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Why did the assassination of Charlie Kirk in the USA alarm and outrage the Indian Right?

Akshay Nayak
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Why did the assassination of Charlie Kirk in the USA alarm and outrage the Indian Right?

Charlie Kirk, a Christian nationalist, MAGA activist and one of the prominent voices of American conservative movement was shot dead during one of his college tours in University of Utah. As per the initial reports, he was murdered simply because of difference in political beliefs by Tyler Robinson last week. Kirk got popular for his debate with college students regarding various contentious issues in the US. The debated topics typically included abortion rights, LGBTQ (availability of puberty blockers before the age of consent, ie 18 and school curriculum’s inclusion of gender fluidity), CRT (Critical race Theory) first amendment of free speech, Christian family values, border security and immigration. With his high social media presence, the impact of the unfortunate incident was not only limited to his home country but at many corners of the globe.

Countries like the UK where there is a surge in right wing popularity and support like many other western nations reacted on the incident at the highest level including British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Italian PM Giorgia Meloni, Canadian PM Mark Carney apart from US president Trump. There was a clear divide in reaction on social media of west based on political ideology. The Indian social media also reacted largely sympathetic and mostly from Indian right, but reactions are mixed on how Indians should perceive this tragic incident. Indian right seems unsure whether it should support America’s conservative movement and fight with woke-left propaganda collectively or the differences are too high to be aligned.

How does the Indian Right Wing differ from the US Conservatives?

Indian right is not a homogeneous group but a loose amalgamation of nationalist, Hindu nationalist, cultural revivalist, conservatives, traditionalist and somewhat non-left. But why an assassination of American influencer mattered for India’s right at all? One of the factors for this phenomenon is due to global reach of content and sympathetic outlook towards western conservatives from Indian conservatives as they found common enemy in form of ‘left-liberal/woke’. Left’s advocacy for gender-fluidity, propagation of victimhood mentality among minorities (racial minorities in US and religion or cast based in India), support for illegal migration, opposition on national security issues, spreading a sense of anarchy and unholy alliance of ‘Red & Green’ are few issues where alignment between Indian right and conservatives of US might be possible which can be seen in form of invitation to senior leaders from BJP to ‘national conservativism’ conference in DC last year.

Similar efforts are observed in the form of head of states like Melony, Trump, Victor Obran, Johnson and even in the form of support to Bolsonaro (now ex-President of Brazil) on his judicial fight. Up to some degree, PM Modi also enjoyed the chemistry with his counterparts with other ‘conservative’ leaders. But can long-term alignment with Western conservatives be possible? Is it beneficial for Indian Right? These questions need to be discussed. 

This is very critical to understand that Indian Right doesn’t agree and find itself on different end of the rope on various issues. The very first difference is caused due to the basic theological difference. The western religions or ‘Abrahamic’ religions’ worldview is very much binary in nature, like Christian vs. infidel; Muslim vs. kaafir/kuffar or believer vs. non-believer just like famous speech of Bush Jr., “either you are with us or against us”. With a set of clear rules about dos and don’ts. This is contrast to Hinduism or other Indic religions where the focus is on seeking rather than believing with a flexibility to question and introspect. American conservatives based on their Christian value system tends to portray Hindu beliefs ‘Satanic’ which may be rooted into the lack of knowledge, simply ignorance or even possible hate for non ‘Judeo-Christian’ religious values. This leads to dehumanization and disrespect of Indian and Indian cultural/religious values.

Second discontent arises on legal immigration of Indians. Indians are one of the most successful groups. With just 1.6%, Indians contribute significantly in terms of tax, having one of the highest per capita income and have important roles in corporate and tech leadership. This also results into a sense of insecurity about job loss to the ‘actual’ Americans and narrative is peddled by vocal conservative voices including Kirk who opposed it. Though they simply forget about a large number of Indian students who contributes to US universities in form of large tuition fees, living expenses and other expanses. These differences are aggravated by the lack of sympathy for Indians in case of misfortune incident like recent murder of Indian businessman. The reaction by American politician and system was very much late compared to other incident where a Ukrainian migrant woman was murdered and every important conservative voice reacted promptly.

So, what attracts Indian Right about American or broadly Western Rght influencers like Chalie Kirk, Ben Shapiro, Peter Jordan, Tommy Robinson or others? What causes interest without being a stakeholder in politics of western nations? The answer lies in their shear commitment towards their beliefs and capability to speak up their mind with conviction and without being politically correct against the woke-left. This creates a situation where left is not able to set ‘new normal’ and unable to shift the Overton window which is not a case in India. For example, in case of BJP’s spokesperson Nupur Sharma, whole political class including most of the commentators and politicians mummed themselves though she quoted what is written in authentic Hadith and repeatedly mentioned as well as accepted by all major Islamic preachers publicly.

It is also important to mention that she reacted on live tv debate after one other Muslim panellist mocked Hindu beliefs. In this scenario Indian Right expected that political class sympathetic to the cause will stand up to the occasion but who stood up? A far-right Dutch politician Geert Wilders and even few commentators of American right. Whereas she was expelled by her party immediately after the controversy erupted from the party of ‘extreme right-wing Hindutva’. Did this so-called political correctness brought any good or harmony, the answer is NO. It just gave radical elements more confidence. Since than STSJ, a provocative slogan adopted from Pakistan became more common and two separate incidents of murders occurred just for supporting Nupur’s stand (Kanhaiya Kumar Teli, a tailor in Udaipur, Rajasthan and Umesh Kolhe, a chemist in Amravati, Maharashtra). On the other hand, American right sticks to their choices and opinions, no matter how politically incorrect they sound. President Trump himself announced, ‘Medal of Freedom’, can you expect the same in India? Perhaps NO.  In west, conservatives even perform sacrilege on religious book unlike India where even most of the ex-Muslims don’t show their faces out of fear for their life in the world’s largest democracy with 80% Hindu population.

The other major reason for support or sympathy, is common animosity against ‘Red Green’ alliance. The famous or infamous tweet of Kirk “Islam is the sword the left is using to slit the throat of America’, circulating in social media after his death, showcases this phenomenon. In India, even small incidents where any muslin seems in trouble, it is peddled by cabal of left-liberal commentators that democracy is ending, or Hindu extremism is causing hatred without even getting into the details of the incident and eventually the matters generally resulted into a personal issue including fight over train seat or simply in one other case the perpetrators belonged to Muslim community itself (fight over financial fraud over tabiz). Meanwhile whole left eco-system falsely propagated the narrative of ‘Saffron Terrorism’ based on false cases. Other example is ‘Shaheen Bagh’ protest over CAA. The bill proposed the easy citizenship process for oppressed minority from neighbouring declared Islamic nations without any clause about terminating citizenship for anyone. But the protest continued resulting into riots based on cover fire of intellectual dishonesty from eco system of Left with its far-reaching capacity to internalize the narrative. 

