vietnam tell variations of the same story. The US steps in claiming moral urgency, dismantles existing power structures, and leaves behind fractured societies. Scholars describe this pattern as foreign-imposed regime change. 

Over the past 120 years, the United States has been responsible for the forced removal of around 35 foreign leaders, nearly one-third of all such interventions globally. Alarmingly, about one-third of these regime changes are followed by civil war within a decade.

Even Trump, who built his political appeal on opposing America’s “endless wars,” seems unable to break free from this tradition. While he has repeatedly condemned the Iraq invasion and criticised neoconservative foreign policy, his Venezuela intervention sits uneasily with his own rhetoric of being a “peace President.”

Bangladesh: A regime change backed by US without bombs

While Venezuela saw fighter jets and missiles, Bangladesh offers a more subtle example of American interference, one carried out through political pressure, intelligence networks, and street protests rather than direct military force.

According to a book, Inshallah Bangladesh: The Story of an Unfinished Revolution, Sheikh Hasina’s former Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal has accused the CIA of orchestrating her removal from power. He described the events as a “perfect CIA plot,” carefully planned over time and executed with the help of Bangladesh’s own military leadership.

Image via HINDU E SHOP

Kamal claimed that the country’s army chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, was central to the conspiracy. Shockingly, he said that even Bangladesh’s top intelligence agencies failed to warn Hasina, suggesting that senior officials may have been compromised. According to Kamal, Waker forced Hasina to leave the country on 5th August, 2024, just weeks after taking over as army chief, a position to which Hasina herself had appointed him.

The protests that preceded Hasina’s fall were portrayed internationally as so called student-led and democratic. But Kamal said that radical Islamist groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, historically divided, united for the first time with backing from foreign intelligence networks. He further claimed that Pakistan’s ISI played a role, with foreign-trained militants mixing with protesters and attacking police.

The motivation, Kamal argued, was strategic. Washington, he said, does not want too many strong leaders in South Asia at the same time. With Narendra Modi in India and Xi Jinping in China, Hasina’s independent stance made her inconvenient. Another key factor was St Martin’s Island in the Bay of Bengal, a strategically located territory near Myanmar and critical to Indian Ocean geopolitics.

Hasina herself had publicly stated that the US pressured her to hand over access to the island in exchange for staying in power. She refused, calling it a violation of Bangladesh’s sovereignty. After her removal, economist Muhammad Yunus, unelected and widely seen as Western-friendly, was installed at the helm, raising serious questions about democratic legitimacy.

Friends with dictators, enemies of Democracy

What makes America’s democracy narrative even more troubling is its close and comfortable relationship with authoritarian regimes, provided they align with US strategic interests. Saudi Arabia stands out as one of the clearest examples.

The kingdom has no elections, no political parties, and no meaningful political freedoms. Yet Washington continues to treat it as a key ally. 

Recently, the US cleared $1.4 billion in military sales to Saudi Arabia, including hundreds of millions for training its land forces. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s visit to the White House resulted in authorisation for F-35 fighter jet sales and a Strategic Defense Agreement that firmly re-established the US as Saudi Arabia’s main security guarantor.

This is the same Saudi leadership that has faced global outrage over human rights abuses, the war in Yemen, and the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Yet none of this seems to disqualify Riyadh from American support.

Beyond Saudi Arabia, the US maintains strong ties with other authoritarian states across the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Egypt, ruled by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi after a military coup, receives billions in US military aid. 

The United Arab Emirates, an absolute monarchy, is another close partner of US. These relationships are rarely framed as problems for democracy. Instead, they are justified in the language of “stability,” “security,” and “regional balance.”

Even when these regimes suppress dissent or jail opponents, Washington looks the other way, so long as military bases, arms deals, and strategic cooperation remain intact.

The hypocrisy at the heart of American power

When viewed together, Venezuela, Afghanistan, Iraq, Bangladesh, and America’s alliances with authoritarian regimes reveal a deep and enduring hypocrisy. Democracy is invoked selectively, used as a weapon against adversaries and quietly ignored when dealing with friends.

Governments that resist US influence are branded criminal, illegitimate, or dangerous. Those that comply, even if they rule without elections or suppress basic freedoms, are rewarded with weapons, diplomatic cover, and political legitimacy.

The pattern is hard to ignore. Regime change is not about democracy; it is about control. It is about oil, military bases, shipping routes, and geopolitical leverage. From Latin America to South Asia, the United States has repeatedly shown that its commitment is not to democratic values, but to strategic advantage.

Venezuela’s latest crisis is not an exception, it is the continuation of a long tradition. And until this contradiction is honestly confronted, the promise of democracy offered by American power will remain, for much of the world, deeply unconvincing.

India’s absence from USA’s welfare receiver list says more than what the numbers show: Indian immigrants have been giving back a lot to American economy

Recently, US President Donald Trump shared a chart on immigrant welfare usage in the United States. It quickly sparked debate. The chart showed the proportion of immigrant households receiving government assistance, such as food stamps, healthcare, or housing aid. Immigrants from several nations, including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and others, were highlighted. However, one country was conspicuously absent: India.

At first glance, this omission might seem incidental. It is not. In fact, India’s absence is the most telling detail in the entire chart. The data do not measure population size or migration volume, but they highlight welfare dependence. India’s non-appearance reflects a consistent economic pattern that Indian immigrants in the United States, as a group, rely far less on government assistance than many other immigrant communities. This absence is not a statistical gap but a window into a deeper economic reality about how Indian immigrants engage with, contribute to, and sustain the American economy.

What the welfare chart actually measures

The welfare chart shared online measures the percentage of immigrant households in the United States that receive at least one form of government assistance. This assistance typically includes programmes such as SNAP (food stamps), Medicaid, housing subsidies, or limited cash aid. Crucially, the unit of measurement is the household, not individual members. It means that if even one family member receives a benefit, the household is counted. Therefore, the chart is an economic indicator, not a judgment on culture, character, or intent. Such datasets are frequently used in US immigration debates because they help policymakers assess fiscal impact. How different migration streams affect public resources, tax systems, and long-term economic sustainability.