The issue of illegal immigration

Another common ground for alignment of Right of West and India is illegal immigration. Both in India and US, the Left is systematically supporting the illegal immigration without caring the concerns of domestic population, cultural differences, resources limitation or even chances of rise in criminal activities. In case of India, flux of Rohingya and Bangladeshi immigrants not clearly visible in any tier-1 and 2 cities showing a pattern of systematic help, increases an anxiety of demographic change which will certainly help a particular set of political parties. Similarly in US or European countries, with rise of immigrants from West Asia and Latin America (in case of U.S. only), crime rate, drug availability, grooming gang, women safety are becoming topics of debate among conservatives. Specially in political systems with two-party system like US or UK, there is a great chance that demographic change can tilt the balance permanently towards democrats in US, Labour in UK and leftist socialist parties in other European nations. In many cases call of demand for Sharia law is getting common day by day. The ‘no-go-zone’ are becoming a common phenomenon. It is just like a certain section of people criticizing Hindu possession going through some ‘particular’ community dominated areas when questioned about stone pelting (or in some cases firing or damaging the idols). 

What attracts the Indian Right to Western Conservatives?

These similarity in battle of ideas and Western Conservatives’ ability to calling a spade a spade attracts Indian Right to admire and aspire. The woke propaganda seeping into Indian universities is also one of red line for the Indian Right, giving sense of unity with Western Right. These circumstances forced various sect within Indian right to look towards the western conservatives with a hope to collaborate against the common foe. Most of the serious minds of India’s right understand that American or western conservatives can’t be friends, but a tactical collaboration is a must. Today’s woke reality of US will surely be tomorrow’s propaganda of Indian left. So why don’t learn something from other’s experiences. 

After the assassination, a celebration erupted among woke, Left, and Islamic extremists, and also ignited the hope for the assassination of famous or influential Right-Wing voices in India, causing alarm. It is evidently very clear to the Indian Right that Charlie was neither the first nor going to be the last, and tragedy can occur anywhere. So, the rising voice by the Indian Right is not for any distant US-based influencer but for their own future, clearly acknowledging that future may not be very far.

Hungary PM schools Poland PM on Russia-Ukraine war, reminds him that leaders should serve their own country: Read why Viktor Orban is refusing to bow down to NATO diktats

Shraddha Pandey
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Hungary PM schools Poland PM on Russia-Ukraine war, reminds him that leaders should serve their own country: Read why Viktor Orban is refusing to bow down to NATO diktats

On 2nd October, Prime Minister of Poland, Donald Tusk, accused his Hungarian counterpart, Viktor Orban, of ‘financing’ Russian war against Ukraine. Orban, however, did not hold back and said that while Tusk wants Hungary to side with Ukraine, he wants an end to the war.

Taking to X, the Polish Prime Minister wrote, “Prime Minister @PM_ViktorOrban, it is Russia who started the war against Ukraine. It is them who decided we’re living in the time of war. And in such a time the only question is whose side are you on.”

In response, Prime Minister of Hungary wrote, “Dear Prime Minister @donaldtusk, Russia is at war. Ukraine is at war. Hungary is not. I understand that you stand firmly on the side of Ukraine. Please understand that we stand firmly on the side of Hungary. Your question is who will win the Russia–Ukraine war. My question is how we can end the war, save tens of thousands of lives and provide security for Hungarians. You seek to win a war you believe is yours. I want to ensure that peace prevails.”

Polish PM claims Russia’s victory would threaten security of Poland and Europe, Hungarian PM calls it Tusk’s “dangerous game”

The Polish and Hungarian Prime Ministers have in the recent times been continuously exchanging diplomatic blows. Earlier, Viktor Orban accused the Polish PM of “playing a dangerous game” with the lives of millions of Europeans.

While the feud between Hungary and Poland has spilled over into scathing exchanges on X, the spat began on 29th September when, Polish PM Donald Tusk, speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum, declared the Ukraine war as “our war”. He stressed that Russia’s victory in the ongoing war ‘threaten’ Poland, Europe and the world, inflicting consequences for future generations.

PM Tusk framed the Russia-Ukraine war as a direct security issue for NATO allies. The Polish Prime Minister urged unified European support for Ukraine and tougher measures against Russia.

He called Russian war against Ukraine, a recurring global projected intended for “enslaving nations, robbing individuals of freedom, and enabling the triumph of authoritarianism, despotism, cruelty and the erosion of human rights.”

“If we lose this war, the consequences will affect not only our generation, but also future generations—in Poland, throughout Europe, in the United States, everywhere in the world,” Tusk warned.

Donald Tusk’s rhetoric intensified on 2nd October at the European Political Community summit in Copenhagen, where the Polish PM directly confronted his Hungarian counterpart, PM Orban. Tusk accused Orban on ambiguity on whose side Hungary is on at a “time of war” started by Russia. Poland has earlier too alleged that under PM Orban, Hungary has been ‘undermining’ EU sanctions on Russia, through alleged delayed approvals, vetoes on aid packages, and continued energy purchases. Poland claims that Hungary is ‘financing’ Moscow’s ‘war machine’ at the expense of Ukraine and the European unity.

Addressing the summit in Copenhagen, PM Orban contended that the main danger to Europe was not Russia but Europe’s own economic stagnation and dwindling competitiveness.

“Economic stagnation and losing competitiveness — this is the danger,” Orban said. He added that Europe’s military spending is way higher than Moscow’s. We have more than 400 million people. Russia has 130 and something. We spend altogether, 27 countries, more on military spending than the Russians. So, why are we afraid? We are stronger than they are. The question is whether we have leadership to come together and to defend our interests together. That’s what we should do anyway,” Orban said.

He further asserted that the challenge for Europe is not Russia’s strength, but a lack of leadership and unity.

Countering Orban’s argument, the Polish PM said, “After the latest events in Poland, I mean the violation of our airspace, this is something very concrete. And the Russian aggression against Ukraine as well,” he said. “This is why the possible consequences of a Russian victory will be dramatically dangerous for Europe and for the whole West. … Yes, this is also our war. In Poland, no one has doubts on this.”

According to the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), Hungary continues to lead the EU in Russian energy imports, bringing in €416 million in August alone, which included €240 million in pipeline gas and €176 million in crude oil. In August, Hungary was Russia’s also top fossil fuels importer.

Interestingly, Robert Fico, the prime minister of Slovakia, whose administration, like Hungary’s, has also resisted imposing further EU sanctions on Moscow and still significantly depends on Russian fossil fuels.

Since Moscow began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the two leaders are among the few European politicians who have remained close to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Evidently, there are deep fractures within the European Union when it comes to their collective approach towards Russia. While Poland has adopted the approach of hawkish push for arming Ukraine and isolating Russia, Hungary’s approach is that of veto-prone isolationism. Hungary earlier blocked €50 billion in EU aid to Ukraine and maintained gas supply from Gazprom. Clearly, Hungary due to its landlocked geography believes that it cannot afford discontinuing Russia energy supplies, not until EU offers it an appropriate alternative. Not to forget, EU itself has not fully ditched Russia energy supplies.

However, Poland’s apprehensions rooted in historical traumas can also not be overlooked. As a frontline NATO state sharing border with Ukraine and Belarus, Poland has provided all possible support to Ukraine, perhaps, fearing that if Ukraine falls, Poland could be Russia’s next target. Moscow, however, contends that the Ukraine-Russia war had never begun had the West not decided to bring NATO on Russia’s doorsteps. Russia has always opposed Ukraine’s inclusion in NATO, saying that it threatens their sovereignty.

Earlier this month, Prime Minister of Hungary met US President Donald Trump and told him that his country needs Russian fuel to keep energy prices low. Trump also acknowledged this.

“I told the U.S. president … that if Hungary is cut off from Russian oil and natural gas, immediately, within a minute, Hungarian economic performance will drop by 4%. It means the Hungarian economy would be on its knees,” Orbán said. 

It would not be an exaggeration to say that Kremlin’s Druzhba pipeline is Hungary’s energy lifeline. While pro-Ukraine leaders and geopolitical experts argue that Hungary could diversify its energy imports through Croatia’s Adria pipeline, Hungary contends that despite having the capacity to cover supplies for not only Hungary but also Slovakia, the pipeline operates at only at 70 to 80 per cent efficiency for their requirements considering EU wants Hungary to fully replace Druzhba.

What fuelled Hungary’ scepticism is the recent failed capacity tests of Adria pipeline. If Hungary ditches a reliable Russian Druzhba for an unreliable Croation Adria, it may face several challenges. In future, if for some reason Hungary wants to resume Russian energy imports, Kremlin perhaps would not entertain them or add some ‘costs’ to it. Not only the reliability of the pipelines, but factors like price, transit fee, and refinery optimisation also come at play.

In recent times, Hungary and Croatia’s relations have also witnessed bitterness. Péter Szijjártó, the Hungarian Foreign Minister, earlier claimed that Croatia’s energy infrastructure is unreliable and also accused them of profiteering from Russia-Ukraine war. Croatia, however, denies these allegations.

In August this year, Ukraine bombed the Druzhba pipeline in Russia, which supplies Russian oil to Hungary, Slovakia and other countries in Central Europe. The pipeline goes through Ukraine. Days before too, Ukraine had attacked the pipeline in its bid to halt Russian energy supply to Hungary and Slovakia, however, the pipeline was restored only to be attacked again by Kyiv. The US President Donald Trump had expressed anger over Kyiv’s attack.

Amusingly, all while pressuring Hungary to stop Russian energy imports, the European Commission said that the Druzhba pipeline is an important asset and should not be attacked. In no time, Russia energy supplies to Europe resumed.

Rooted in Vikto Orban’s realpolitik, Hungary, has been resisting the pressure from EU and America to ditch Russian energy. Hungary is prioritising its economic stability over Poland’s “we are next” apprehension.

However, Hungary is not the only country to have been subjected to this selective finger-wagging. The US and Europe orchestrated the Russian oil rerouting to India specifically to avert global price shock that could certainly have crippled their economies. But now, with Trump’s ego bruised over not getting credit for his fictitious role in stopping India-Pakistan conflict in May this year, war fatigue setting in and Russia not backing off, the West came together to blame India.

The Trump administration imposed 50 percent tariffs on India, unleashed his attack dogs Peter Navarro, Howard Lutnick and Scott Bessant to vilify New Delhi for buying Russian oil even as China is top buyer of Russia oil. Just as Hungary, India too was accused of ‘fuelling Russian war machine’, even as Europe’s purchase of Indian petroleum products made out of Russian crude also ‘fuels’ Putin’s war in Ukraine.

India, however, stands its ground firm and refuses to ditch Russia. New Delhi has maintained that if the West really wants India to diversify its energy imports, the US should let it resume energy ties with Iran and Venezuela. Europe and America have continued their trade with Russia, even for non-essential goods, but wants Hungary and India to stop buying Russian energy disregarding their domestic needs. This is peak hypocrisy. If ‘financing the war’ is the root of the problem, EU and America should audit their own ledgers first.

NCRB 2023: Crimes against children up by 9.2% – Madhya Pradesh worst hit, Maharashtra tops kidnappings, MP tops cyber crimes, over 66,000 POCSO cases reported

Rukma Rathore
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NCRB 2023: Crimes against children up by 9.2% – Madhya Pradesh worst hit, Maharashtra tops kidnappings, MP tops cyber crimes, over 66,000 POCSO cases reported

The recently published data from the National Crime Records Bureau revealed information concerning crimes against children in the country for the year 2023. It appears that there is an increase in the scale of such incidents compared to the previous two years, with certain states exhibiting significantly higher figures than others.

A 9.2% rise over 2022 was recorded in 2023, with 1,77,335 occurrences of crime against children, alongside a roughly tenfold increase in crimes against minors since 2005.

The overall number of these reported in 2022 was 1,62,449 and 1,49,404 in 2021. The states that experienced the highest number of cases in 2023 were Madhya Pradesh, which had 22,393, closely followed by Maharashtra with 22,390. Uttar Pradesh noted 18,852, Rajasthan witnessed 10,577, and Assam had 10,174.

NCRB data on states with maximum crimes against children.

The total number of incidents (I) concerning murder attempts in the same year was 290, while the number of victims (V) stood at 337, which corresponds to a crime rate (R) of 0.1 per lakh population. Similarly, with respect to exposure and abandonment, the occurrences amounted to 653, while the victim count was 664, establishing a crime rate of 0.1 per lakh population.

Number of children kidnapped and raped in 2023

There were 79,884 instances with 82,106 victims, resulting in a crime rate of 18.0 per lakh population regarding the kidnapping and abduction of children under Sections 363, 363A, 364, 364A, 365, 366, 366A, 367, 368, and 369 of the Indian Penal Code, in 2023.