India’s absence: A data point, not a coincidence

The countries that appeared on the charts are not there because of population size, but their usage rates are high enough to warrant attention. The chart highlights immigrant groups where a significant share of households relies on government assistance, making their fiscal footprint visible in policy discussions. This list includes Bangladesh(54.8%), Pakistan (40.2%), Nepal (34.8%), China (32.9%), Israel/Palestine (25.9%), Ukraine (42.7%), and Asia (not elsewhere classified/not specified)(38.8%). The absence of India is not oversight but an indicator of the opposite trend. 

list shared by Trump

Indian immigrant households consistently fall at the lower end of welfare usage in the United States, placing them outside the high-dependence bracket that such charts are designed to showcase. The primary reason for this divergence lies in income and employment patterns. Indian immigrants are far more likely to be employed in professional, high-paying sectors, reducing the need for public assistance. To understand why India does not feature alongside high-dependency immigrant groups, it is necessary to examine income levels and the economic profile of Indian-American households. 

List shared by Trump

Incomes and taxes: Indian-Americans as net contributors in USA

The best explanation for why Indian immigrants remain largely absent from welfare-dependence charts is income data. According to the Pew Research Centre, around 5.2 million people in the US identified as Indian in 2023. Indian-American households have the highest median income among all the major immigrant and ethnic groups in the United States. In 2023, Indian-headed households had a median annual income of more than $150,000, well above both the national and immigrant averages.

In contrast to the US national median, the median household income for Asian-American households was approximately $105,600. This income difference reflects a fundamental economic situation that is not marginal. In addition to being financially independent, Indian-Americans make disproportionately larger contributions to local, state, and federal taxes due to their higher household earnings.

The income advantage directly explains lower welfare reliance. Households with stable income rarely need food assistance, housing subsidies, or public healthcare support. In financial terms, Indian-American households contribute more to the system than they take out. Their economic profile shows that when migrants arrive with skills, education, and employability, public resource dependence naturally declines.

Welfare dependence compared: Indians vs high-dependency groups in USA

A comparison with countries that feature prominently on welfare-dependence charts helps place India’s absence in context. Immigrant households from Bangladesh and Pakistan, for instance, show welfare usage rates ranging between 40 and 55 per cent, meaning nearly half or more than half of households receive some form of government assistance. Similar patterns are visible across South Asian countries, where dependence levels often climb even higher, sometimes above 60-70%.

It is essential to clarify that welfare usage is not inherently wrong. Governments provide assistance to provide economic stability during economic hardship, displacement or transitional phases. However, from a policy perspective, sustained high welfare reliance represents a net cost to the public system, funded by taxpayers.

This is where the contrast with Indian immigrants becomes significant. Indian-American households, with high employment rates and strong earnings, rely far less on public assistance while contributing heavily through taxes. In financial terms, they consistently emerge as net contributors, whereas high-dependency groups impose a greater long-term demand on public resources.

What India’s absence really tells the United States

India’s absence from immigrant welfare-dependence charts is not symbolic, accidental, or politically convenient. It is the outcome of a measurable economic reality. As a group, Indian immigrants earn more and rely less on public assistance and contribute more in taxes than most other immigrant communities in the United States. That distinction matters in a policy environment where immigration is increasingly scrutinised through the lens of fiscal sustainability.

This comparison is not about nationality or cultural pride. It is about how immigration systems shape outcomes. Skill-based migration pathways reward education, employability, and self-reliance, producing communities that integrate quickly and strengthen the host economy. Welfare-heavy migration streams, often driven by humanitarian or low-skill entry routes, create a different set of economic pressures.

If immigration is to be evaluated honestly, it must be judged not by sentiment but by impact. On that metric, Indian immigrants stand out as a model of net contribution. Their absence from welfare charts tells a simple but powerful story: when immigration policy prioritises skills and economic participation, it benefits both migrants and the nation that receives them.

European leaders support Denmark over Trump’s Greenland claim, say NATO allies need to be respected

Just two days ago, Washington claimed the dramatic capture of the President of Venezuela, Nicolas Maduro. Today, on 5th January local time, the President of the United States, Donald Trump, shifted his discourse to confrontation. The short-lived celebrations of the Maduro episode ended with threats pointed towards multiple countries across continents.

In the past few hours, Trump has openly threatened Cuba, Iran, Mexico, Colombia, Greenland, Denmark, and India. Each confrontation was framed through the familiar lenses of national security, economic pressure, and US pre-eminence.

The timing of the confrontation is striking. The Maduro episode is heavily linked to oil politics and regime change narratives. However, in the latest threats, the focus has shifted to energy, strategic geography, and dominance at the centre of US foreign policy. Trump’s remarks have suggested a broader posture where allies and adversaries alike are spoken to in similar terms. The US has replaced persuasion with pressure and threats have substituted diplomacy. For someone who was seeking Noble Peace Prize just a few months ago, this shift has raised serious concerns.

It is within this pattern that Trump has renewed claims over Greenland must be understood. It is not an isolated outburst but part of a wider worldview where geography, resources, and security interests are being used to justify unilateral unrealistic demands.

From Venezuela to the Arctic, a familiar doctrine returns

The rhetoric Trump has presented following the Venezuela operation has echoed an older American strategic instinct which is often described as a modern revival of the Monroe Doctrine.

The Monroe Doctrine was articulated in 1823. It asserted that the Western Hemisphere was the United States’ sphere of influence. It warned European powers against interference. In modern form, it is often invoked to justify US intervention or pressure abroad framing it as national security rather than expansionism.

Whether it is Latin America, the Middle East, or now the Arctic, the message given by the US President is consistent. Regions deemed strategically vital to US security must remain under the influence of the US. In fact, US appears to be not in mood to show patience for multilateral processes or sovereign sensitivities.