The leading states in this list were Maharashtra, having 12,089 incidents alongside 12,971 victims, Madhya Pradesh with 9,833 incidents and 9,900 victims, Odisha with 5,905 incidents and 5,906 victims, Rajasthan with 4,441 incidents and 4,465 victims, and Karnataka with 3,228 incidents and 3,292 victims.

NCRB data showing states with most victims of child kidnapping and abduction.

When it pertains to the trafficking of children, 397 incidents were reported involving 1,425 victims. There were 849 reported incidents with a total of 852 victims in relation to the rape of children. The total count of crimes against children under the Indian Penal Code was documented at 98,399 incidents with a total of 1,05,094 victims in 2023.

NCRB data showing states with most victims of child trafficking.

Madhya Pradesh recorded 15,840 incidents and 16,546 victims, Maharashtra reported 13,461 incidents and 14,473 victims, Uttar Pradesh had 10,089 incidents and 10,335 victims, Bihar noted 7,018 incidents and 7,397 victims, while Rajasthan documented 6,180 incidents and 6,237 victims, rounding out the top five states.

Crimes recorded under POCSO Act in 2023

The state of Uttar Pradesh underwent 8,706 incidents and 8,966 victims, Maharashtra had 8,639 occurrences and 8,761 victims, Madhya Pradesh recorded 6,517 incidents and 6,559 victims, Tamil Nadu noted 4,581 incidents and 4,728 victims, and Karnataka reported 3,878 incidents and 3,992 victims.

These ranked as the top five states in relation to the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, an SSL (Special and Local Laws), as the total number of instances was 67,694 with 68,636 victims.

NCRB data on states with most cases under POCSO Act.

Furthermore, Sections 4 and 6 of the POCSO Act in conjunction with Section 376 of the IPC recorded a total of 40,434 incidents and 40,846 victims out of which 40,046 incidents were related to girls with 40,423 victims. On the other hand, instances concerning boys were 388 with 423 victims.

Likewise, instances were reported to be at 22,444 with 22,868 victims when addressing Sections 8 and 10 of the POCSO Act alongside Section 354 of the IPC. There were 22,149 incidents associated with girls and 22,557 victims, whereas 295 instances related to boys were recorded with 311 victims.

Under Section 12 of the POCSO Act along with Section 509 of the IPC, a total of 2,826 incidents were recorded with 2,910 children identified as victims. There were 2,778 incidents linked to girls, which accounted for 2,835 victims. Forty-eight incidents pertaining to boys were noted with 75 victims.

Pertaining to Sections 14 and 15 of the POCSO Act, read with Sections 376, 354, and 509 of the IPC, there were 722 recorded incidents involving 727 victims. Of these, girls comprised 698 incidents and 703 victims, whereas boys accounted for 24 incidents and an equal number of victims.

There were 734 incidents involving 745 victims with regard to the POCSO Act and Section 377 of the IPC. Among these, girls accounted for 48 incidents and 49 victims, while boys comprised 686 incidents and 696 victims. A total of 534 incidents were reported, involving 540 victims, concerning Sections 17 to 22 of the POCSO Act, out of which 513 were incidents alongside 519 victims, while boys had 21 incidents and 21 victims.

Additionally, there were 6,038 incidents and 6,051 victims reported under the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act in 2023.

Cyber crimes against children in 2023

There were 1,681 incidents and 1,736 victims reported under the Cyber Crimes/Information Technology Act (SSL Law), which encompassed 1,499 incidents and 1,536 victims associated with the publishing or transmitting of material that depicts children in sexually explicit acts.

The total number of crimes against children (IPC+SLL) was reported to be 177,335 incidents and 186,521 victims. Madhya Pradesh recorded 22,393 incidents and 23,149 victims, Maharashtra had 22,390 incidents and 23,555 victims, Uttar Pradesh reported 18,852 incidents and 19,362 victims, Rajasthan noted 10,577 incidents and 10,684 victims, and Assam recorded 10,174 incidents and 10,404 victims, making them the top five states in this category.

NCRB data on states with most reported cases of crime against children.

Disposal of cases related to “crime against children” in 2023

According to the “police disposal of crime against children”, the total cases disposed of by the authorities reached 174,667 at the end of the year. There were 158 cases quashed during the investigation stage, 65 cases stayed, while 82,930 cases remained pending inquiry.

Likewise, a total of 57,424 trials were completed, while 63,335 cases were disposed of by the courts, and there were 590,755 cases pending trial by the end of 2023, based on “court disposal of crime against children”.

The “disposal of persons arrested for crimes against children” data highlighted that 19,135 males and 236 females were convicted, culminating in a total of 19,371. Moreover, 3,227 males and 63 females were discharged, totalling 3,290, while 45,839 males and 1,186 females were acquitted, which sums up to 47,025.

Age of victims and their relation to the offender

According to the “age profile of child victims of the POCSO Act”, there were 28 boys and 734 girls under the age of 6, resulting in a total of 762 victims. The count of boys and girls aged between 6 to 12 years was 141 and 3,088 respectively, leading to a figure of 3,229 victims.

The number of victims aged 12 to 16 years was 15,444 victims, comprising 157 boys and 15,287 girls. For the age range of 16 to 18 years, there were 97 boys and 21,314 girls, totalling 21,411 victims.

The total count of child victims, including 423 boys and 40,423 girls, reached 40,846 victims.

The information regarding “offenders’ relation to child victims of the POCSO Act (Sections 4 and 6)” indicated that there were 39,076 incidents where the perpetrator was known to the victim, 3,224 instances involved family members, 15,146 cases revolved around family friends, neighbours, employers or other known individuals, 20,706 were related to friends, online friends or live-in partners under the pretext of marriage, and in 1,358 instances the offenders were unknown or not identified, resulting in a total of 40,434 cases.

Important: The NCRB classifies offences under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Special and Local Laws (SLL) for the purpose of assisting in investigations and informing policy-making. India’s main criminal legislation, the Indian Penal legislation (IPC) which was replaced by Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) last year enumerated crimes and their associated penalties. SSL are particular legislations passed by Indian states and local administrations.

Conclusion

The NCRB 2023 figures are a sobering reminder that crimes against children remain a deep-rooted challenge in India. The steady rise across categories, from kidnapping to cyber exploitation, highlights how vulnerable children continue to be despite stronger laws. With states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Uttar Pradesh consistently topping the charts, the data underscores the need for both effective enforcement and greater public awareness. Beyond policy, the real test lies in ensuring swifter trials and meaningful protection for the youngest citizens.

Information in IPC and POCSO Sections

Indian Penal Code

Section 354 – Assault or criminal force on a woman with intent to outrage her modesty.

Section 363 – Punishment for kidnapping.

Section 363A – Kidnapping or maiming a minor for purposes of begging.

Section 364 – Kidnapping or abducting in order to murder.

Section 364A – Kidnapping for ransom, etc.

Section 365 – Kidnapping or abducting with intent secretly and wrongfully to confine a person.

Section 366 – Kidnapping, abducting, or inducing woman to compel her marriage, etc.

Section 366A – Procuration of minor girl (inducing a girl under 18 to go from any place with intent that she may be forced or seduced to illicit intercourse).

Section 367 – Kidnapping or abducting in order to subject a person to grievous hurt, slavery, etc.

Section 368 – Wrongfully concealing or keeping in confinement a kidnapped or abducted person.

Section 369 – Kidnapping or abducting child under ten years of age with intent to steal from its person.

Section 377 – Unnatural offences (carnal intercourse against the order of nature).

Section 509 – Word, gesture, or act intended to insult the modesty of a woman.

POCSO Act

Section 4 – Punishment for penetrative sexual assault.

Section 6 – Punishment for aggravated penetrative sexual assault.

Section 8 – Punishment for sexual assault.

Section 10 – Punishment for aggravated sexual assault.

Section 12 – Punishment for sexual harassment of a child.

Section 14 – Punishment for using a child for pornographic purposes.

Section 15 – Punishment for storage of pornographic material involving a child.

Section 17 – Punishment for abetment of an offence.

Section 18 – Punishment for attempt to commit an offence.

Section 19 – Obligation to report an offence.

Section 20 – Punishment for failure to report or record a case.

Section 21 – Punishment for false complaint or false information.

Section 22 – Procedure for trial and protection of identity of the child.

Pakistani commentator Sana Mir sparks outrage with ‘Azad Kashmir’ remark during Women’s World Cup: Why BCCI must ensure she is sent back

Jinit Jain
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Pakistani commentator Sana Mir sparks outrage with ‘Azad Kashmir’ remark during Women’s World Cup: Why BCCI must ensure she is sent back

The Women’s World Cup 2025, jointly co-hosted by India and Sri Lanka, and which is meant to be a celebration of women’s cricket, has become embroiled in controversy after former Pakistan captain Sana Mir made a political remark during commentary.

While covering Pakistan’s match against Bangladesh, Mir described cricketer Natalia Parvaiz as “hailing from Azad Kashmir,” a comment widely condemned in India as a violation of the International Cricket Council’s (ICC) strict ban on mixing politics with sport. The part of Kashmir Mir was referring to in the commentary box is illegally occupied by Pakistan. Apparently, there are protests going on currently in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir against atrocities committed by Pakistan Army.

Thousands of Indian fans took to social media, tagging both ICC and BCCI, demanding Mir’s removal from the commentary panel for dragging geopolitics into cricket and trying to legitimise Pakistan’s illegal occupation of Indian territory.

A pattern of politicising cricket

Mir’s remark is not an isolated slip of the tongue but part of a broader pattern of Pakistani cricketers turning the field into a propaganda theatre. The Asia Cup 2025 was marred by similar spectacles. Instead of cricketing brilliance, the headlines were dominated by Haris Rauf’s bizarre “fighter jet” mimicry and his “6-0” flash, gestures echoing false Pakistani Army claims after their humiliating losses in Operation Sindoor earlier this year. Sahibzada Farhan added to the farce with a gun-like bat celebration, an act seen as glorification of terrorism.

This was no ordinary sledging. It was the recycling of state narratives before a global audience. When cricketers enact symbols of violence or mimic disputed military claims, sport ceases to be neutral ground and becomes a megaphone for propaganda.

Pakistan’s indoctrination on display

These gestures reflected something far deeper: Pakistan’s societal malaise, born of decades of indoctrination. From schools and mosques to TV studios and sports fields, generations have been conditioned to equate hostility towards India with honour, and jihadist violence with noble resistance. In this warped ecosystem, defeats are spun into triumphs, lies replace facts, and even celebrated athletes internalise and replay propaganda lines.

Rauf’s fighter-jet mimicry and Farhan’s gun salute were not spontaneous emotional outbursts; they were echoes of a militarised psyche that glorifies violence and denial. For Pakistani society, the scoreboard matters less than the illusion of supremacy.

The Asia Cup “trophy heist”

If propaganda seeped onto the field, it also crept into administration. The Asia Cup final descended into chaos when PCB chief and ACC President Mohsin Naqvi walked away with the trophy, a spectacle condemned globally as a “trophy heist.” Reports say Naqvi even carried the trophy and medals to his Dubai hotel room.

BCCI leaders Rajeev Shukla and Ashish Shelar confronted Naqvi in a stormy ACC meeting, insisting the trophy was India’s by right. But Naqvi refused to apologise, and the BCCI has now warned that the issue will be escalated at the ICC’s November meeting. The scandal has cast a long shadow over Asian cricket’s credibility, especially with the 2026 ICC T20 World Cup on the horizon.

The shadow of Pahalgam and Operation Sindoor

Underlying these sporting controversies is the grim reality of terrorism. In April 2025, Pakistani terrorists massacred over 26 Hindu tourists in Pahalgam, targeting men after confirming their religious identity. The atrocity triggered widespread outrage in India and led directly to the Indian team’s refusal to accept the Asia Cup trophy from Naqvi.

India’s response was decisive and devastating. Through Operation Sindoor, Indian forces destroyed nine terror bases, including facilities of Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). As the conflict escalated, India went further—obliterating at least 11 Pakistani air bases. The strikes forced Islamabad to scramble for a ceasefire, marking one of Pakistan’s most humiliating military episodes in decades.

Yet, true to form, Pakistan’s Army and propaganda machine sought to reframe these defeats as victories. Haris Rauf’s “6-0” gesture was not personal bravado; it was a symbolic replay of Rawalpindi’s disinformation strategy, designed to distract from battlefield losses with catchy slogans.

BCCI should ensure Mir catches the next flight back to Islamabad

The Women’s World Cup controversy, Haris Rauf’s antics, Naqvi’s trophy heist, and the Pahalgam massacre are not isolated events. They are pieces of the same puzzle: a nation addicted to supremacist delusions, where cricketers, clerics, commentators, and generals sing from the same sheet of propaganda.

For the ICC, the challenge is immediate: To hold Sana Mir accountable and prevent cricket from being hijacked as a stage for geopolitics. If left unchecked, this will embolden others to misuse cricket’s global stage as a propaganda platform.