For the US, oil has remained a recurring theme. Venezuela, Iran, Russia-linked energy trade with India, and now Greenland’s untapped mineral wealth and Arctic routes all intersect in Trump’s public statements. While the targets seem disparate, there is one thing that binds them together and that is leverage, not ideology. In Trump’s view, economic pressure, tariffs, and security threats are legitimate tools to compel compliance.

Greenland, however, triggered something rare in recent transatlantic politics, which is a swift, coordinated, and unusually blunt pushback from Europe.

Trump revives Greenland claim citing national security

Speaking to reporters abroad Air Force One, Trump declared that the United States “needs Greenland for national security reasons”. He claimed that Russian and Chinese vessels were operating around the island in large numbers. He went further and asserted that Denmark would not be able to handle the situation on its own and that even the European Union required American involvement.

The statement given by the US President is like his earlier remarks during both his first and second terms. He has repeatedly described Greenland as an “absolute necessity” for US security. However, this time the tone has gone sharper. It might be because of the “successful” operation in Venezuela that he is not holding back from issuing threats to anyone and everyone.

The implication of his remarks was not a purchase offer or diplomatic negotiation, but a suggestion that Denmark’s sovereignty over Greenland was secondary to American strategic needs.

His remarks have also leaned heavily on fear narratives. He invoked Russia and China as looking threats in the Arctic, despite Greenland already hosting a long-standing US military presence as the Pituffik Space Base under agreements with Denmark.

Europe closes ranks around Denmark

Following Trump’s remarks unusually rapid and unified response came from the European leaders, particularly from the Nordic and Baltic regions. Within hours, senior political figures across Europe issued statements and defended Denmark’s sovereignty while rejecting any suggestion that Greenland’s future could be decided externally.

The message given by the leaders was consistent that Greenland is an integral part of the Kingdom of Denmark. Furthermore, decisions concerning its future rest solely with Greenland and Denmark.

What European leaders said

Edgars Rinkēvičs, President of Latvia, framed the issue squarely within NATO norms. He stated that Denmark is a strong democracy and a trusted NATO ally, adding that while legitimate security concerns exist, they must be addressed through direct dialogue and within collective defence frameworks, not through unilateral pressure.

Foreign Minister of Estonia Margus Tsahkna emphasised process and sovereignty. He said that Greenland is an integral part of the Kingdom of Denmark and that no decisions concerning Greenland can be made without the involvement of both Greenland and Denmark, underlining Estonia’s full solidarity with its Nordic-Baltic ally.

Prime Minister of Estonia Kristen Michal stated that decisions about Greenland belong to Greenland and Denmark alone, leaving no ambiguity about Tallinn’s stance.

Finland’s President, Alexander Stubb, was even more direct. He said that no one decides for Greenland and Denmark except Greenland and Denmark themselves, adding that Denmark and its government have Finland’s full support.

Jonas Gahr Støre, Prime Minister of Norway, reiterated that Greenland is an integral part of the Kingdom of Denmark and that Norway stands in full solidarity with Copenhagen.

From Sweden, PM Ulf Kristersson made it clear that only Denmark and Greenland have the right to decide on matters concerning Greenland, stating that Sweden stands firmly with its neighbour.

Iceland’s Prime Minister, Kristrún Frostadóttir, echoed the now-familiar refrain, nothing about Greenland without Greenland. She added that Iceland stands fully behind its friends, signalling regional unity across the North Atlantic.

Lithuania’s Foreign Minister, Kęstutis Budrys, framed the matter in broader international terms. He described Denmark as a strong democracy and trusted NATO ally, stressed respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, and said all decisions regarding Greenland or Denmark are for them alone to make.

Not an isolated statement, but a pattern

Notably, European leaders were careful not to personalise their responses and the subtext was unmistakeable. Trump’s Greenland remarks have been seen as part of a broader pattern where allies are increasingly spoken to in a transactional term. Their sovereignty is being treated as negotiable if it conflicts with US strategic interests.

This pattern of US policies has played out repeatedly. US has threatened India with tariffs over Russian oil purchases. Mexico and Colombia have faced economic pressure over migration and security cooperation. Cuba and Iran remain under constant sanction threats. Greenland has now once again joined this list, despite being part of a NATO ally.

The common thread is leverage. Trump’s approach relies on the assumption that economic and security dependence will override political resistance.

Why Greenland matters so much to Trump

The importance of Greenland for the US is not symbolic but deeply strategic. Greenland is the world’s third largest Island. It sits between the Atlantic and Arctic oceans, along key maritime and aerial routes that link North America and Europe. It lies at the heart of the Greenland-Iceland-UK gap which is a crucial chokepoint for monitoring naval movement between the North Atlantic and the Arctic.

From a military perspective, Greenland offers unparalleled advantages for missile defence, space surveillance, and early warning systems. The existing US base at Pituffik already plays a significant role in these domains.

Greenland’s importance for the US is not limited to military perspective. Its vast natural resources have become more accessible due to melting ice. Rare earth elements including neodymium and dysprosium, along with uranium, oil and gas reserves have made the island highly economically attractive. US is looking for sources from where it can get rare earth elements to reduce its dependency on China.

Europe’s dilemma, dependence versus dignity

The unified response that has come from Europe shows that there is a deeper discomfort. While European states rely heavily on the US for security through NATO, the rhetoric presented by Trump has exposed the fragility of that relationship. The Greenland episode has highlighted growing concern in European capitals. They are concerned what would happen when the guarantor of security begins to question the sovereignty of those it claims to protect.

The swift show of solidarity with Denmark suggests that, at least rhetorically, Europe is willing to draw red lines. Whether this unity translates into long-term strategic autonomy remains uncertain.

A red line drawn, for now

As of now, the message from Europe is clear. Greenland has become more than an Arctic territory and its sovereignty is not negotiable. Alliances do not grant ownership and security concerns do not justify coercion. Whether Washington is listen to the message and registers it properly is another question altogether. What is certain is that post-Maduro episode, Trump has reshaped the conversation from dialogue to pressure where he asserts everyone should fall in line with his demands.  