For India and the BCCI, the lesson is even clearer. Engagement with Pakistan, whether on the battlefield of diplomacy or the turf of cricket, only results in the same outcome: propaganda, lies, and hatred packaged as competition. By allowing Mir to sit in a commentary box and brandish terms like “Azad Kashmir” during a tournament co-hosted by India, the BCCI would be enabling Pakistan to legitimise its illegal occupation and insult India on its own soil.

The response cannot be token. The BCCI must ensure that Mir catches the next flight back to Islamabad and make it abundantly clear: no Pakistani commentator will be allowed to misuse cricket platforms to peddle state-sponsored narratives. This is not merely about Sana Mir; it is about drawing a red line for the PCB, for Pakistan’s sporting establishment, and for the propaganda machinery that thrives on infiltrating every international stage.

The BCCI is the richest cricketing board in the world. The least it could do is teach a cash strapped PCB and Pakistanis a lesson on who’s the boss and what the disciplinary standards they must adhere to if they wish to continue to be part of international cricket. It should use its financial muscle to compel ICC to send Mir back to Pakistan.

Sending her home is not just an administrative decision; it is a necessary message that India will not provide oxygen to Pakistani propaganda, neither on the cricket field nor in the commentary box.

“I want to stay in Kashi”: When Goddess Durga refused to leave Varanasi 260 years ago — Read about the ancient tradition wherein the same idol is worshipped every year

सौम्या सिंह
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“I want to stay in Kashi”: When Goddess Durga refused to leave Varanasi 260 years ago — Read about the ancient tradition wherein the same idol is worshipped every year

“ई ना हटत हौ!” (It won’t budge!) These words were uttered in exhaustion by 15 sturdy Yadav cowherds from the Madanpura area of ​​Varanasi on Vijayadashami in 1767. That day, as every year, the Mukhopadhyay (now Mukherjee) family of Bengali Tola tried to move the Durga idol installed in their home for immersion, but the idol, made of clay, straw, bamboo, and jute, refused to budge.

Despite numerous attempts, the idol remained unmoved. It is said that Goddess Durga appeared in the dream of the family head, Kali Prasanna Mukhopadhyay, that night, and said, “I wish to remain in Kashi, the city of Shiva. Do not immerse me.” This dream was not just a dream; the command of the Goddess was obeyed. Since then, for nearly 260 years, the same idol has been worshipped every year during Durga Puja, but not immersed.

Worship of the same idol for 260 years

The idol of the Mother Goddess is located in the old Durga Bari in the Bengali Tola, in the Madanpura area of ​​Varanasi. The Durga idol here stands approximately 6 feet tall and is accompanied by Goddess Lakshmi, Goddess Saraswati, Lord Ganesha, and Kartikeya. The idol is worshipped every year during Durga Puja, but is never immersed. Made of clay, bamboo, straw, and jute, the idol remains the same today as it was in 1767. Only minor repairs are performed annually.

The Mukhopadhyay family originally hailed from the Hooghly district of West Bengal. Following a family feud, they settled in Varanasi, where the Bengali culture already had a deep influence. Kali Prasanna Mukhopadhyay performed Durga Puja in his Varanasi home as per the Bengali tradition. At that time (the 1700s), Durga Puja was still a homely, family-oriented celebration in Bengal. Grand pandals and public events were a distant future.

In 1767, like every year, the idol, made of Gangamati (soil from the Ganges), was brought from Bengal to Varanasi on a barge. It was worshipped throughout the Navratri, but when it was time for immersion on the Vijayadashami, the idol seemed to freeze in its place. No amount of force could move it. After Kali Prasanna Mukhopadhyay had the vision of Goddess Durga, it was decided to leave the idol in place. Since then, the same idol has been worshipped every year without immersion.

This idol is worshipped not only during the nine days of Durga Puja but throughout the year. The daily Aarti is performed for 20 minutes, which increases to 45 minutes during Durga Puja. Special offerings during Durga Puja include fruits, peas, Mung beans, and on Panchami, a coconut Naaru made from 51 coconuts (previously made from 151).

There’s no grand pandal here, but it’s a confluence of relationships, memories, and faith. People come from all over the country, especially those with roots in Bengali Tola. This puja isn’t just for the Mukherjee family, but for the entire neighbourhood and Kashi. The idol is recognised by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). The face of the statue is distinctive; it depicts Goddess Durga in her youth, which is very rare.

While Indians living in countries like the US, Canada, and Europe often import fibreglass idols of Goddess Durga, which are not meant to be immersed, this idol in Kashi is unique in every way. Idols abroad are reused for convenience and to avoid expense. But in Kashi, the idol is placed permanently because of the Goddess’s command.

Maintenance of the temple and the role of the family

Family members cannot touch the idol; only the priest performs the puja. The Bhattacharya family performs the priestly duties, while the Dutta family decorates and paints the idol. Indranil Mukherjee, who now carries on the tradition, says, “For us, this idol is forever here in Kashi, in the form of a mother. She does not undergo immersion and represents lastingness.”

While Mother Goddess is bid farewell across the country on the occasion of Vijayadashami with the words, “Aashche bochhor abaar hobe” (there will be another one next year), the Mother Goddess of Kashi remains here forever. This is not just about the idol, but the story of a legacy built on the foundation of faith.

(This article is a translation of the original article published in OpIndia Hindi.)

Simi Garewal’s defence of Ravana and mockery of Dussehra: The Indian Left’s selective attacks on Hindu traditions and its trivialisation of women’s sufferings

Jinit Jain
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Simi Garewal’s defence of Ravana and mockery of Dussehra: The Indian Left’s selective attacks on Hindu traditions and its trivialisation of women’s sufferings

Every Dussehra, effigies of Ravana go up in flames across India. For millions of Hindus, the ritual is not just a spectacle but a reaffirmation of the timeless principle that dharma triumphs over adharma. It is a civilisational reminder that evil, no matter how powerful or sophisticated, will eventually be defeated by righteousness.

But this year, washed-up actress and producer Simi Garewal chose to use the occasion to trivialise the ritual and, by extension, mock the very foundation of Hindu cultural memory. In an “open letter” to Ravana, she wrote that his behaviour should be reclassified from “evil” to “slightly naughty,” going on to argue that apart from kidnapping Sita, Ravana actually treated her better than many women are treated in today’s world. She even suggested that burning his effigy was merely the “in-thing.”

At first glance, her tweet might appear like harmless satire. But on closer inspection, it reflects a dangerous mindset that has become increasingly common among India’s self-styled liberal elite: a tendency to lampoon Hindu practices while trivialising crimes against women, all under the garb of “humour.”