Is nuclear deterrence the ultimate shield of sovereignty? Why North Korea is untouchable while Venezuela was attacked by the US

The international system has always rewarded power, but in the contemporary world, it punishes weakness with unprecedented efficiency. In an era marked by accelerating resource competition, territorial revisionism, and open great-power rivalry, the comforting fiction that rules-based order, UN charters, or moral outrage can shield a nation from hostile aggression has collapsed.

What remains is a harsher, more transactional reality: states that can impose unacceptable costs on their adversaries survive; those that cannot are disciplined, invaded, sanctioned into submission, or outright dismantled.

At the very apex of this brutal hierarchy sits nuclear deterrence.

The US military action in Venezuela

The recent US operation in Venezuela, which eventually culminated in the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro, is not merely a dramatic episode in Latin American geopolitics. It is a case study in how power is exercised in the modern world, and how the absence of a nuclear umbrella turns sovereignty into a revocable privilege.

On 3rd January, Donald Trump announced that United States forces had successfully captured Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and flown them out of the country. The operation was swift, decisive, and unapologetically unilateral. Loud explosions shook Caracas at around 2 am local time. Low-flying aircraft roared over the city. Power outages followed. Panic spread through the streets. A national emergency was declared, too late to matter.

Within minutes, the Venezuelan state had ceased to function as a sovereign entity.

Washington framed the action as part of a broader “war on drugs,” citing alleged narcotics smuggling through the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. Congress was not consulted. The United Nations was not asked. Latin America was not warned. The logic was simple: the United States wanted to punish Maduro; it did. Narcotics and drugs are perhaps only pretexts to legitimise the unlawful military action against Venezuela.

What made Venezuela uniquely vulnerable was not just economic collapse, internal dissent, or diplomatic isolation. It was the complete absence of a deterrent capability that could impose costs on the attacker. No nuclear umbrella. No second-strike threat. No red line that had Washington fearing a certain retaliation.

This is where the conversation must turn uncomfortable.

Compare Venezuela’s fate with that of North Korea. For years, Pyongyang has been labelled an incorrigible rogue state. Its leader, Kim Jong Un, stands accused of crimes against humanity: extrajudicial killings, torture, forced labour camps, and systemic repression.

Nuclear possession invites restraint; absence invites destruction.

North Korea has repeatedly threatened the United States and its allies, South Korea and Japan, both of which host major US military bases. It has tested missiles over Japanese territory and claimed the capability to strike the US West Coast. It had routinely tested ICBMs, sometimes flying them above Japan, and crashing them in the Pacific Ocean and insisting that they have the capability of striking at the heart of the US’s Silicon Valley, San Francisco.

Trump and the United States have also long slammed Kim Jong Un as a brutal dictator repressing his own people, just for the sake of maintaining his grip on power.

Yet, despite all this provocation, there has been no American invasion of North Korea. No midnight raid on Pyongyang. No attempt to capture Kim Jong Un and parade him before an international tribunal.

The reason is not restraint. Nor is it American benevolence as the US lawmakers often frame it. It is fear, the fear of unfactored retaliation.

Aggression for Venezuela, hesitation for nuclear-armed North Korea

North Korea possesses nuclear weapons. Even a limited retaliatory strike could spark a volley of attacks against Seoul, cripple US forces in the Pacific, and trigger escalation beyond anyone’s control. That single fact forces Washington to abandon regime-change fantasies and settle for sanctions, bluster, and managed hostility.

The same logic applies to China, the country with the third-largest stockpile of nuclear warheads in the world. Beijing is accused, often correctly, of human rights abuses, military coercion, and aggressive expansionism. In the South China Sea, Beijing has placed itself in near-constant confrontation with almost every regional stakeholder, constructing artificial islands, militarising one of the world’s busiest maritime corridors, and coercively harassing fishing vessels operating in international waters. It is in a perennial dispute with Taiwan and has wrongly claimed Indian territories as its own.

Despite trade wars, diplomatic pressure, threats of taking over Taiwan, and naval brinkmanship, the US has yet to resort to direct military action. China is also the global manufacturing house, virtually controlling global supply chains for every product, from rare-earth minerals used to produce Electric Vehicles to high-end electronics goods.

Nuclear parity and economic heft compel caution. Power respects power.

This power differential becomes even sharper when examining the US and Israeli strikes on Iran in June 2025. On 21st June, Trump announced that the United States had attacked three Iranian nuclear sites: Fordow, Natanz, and Esfahan, using capabilities that only Washington possesses. B-2 stealth bombers armed with GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrators, 30,000-pound bunker-buster bombs, targeted facilities buried deep beneath mountains.

Trump’s message was blunt: “There is no other military in the world that could have done this. Now is the time for peace.”

This was not diplomacy. It was coercion backed by overwhelming force.

Fordow, Iran’s most fortified enrichment facility, sits 80–90 metres underground, deeper than the Channel Tunnel. Even the MOP was not a guaranteed solution. Yet the United States proceeded, fully aware that this marked the first direct US air attack on Iranian territory since the 1979 revolution. It was an act of war, justified because Iran was nearing weapons-grade uranium.

Here lies the paradox of the nuclear age: possession invites restraint; pursuit invites military strikes.

Israel had already initiated hostilities under ‘Operation Rising Lion’. Iran responded with ‘Operation True Promise 3’, launching drones and missiles, targeting Israeli energy infrastructure. Regional proxies had been weakened, but Iran retained the capacity to strike US bases across the Middle East and choke the Strait of Hormuz, through which nearly 30% of global oil supply passes.

Yet even in this escalation, Washington calculated carefully. Iran does not yet possess nuclear weapons. That made pre-emptive action conceivable.

Contrast this again with North Korea. Its nuclear arsenal is crude, its economy broken, its diplomacy toxic. None of that matters. What matters is that any attack risks unacceptable retaliation.

The lesson is unmistakable.

It is not the United Nations that protects states. UN Secretary-General António Guterres expressed “grave alarm” over the US strikes on Iran, warning of catastrophic consequences and urging diplomacy. His statement changed nothing. It never does.

The UN speaks in moral vocabulary; power speaks in consequences.

Trump’s threats to Colombia after tasting success inthe Venezuelan military adventure

Venezuela learned this the hard way. The aftermath of the Maduro operation has already destabilised Latin America. Trump, emboldened, openly threatened Colombia, calling its president Gustavo Petro a “sick man” and suggesting military action, sounds good to me.” Relations deteriorated overnight. Sovereignty, once again, proved negotiable.

Notably, Colombia, despite being a US ally, understood the warning. Petro described the Venezuela action as an “assault on Latin America’s sovereignty.” Trump responded by telling him to “watch his a*s.”

This is how empires behave when they encounter states that lack deterrence.

The broader implication is deeply unsettling for the international system. Nuclear weapons are no longer merely strategic assets; they are civilisational shields. They confer not just security, but agency. They force even the most powerful state on Earth to pause, calculate, and reconsider.

Without them, nations are reduced to variables in someone else’s strategic equation.

This reality also explains why nuclear proliferation pressures are increasing, not decreasing. States are watching. They see what happened to Libya after it abandoned its nuclear programme. They see what happened to Iraq, which never had one. They see what happened to Venezuela. And they see what did not happen to North Korea.

The conclusion they draw is rational, not ideological.

In a world where “humanitarian intervention” is selective, where “rules-based order” applies only to the weak, and where international institutions serve as spectators rather than enforcers, nuclear deterrence emerges as the ultimate guarantor of sovereignty.

This is not an endorsement of nuclear war. It is an acknowledgement of nuclear peace, the grim equilibrium where catastrophe is avoided precisely because it is possible.

The uncomfortable truth is that peace today is not preserved by goodwill or global norms. It is preserved by fear, specifically, the fear of retaliation so devastating that even the strongest hesitate.

That fear saved Pyongyang. It shielded Beijing. It forced Washington to calculate in Tehran. And its absence doomed Caracas.

In the grammar of modern geopolitics, nuclear weapons are not verbs of aggression. They are punctuation marks, full stops at the end of imperial ambition.

Ignore that lesson, and history will not be kind.

Iraq to Venezuela and beyond: How US media giants like NYT, WaPo and others serve as the propaganda arm of the White House

In the early hours of Saturday, January 3, the US military launched a large-scale operation code-named Operation Absolute Resolve against Venezuela. US aircraft rained down ammunition on key Venezuelan military assets while a Delta Force team went to capture the Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores. 

Maduro and Flores were taken into custody and flown out of Venezuela to New York, and US President Trump announced soon that they would face charges for narco-terrorism and other criminal activities. The operation took the whole world by surprise, not just because of its suddenness, but also for the sheer impunity of it, the audacious breach of sovereignty. 

Operation Absolute Resolve included elite Delta Force commandos, over 150 aircraft, airstrikes, and months of CIA surveillance. The images of Maduro being handcuffed and paraded around by US forces will be circulated for decades. The geopolitical ramifications are yet to be grasped completely.

Amid the cacophony of the Trump administration’s insufferable bravado, there is a barrage of questions. A lot of nations have condemned the incident and raised serious concern about the shocking absence of a ‘rules-based international order’ when it comes to US hegemony. Dictator as he might be, Maduro was the head of a sovereign nation. The US capture of Maduro was a blatant disregard of that sovereignty. 

Curiously, though, the US media, which behaves as the global champion of human rights, democracy and justice and holds sermons for the entire world on the above topics on a regular basis, is hailing the act. 

As per a report, some of the top names in US media were already aware of the plan to capture Maduro, but chose to stay silent for ‘national security’. An exclusive in Semafor has revealed that the NYT and Washington Post both had prior knowledge of the raid before it was underway, but they chose to remain silent and delayed publishing anything about it, ‘upon the request’ of the Trump administration.

First in @semafor: NYT, WaPo learned of the secret US raid on Venezuela soon before it was scheduled to begin but held off publishing what they had at the administration’s request to avoid endangering US troops pic.twitter.com/LyWNSpNJwK— Max Tani (@maxwelltani) January 4, 2026

The decision by NYT and WaPo was apparently in terms with their ‘journalistic traditions’. Semfor writes, “.. it offers a rare glimpse at a thread of contact and even cooperation at some of the highest stakes American national security issues”.

The obidience shown by NYT and WaPo is significant, because on principle the legacy media in the USA has been vocally anti-Trump since day-1. Also, because the same legacy media in the USA is the self appointed preacher of justice, morality and democratic values to the whole world.

The obedience, however, is nothing new. There are ample instances where the US legacy media has effectively worked as a US propaganda arm, trumpeting the US cause to serve the US interests and keeping silent when silence served the White House best, despite their usually assumed pretence of being the champions of free speech and media freedom. 

The Bay of Pigs invasion

In 1961, the NYT reportedly had advanced knowledge of a CIA-backed plan for Cuban exiles to invade Cuba. At the urging of the then White House officials, NYT toned-downed a front page story and tried its best to downplay the CIA involvement. 

NSA Wiretapping Program

The NYT knew about George W Bush’s secret approval for the NSA to start domestic eavesdropping against US citizens without any warrants, but did not publish it, because the Bush administration asked them not to. NYT obeyed. They withheld publication for about a year because the White House reportedly told them it would harm national security.

CIA’s ‘secret prisons’

The Washington Post had uncovered the CIA’s network of overseas detention facilities for terrorism suspects. However, at the request of senior administration officials, it withheld the names of specific Eastern European countries hosting the sites in its Pulitzer Prize-winning report. So much for ‘free press’ and justice.

US invasion of Iraq and the ‘Weapons of Mass Destruction’ lie

The legacy media in the US have not only played ‘secret keeper’ for the White House, but they have also been very active trumpeters and drumbeaters for the US government. 

Throughout the early 2000s, the legacy media in the USA pulled all their resources to convince everyone in the world about the biggest lie of that decade, that Iraq was hiding weapons of mass destruction, and it was absolutely necessary to remove Saddam Hussein from power. 

So loyal was the coverage that the big names in US media never even bothered to question the US government on the veracity of those claims.