The trivialisation of abduction

One of the most disturbing aspects of Garewal’s post is her casual dismissal of Ravana’s central crime, the abduction of Goddess Sita. She calls it something done “in haste” and then adds that because Raavan provided Sita with food, shelter, and security guards, his act should be viewed with nuance.

This is not nuance; this is a rationalisation of crime. Kidnapping a woman is not a “slight mistake” to be excused by subsequent hospitality. By that logic, any abductor could be let off as long as he treats his captive “well” after committing the crime. Imagine applying this logic in real life. Would we excuse a kidnapper today if he provided his victim with good meals and comfortable housing? Of course not.

In attempting to be witty, Garewal ends up trivialising a woman’s right to autonomy and safety. Ironically, the very feminism she might claim to espouse demands that crimes like abduction be condemned without qualification. Yet here, in her eagerness to take a swipe at Hindu tradition, Garewal chooses to look at Raavan through rose-tinted glasses.

Selective ‘feminism’ and the Hindu punching bag

There is also a deeper question that her tweet raises: why do such sermons and reinterpretations always target Hindu practices? Would Simi Garewal ever dare to write a tongue-in-cheek “open letter” to figures from other religions? Would she write, for example, that marriage between a middle-aged man and a six-year-old was not “evil” but merely “slightly inappropriate”? Would she satirise atrocities recorded in Islamic or Christian history with the same flippancy?

We have already seen, during the Nupur Sharma episode, what happens when someone dares to state inconvenient facts bluntly. Sharma was not met with debate or rebuttal, but with a coordinated campaign of vilification that quickly spilled from the online world onto the streets. Across Indian cities, mobs raised chilling slogans of “Sar Tan Se Juda” or open calls for beheading, simply because she voiced truths that sections of the Muslim community chose to interpret as an insult to Prophet Muhammad.

Nevertheless, Hinduism has become the safest punching bag for Bollywood liberals. Criticise Hindus, mock their gods, lampoon their festivals, and there will be applause from the usual echo chambers. But touch upon practices or histories of other faiths, and the same liberals will either turn defensive or maintain a studied silence.

This selective outrage is not just hypocrisy; it is cowardice dressed up as courage. True feminism, true humanism, and true progressivism would challenge injustices wherever they exist, not just where it is safe and fashionable to do so.

The civilisational purpose of burning Ravana effigies

Garewal also seems to miss the larger point of why Hindus burn Ravana’s effigy every year. It is not about sadism or cruelty towards a mythical character. It is about teaching generations of Indians a moral lesson: that arrogance, lust, and tyranny, no matter how mighty they appear, will ultimately be defeated.

In every society, rituals and symbols exist to reinforce moral codes. Western societies celebrate the defeat of dictators or revolutionaries through memorials, parades, and reenactments. In America, fireworks on the Fourth of July symbolise victory over colonial rule. In France, Bastille Day commemorates the storming of a prison. No one mocks these traditions as “in-thing” fads. Yet when Hindus burn Raavan, it is suddenly treated as outdated, unnecessary, or worse, cruel.

This is a classic example of applying Western notions of morality to Indian traditions without understanding their context. To call Raavan “slightly naughty” is to erase the moral clarity of the Ramayana, which has been the bedrock of Hindu ethical consciousness for centuries.

Mocking women’s suffering

Another disturbing element in Garewal’s tweet is her sarcastic comment that Ravana’s female security guards were “not too good looking.” This is not just poor taste; it exposes Garewal’s hollow support for feminism, ridiculing women for their looks. 

It reminds one of the time Swara Bhasker criticized Rajput women performing jauhar to save themselves from being raped by invading armies. In both cases, the suffering of Hindu women is trivialized. Such grotesque distortions of feminism do not empower women; they belittle their historical struggles and reduce their pain to punchlines.

The abduction of Sita is not a fictional anecdote to be laughed at; it is a symbolic story of how women’s dignity is to be defended at all costs. Lord Rama’s war against Ravana is not about male ego; it is about the principle that no man has the right to abduct or violate a woman, no matter how powerful he is. Garewal’s attempt to turn this into a joke only undermines that message.

Ravana: The scholar tyrant

Garewal also points out that Ravana was “more educated than half of our Parliament.” This, too, is a shallow reading. Yes, Ravana was a learned scholar, a master of the Vedas, and a great devotee of Lord Shiva. But knowledge without humility is dangerous. The Ramayana itself demonstrates that learning and wisdom mean nothing if they are corrupted by arrogance and lust.

In fact, this is precisely why Ravana is burned every year, not because he lacked knowledge, but because he abused it. To argue that his education makes him less evil is like arguing that dictators who built roads and universities should be excused for their tyranny. Education and power, when misused, are not virtues; they are weapons of oppression.

Why liberal taunts must be called out

At its core, Garewal’s post is not just about Ravana. It represents a larger pattern in India’s intellectual and cultural discourse, where Hindu traditions are regularly mocked, undermined, and guilt-tripped through Western moral frameworks.

By calling Ravana “slightly naughty,” Garewal reduces a civilisational moral struggle to a joke. By trivialising Sita’s abduction, she insults women who have fought against oppression across centuries. By suggesting that burning Ravana is just an “in-thing,” she ignores the deep moral purpose of the ritual.

The truth is this: Hindus do not need lectures from Bollywood celebrities about how to interpret their traditions and rituals. What Hindus need is respect for their faith, the same respect that is automatically extended to other religions.

What Dussehra symbolises

Dussehra is not a festival of hate; it is a festival of moral clarity. Ravana effigies burn not because Hindus are vengeful, but because society needs the reminder that pride, arrogance, and adharma will always meet their end. To call this “in-thing” or to paint Ravana as a misunderstood gentleman is not just ignorant; it is an insult to the civilisational wisdom of this land.

Simi Garewal’s tweet is not clever satire. It is a reflection of a twisted mindset that belittles Hindu rituals, trivialises women’s suffering, and indulges in selective sermonising.

And that is why, year after year, Ravana will continue to burn. Because some ideas, no matter how much Bollywood liberals try to dress them up, must be destroyed for good.

As the US government shutdown comes into effect, here what it means and why it happened

Shraddha Pandey
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As the US government shutdown comes into effect, here what it means and why it happened

Amidst a political deadlock between the Republicans and the Democrats, the US government has shutdown on 1st of October 2025. This shutdown has happened for the first time in six years and third time under Donald Trump’s presidency.

The US federal government shutdown came after the Senate failed to pass a spending bill, pushing the country into a severe crisis. The Democrats voted down the Republican bill to keep funding the government.