The @washingtonpost ran at least 140 front page articles promoting Iraq invasion, and ran at least 27 editorials pushing for war in the 6 months leading up to Bush’s invasion. No one at WaPo paid for lying & accessory to murdering a million people.
Happy anniversary! pic.twitter.com/iRkRfq5bDR— Mark Ames (@MarkAmesExiled) March 19, 2023

They quoted Iraqi defectors and exiles, parroted whatever the Pentagon said and claimed. The Washington Post even ran stories presenting intercepted aluminum tubes as “evidence” of Iraq’s nuclear program. Other big names, like Fox etc went full blown patriotic shouting how important it is for the USA to invade Iraq and “save the world”.

The examples above are just a sample. The big names in US media, like NYT and WaPo, despite their claims of independence and assumed moral superiority, have been effectively the propaganda arms of the US government. Their conviction and journalistic stand have often been subject to US convenience, US interests, and even White House priorities in the short and long term. 

Tomorrow marks 19 years since Colin Powell lied to the UN to justify the US invasion of #Iraq. Maybe more reporters should have questioned “US credibility” then. pic.twitter.com/TJeTGFYwUp— Assal Rad (@AssalRad) February 4, 2022

During Operation Mockingbird, the CIA went on to hire journalists to aid their Cold War narrative shaping. During the COVID years, despite significant concerns and expert analysis, the legacy media just parroted whatever the Biden administration said. It not only dismissed the lab-leak hypothesis, it also went on a misinformation overdrive to shield certain names, dismiss any reference to the glaring involvement of Fauci and Peter Daszak in the gain-of-function research the US government had going on in Wuhan, and labelled all contrary voices as liars. 

Post Elon Musk’s acquisition of Twitter, now known as X, a series of revelations told the whole world how the mighty social media giants were also taking direct orders from the Biden administration, even to the extent of misleading their own citizens.

Even their foreign coverages serve US interests, hailing obedient US allies as peaceful utopias and any not-so-aligned country as an undemocratic, backward hellhole. India has often been at the receiving end of elaborate smearing campaigns by these publications, because India chooses to follow its own foreign policy, instead of invariably saying yes to dictat from White House. 

Iraq, Libya, Venezuela, Syria are names in a long list of meddled nations and regime change operations that the US government has undertaken over the years, with explicit support from their so-called ‘free press’. 

Exclusive: Madras High Court scraps illegal sale of temple land, orders restoration to deity after three decades; read judgment details

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On 15th December, the Madras High Court set aside the sale of 3.93 acres of land that belongs to Arulmigu Annamalainathar Temple. The Court held that the sale of temple property carried out in the 1990s was illegal, procedurally flawed, and against the very purpose of safeguarding religious endowments. Out of the long list of respondents, around 90 of them were of the Muslim community including at least two mosques. OpIndia accessed judgment copy in the matter.

The Court, in its judgment, ruled that temple land cannot be treated as disposable private property. It must be preserved for the benefit of the deity and devotees. The Court further directed that the land must be restored to the temple. The judgment has brought closure to a dispute that had lingered for over 30 years.

In its judgment, the court made it clear that trustees and officials under the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department (HR&CE) act only as custodians of temple property. Any deviation from statutory safeguards, even if backed by subsequent government orders, cannot legitimise an otherwise illegal sale. The judgment reaffirmed that the mandatory provisions under the HR&CE Act are not procedural formalities. These provisions are substantive protections meant to prevent misuse and erosion of religious assets.

What land was involved and why it belonged to the temple

The dispute revolved around 3.93 acres of land situated in Kadayanallur. It had long been recorded as land belonging to the Arulmigu Annamalainathar Temple. The land formed part of the temple’s endowed properties and was meant to generate income or utility for religious and charitable purposes connected with the temple. Notably, these endowments are vested in the deity, not in any individual trustee or administrator of the temple.

The court noted that temple lands enjoy a special legal status. They are not commercial properties that can be freely monetised at will. These lands are religious properties protected by law, tradition, and public trust. Any decision to sell such land must pass strict tests of necessity, transparency, and demonstrable benefit to the temple. It was against this backdrop that the sale of the land over 30 years ago was examined. During the hearing, the court scrutinised how the land came to be sold and whether the law was followed at any stage.

How the hereditary trustee initiated the decision to sell temple land

The controversy began in the early 1990s when the hereditary trustee, V Subramaniya Iyer, of the temple took a decision to sell a portion of the temple land. The justification given for the sale was that the sale proceeds would be deposited and the interest earned would be used to meet temple expenses. However, this reasoning later came under close scrutiny, as the law governing temple properties permits sale only if it is unavoidable and clearly beneficial to the institution.

The court observed that there was no material on record to show that the temple was in any financial distress that would have compelled the sale of part of its land. Instead, the proposal appeared to be driven by administrative convenience rather than genuine need. The court emphasised that the role of the trustee was not to maximise short term liquidity but to preserve temple assets for future generations of devotees.

The 1995 public auction and allegations of undervaluation

After the trustee decided to sell the land, a public auction was conducted in 1995. On paper, the process appeared compliant. However, the manner in which it was carried out soon raised serious concerns. The highest bidder, R Subramaniam, was nephew of the hereditary trustee. This revelation immediately triggered allegations of conflict of interest.

At the time, the land was sold for around Rs 10.17 lakh. Several stakeholders stated that this was far below its prevailing market value. The current value of the land is around Rs 110 crore. The court later noted that when temple land is sold, authorities are duty bound to ensure that the institution receives the best possible price. Any sale that appears to benefit private individuals at the cost of the temple undermines the very purpose of the protective framework under the HR&CE Act.

Why objections after the auction became a legal problem

There was a critical flaw in the entire sale process, particularly in the timing of objections. Ideally, objections must be invited from devotees, tenants, and interested persons before finalising the auction. However, in this case, objections were called only after the bidding had already been conducted. This reversal of procedure struck at the root of legality.

The High Court stated that inviting objections after an auction is not a curable defect but a fundamental violation of the safeguards in place. The purpose of calling for objections before the auction is to allow concerns about valuation, necessity, and fairness to be addressed before irreversible decisions are taken. By bypassing these steps, the authorities effectively denied stakeholders a meaningful opportunity to be heard.

Civil court verdict in 2001 declaring the sale void

The irregularities in the auction eventually led to litigation before a civil court. In 2001, the civil court declared the sale deeds executed in favour of the auction purchaser null and void. The court held that the sale had been conducted in violation of mandatory legal requirements and could not be sustained merely because it had been presented as a public auction.

The civil court’s judgment was significant as it was never challenged by the purchasers or the authorities. As a result, it attained finality. In legal terms, this meant that the sale stood cancelled and the land continued to belong to the temple. The High Court later noted that once a competent civil court had invalidated the transaction, there was no legal basis for reviving or re validating it through administrative or executive action.

How the matter resurfaced despite an existing civil court judgment

Although the civil court’s judgment was never challenged, the dispute refused to end. Years later, the auction purchaser approached the government seeking intervention under the HR&CE framework. In a surprising move, the government issued an order directing the department to proceed with the execution of sale deeds. The government effectively attempted to resurrect a transaction that had already been struck down by a civil court.

The High Court took a dim view of this development. It observed that executive authorities cannot sit in appeal over a judicial decision, particularly one that has attained finality. Allowing a government order to override a civil court judgment would not only undermine the rule of law but also create a dangerous precedent for the management of religious properties.

Government intervention under Section 34 and its legal implications

The government order was sought to be justified by invoking provisions under Section 34 of the HR&CE Act. This section empowers authorities to permit the sale of temple property under specific circumstances. However, the High Court rejected the justification and clarified that this power is circumscribed by strict conditions and cannot be exercised in a manner that bypasses statutory safeguards or judicial findings.

The court emphasised that Section 34 does not grant blanket authority to validate illegal sales retrospectively. Any government approval must be preceded by compliance with all mandatory requirements, including proof of necessity, prior notice, and consideration of objections. In the present case, none of these foundational steps had been lawfully completed.

High Court examination of HR&CE safeguards and statutory violations

While examining the case, the High Court undertook a detailed analysis of the safeguards built into the HR&CE Act. The court reiterated that these provisions exist precisely because temple properties are vulnerable to misuse by those entrusted with their management. Trustees and officials are expected to act as fiduciaries. This means they must protect the interests of the deity and devotees rather than treating temple assets as disposable property.

According to the court, the mandatory sequence prescribed under the law had been turned on its head. Public notice, consideration of objections, and an assessment of necessity were either missing or conducted in a mechanical manner. Such deviations were not minor irregularities but substantive violations that struck at the root of the transaction’s legality.

Court findings on necessity, benefit, and misuse of trustee powers

The primary question before the court was whether the sale of the land was genuinely necessary or beneficial to the temple. The justification offered by the trustee was that the sale proceeds would be deposited and the interest used for temple expenses. The court found this reasoning wholly inadequate. It observed that if such reasoning were accepted, any temple land could be sold on the pretext of earning interest, rendering statutory protections meaningless.

The judgment clarified that trustees do not have unfettered discretion to sell temple property. Their powers are tightly regulated because temple lands are held in trust for religious and charitable purposes. Any action that results in permanent loss of such property, without compelling necessity, amounts to a breach of trust.

Status of occupants on temple land and steps taken by authorities

In its judgment, the court took note of the fact that several individuals were occupying portions of the land by the time the dispute reached its final stages. Rather than ordering a blanket eviction, the authorities adopted a pragmatic approach after the court’s intervention. Occupants were given the option to regularise their occupancy by becoming tenants of the temple or to vacate the land.

According to the records placed before the court, many occupants agreed to continue as tenants under the temple administration. In cases where occupants refused to cooperate, eviction proceedings were initiated with the support of local authorities. The High Court recorded these developments to demonstrate that the restoration of temple property was not merely a theoretical exercise but was being implemented on the ground.

In this context, the identity of those in possession has also drawn attention, though it was not legally determinative for the court.

The case records show that the persons arrayed as respondents were those who came into possession of the disputed land as purchasers or subsequent purchasers following the original transaction. The names reflected in the proceedings indicate that most of these individuals belong to the local Muslim community, and the land in question also includes at least two mosques, which were impleaded as respondents in the litigation.

The presence of these religious structures and occupants was not treated by the court as determinative of title. Instead, the High Court confined itself to examining the legality of the original sale and the validity of permissions relied upon, holding that identity or subsequent development on the land could not override statutory safeguards governing temple property.

Final directions issued by the court and their practical impact

While concluding the matter, the High Court upheld the cancellation of the sale and affirmed that the land must remain with the temple. It set aside the government orders that had sought to revive the illegal transaction and reinforced the principle that executive actions cannot override statutory mandates or judicial verdicts.

The court sent a clear message that time does not cure illegality when it comes to religious endowments. Even decades old transactions can be scrutinised and struck down if they violated the law.

Conclusion

The judgment must be seen as a reminder that temple properties are not administrative assets. They are sacred trusts governed by law. By striking down an illegal sale even after three decades, the court reaffirmed that statutory safeguards under the HR&CE Act exist to prevent the quiet erosion of religious endowments through procedural manipulation. The judgment reinforced that trustees and governments alike are accountable to the deity and devotees, and that illegality does not gain legitimacy merely with the passage of time.

1026 to 2026, the invaders are dust in the wind, but Somnath has risen again and again, eternal and indestructible: Read PM Modi’s inspiring article

Somnath…hearing this word instils a sense of pride in our hearts and minds. It is the eternal proclamation of India’s soul. This majestic temple is situated on the Western coast of India in Gujarat, at a place called Prabhas Patan. The Dwadasha Jyotirling Stotram mentions the 12 Jyotirlings across India. The Stotram begins with “सौराष्ट्रे सोमनाथं च..”, symbolising the civilisational and spiritual importance of Somnath as the first Jyotirling.

It is also said:

सोमलिङ्गं नरो दृष्ट्वा सर्वपापैः प्रमुच्यते।
लभते फलं मनोवाञ्छितं मृतः स्वर्गं समाश्रयेत्॥

It means: Just the sight of Somnath Shivling ensures that a person is freed of sins, achieves their righteous desires and attains heaven after death.

Tragically, this very Somnath, which drew the reverence and prayers of millions, was attacked by foreign invaders, whose agenda was demolition, not devotion.

The year 2026 is significant for the Somnath Temple. It has been 1,000 years since the first attack on this great shrine. It was in January of 1026 that Mahmud of Ghazni attacked this temple, seeking to destroy a great symbol of faith and civilisation, through a violent and barbaric invasion.

Yet, one thousand years later, the temple stands as glorious as ever because of numerous efforts to restore Somnath to its grandeur. One such milestone completes 75 years in 2026. It was during a ceremony on May 11th 1951, in the presence of the then President of India, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, that the restored Temple opened its doors to devotees.

The first invasion of Somnath a thousand years ago in 1026, the cruelty that was unleashed upon the people of the town and the devastation that was inflicted upon the shrine have been documented in great detail in various historical accounts. When you read them, the heart trembles. Each line carries the weight of grief, cruelty and a sorrow that refuses to fade with time.

Imagine the impact it had on Bharat and the morale of the people. After all, Somnath had great spiritual significance. It was also on the coast, giving strength to a society with great economic prowess, whose sea traders and seafarers carried tales of its grandeur far and wide.

Yet, I am proud to state unequivocally that the story of Somnath, a thousand years after the first attack, is not defined by destruction. It is defined by the unbreakable courage of crores of children of Bharat Mata.

The medieval barbarism that began a thousand years ago in 1026 went on to ‘inspire’ others to repeatedly attack Somnath. It was the start of an attempt to enslave our people and culture. But, each time the Temple was attacked, we also had great men and women who stood up to defend it and even made the ultimate sacrifice. And every single time, generation after generation, the people of our great civilisation picked themselves up, rebuilt and rejuvenated the Temple. It is our privilege to have been nurtured by the same soil that has nurtured greats like Ahilyabai Holkar, who made a noble attempt to ensure devotees can pray at Somnath.

In the 1890s, Swami Vivekananda visited Somnath and that experience moved him. He expressed his feelings during a lecture in Chennai in 1897 when he said, “Some of these old temples of Southern India and those like Somnath of Gujarat will teach you volumes of wisdom, will give you a keener insight into the history of the race than any amount of books. Mark how these temples bear the marks of a hundred attacks and a hundred regenerations, continually destroyed and continually springing up out of the ruins, rejuvenated and strong as ever! That is the national mind, that is the national life-current. Follow it and it leads to glory. Give it up and you die; death will be the only result, annihilation, the only effect, the moment you step beyond that life current.”

The sacred duty of rebuilding the Somnath Temple after independence came to the able hands of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. A visit during Diwali time in 1947 moved him so much that he announced that the Temple will be rebuilt there. Finally, on May 11th 1951, a grand Temple in Somnath opened its doors to devotees and Dr. Rajendra Prasad was present there. The great Sardar Sahib was not alive to see this historic day, but the fulfilment of his dream stood tall before the nation. The then Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, was not too enthused with this development. He did not want the Honourable President as well as Ministers to associate with this special event. He said that this event created a bad impression of India. But Dr. Rajendra Prasad stood firm and the rest is history. No mention of Somnath is complete without recalling the efforts of KM Munshi, who supported Sardar Patel very effectively. His works on Somnath, including the book, ‘Somanatha: The Shrine Eternal’, are extremely informative and educative.

Indeed, as the title of Munshi Ji’s book conveys, we are a civilisation that carries a sense of conviction about the eternity of spirit and of ideas. We firmly believe that that which is eternal is indestructible, as outlined in the famous Gita verse “नैनं छिन्दन्ति शस्त्राणि…”. There can be no better example of our civilisation’s indomitable spirit than Somnath, which stands gloriously, overcoming odds and struggles.

It is this same spirit that is visible in our nation, one of the brightest spots of global growth, having overcome centuries of invasions and colonial loot. It is our value systems and the determination of our people that have made India the centre of global attention today. The world is seeing India with hope and optimism. They want to invest in our innovative youngsters. Our art, culture, music and several festivals are going global. Yoga and Ayurveda are making a worldwide impact, boosting healthy living. Solutions to some of the most pressing global challenges are coming from India.

Since time immemorial, Somnath has brought together people from different walks of life. Centuries ago, Kalikal Sarvagna Hemchandracharya, a respected Jain monk, came to Somnath. It is said that after praying there, he recited a verse, “भवबीजाङ्कुरजनना रागाद्याः क्षयमुपगता यस्य।”. It means – Salutations to That One in whom the seeds of worldly becoming are destroyed, in whom passion and all afflictions have withered away.” Today, Somnath holds the same ability to awaken something profound within the mind and soul.

A thousand years after the first attack in 1026, the sea at Somnath still roars with the same intensity as it did back then. The waves that wash the shores of Somnath tell a story. No matter what, just like the waves, it kept rising again and again.

The aggressors of the past are now dust in the wind, their names synonymous with destruction. They are footnotes in the annals of history, while Somnath stands bright, radiating far beyond the horizon, reminding us of the eternal spirit that remained undiminished by the attack of 1026. Somnath is a song of hope that tells us that while hate and fanaticism may have the power to destroy for a moment, faith and conviction in the power of goodness have the power to create for eternity.

If the Somnath Temple, which was attacked a thousand years ago and faced continuous attacks thereon, could rise again and again, then we can surely restore our great nation to the glory it embodied a thousand years ago before the invasions. With the blessings of Shree Somnath Mahadev, we move forward with a renewed resolve to build a Viksit Bharat, where civilisational wisdom guides us to work for the welfare of the whole world.

Jai Somnath!

The article above, penned by PM Modi, appeared as a blogpost in his website. It has been reproduced here with due credit.