On Wednesday, the 55-45 Senate vote left hardly any chance of keeping the government open past midnight. The shutdown clock ran out at 12:01 a.m.

The trigger for the shutdown

The situation arose from the expiration of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies. Due to these subsidies, millions of Americans were able to purchase coverage during the pandemic. Democrats are calling for an extension. Republicans are rejecting the demand, referring to it as “hostagetaking,”.  While Democrats maintain that health care cannot be negotiated, the GOP wants a clean funding measure free of what it refers to as “left-wing policy riders.”

What happens when the US government is shutdown?

All non-essential government operations are suspended during a US federal government shutdown. From access to national parks, social security, to air travel, all these facilities will be affected by the government shut down.

For the president to sign budget legislation for the upcoming fiscal year, some federal agencies must receive funding that has been approved by Congress. If they are unable to approve financing, those agencies are compelled to close during the shutdown. This implies that the workers are unpaid and unable to report to work. Several others, however, will continue collecting pay cheques since their jobs are not funded through annual appropriations from Congress. As per the rules, law enforcement services, flights and mail services will continue.

As per the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), 7,50,000 federal workers will be taking unpaid leave each day until the shutdown is lifted. The total daily cost of their compensation will be approximately $400m (£297m). While this situation arose due to the intransigence of Democrat and Republican senators, they will continue to get paid.

The federal system of government in the United States, which was established by the country’s founders to promote discussion, permits different branches of government to be governed by various parties. This continued till 1980.

During Jimmy Carter’s presidency, the government was barred from engaging into contracts without the consent of Congress due to a restrictive interpretation of the 1884 Anti-Deficiency Act. This resulted in a ‘no spending, no budget’ stance.

In the US today, rival political parties essentially exploit the government’s daily operations as a bargaining instrument to pressure the opposition into making concessions.

The impasse: Political ideology and egos take precedence over smooth functioning of the government

Both Democrats and Republicans have been at loggerheads and remained adamant that they will not be blamed for the funding lapse. Republicans argue that the Democrats need to just agree to extend current funding for another seven weeks. However, Democrats refuse to do so without significant concessions for lending their votes to pass any spending measure in the Senate

Democratic leaders Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer have blamed the US President Donald Trump and Republicans for this embarrassing shutdown of the government.

“After months of making life harder and more expensive, Donald Trump and Republicans have now shut down the federal government because they do not want to protect the healthcare of the American people,” the Democratic leaders said in a joint statement.

Interestingly, ahead of the voting on Tuesday, Donald Trump added fuel to the fire by threatening to halt programs favoured by Democrats and fire more federal workers if the government shuts down. He told the media: “We’ll be laying off a lot of people. They’re going to be Democrats.”

On Wednesday, the official White House handle on X, called the federal government shutdown a “Democrat Shutdown”. As this shutdown has become more of an ego clash between Democrats and Republicans, it remains to be seen which side softens its stance first.

It must, however, recalled that back in 2019, Trump administration held the government hostage over border wall funding, resulting in a federal government shutdown that lasted for 35 days. Reports suggest that while the 2019 shut down was more about Trump putting up a show just to bolster his strongman image, this time, it’s more ideological and will cause much more damage.

Even before the shutdown came into effect, the stock markets in the US fluctuated over the prevailing uncertainty. A continued closure will delay crucial economic data, including the jobs report which comes out on Friday, making it difficult to take key decisions.

The recent surveys indicate that the American people are blaming both the Democrats and the Republicans for the ongoing crisis, particularly the shutdown of the US government. 33% respondents in a New York Times survey blamed both the parties, 26% blamed Republicans while 19% blamed Democratic Party.

Similarly, an OBP survey suggested that more Americans blame Republicans for the shutdown than the Democrats.

NCRB 2023: India logs over 62 lakh crimes – kidnappings, thefts, and cyber frauds lead the rise

OpIndia Staff
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NCRB 2023: India logs over 62 lakh crimes – kidnappings, thefts, and cyber frauds lead the rise

On 30th September, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) published its annual crime report for the year 2023. According to the data made available by the agency, over 62 lakh cognisable crimes took place during that year, marking an increase of 7.2% compared to 2022, which recorded over 58 lakh cases.

The surge was driven largely by thefts, kidnapping, cyber fraud, and offences under the Motor Vehicles Act. The data was compiled by NCRB based on police records across states and Union Territories, and it provided a detailed breakdown of crimes under both the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Special and Local Laws (SLL).

Screengrab by the NCRB report

In 2023, a total of 62,41,569 offences were reported. Out of these, 37,63,102 were registered under the IPC and 24,78,467 under SLL. IPC crimes accounted for 60.3% of all offences. The report recorded a 5.7% growth in IPC crimes and a 9.5% rise in SLL crimes compared to 2022. While the crime rate per lakh of population was 422.2 in 2022, it increased to 448.3 in 2023.

There was a significant increase in cases of obstruction on public roads (Section 283 IPC), which almost doubled from 93,548 cases in 2022 to 1,51,469 in 2023. Theft cases rose to 6,89,580 from 6,52,731. In SLL crimes, Motor Vehicles Act cases also doubled, increasing from 94,450 in 2022 to 1,91,828 in 2023.

The crime rate per lakh of population increased from 422.2 in 2022 to 448.3 in 2023, indicating more Indians were victimised by crime in 2023 compared to the previous year.

A strong increase was observed in cases of obstruction on public roads (Section 283 IPC), which almost doubled from 93,548 cases in 2022 to 1,51,469 in 2023. Also, cases of theft rose to 6,89,580 from 6,52,731. In SLL crimes, Motor Vehicle Act cases also doubled from 94,450 in 2022 to 1,91,828 in 2023.

Crimes against the human body

One of the most concerning aspects of the report was crimes against the human body, which saw a massive surge. According to the NCRB report, there were 11,85,915 such cases reported in 2023, making up 31.5% of all IPC crimes. Among these, “hurt” cases led the charts with 6,36,767 incidents (53.7%), followed by deaths due to negligence (1,65,971 cases) and kidnapping and abduction (1,13,564 cases).

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Murder cases saw a slight drop

According to the NCRB, 2023 saw a slight drop in murder cases compared to 2022. There were 27,721 murder cases reported in 2023, whereas in 2022, the number stood at 28,522. A total of 9,209 murders took place due to disputes, 3,458 due to personal vendetta or enmity, and 1,890 due to gain.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Increase in kidnapping and abduction

On the other hand, there was a 5.6% surge in kidnapping and abduction cases. In 2023, there were 1,13,564 cases reported. Out of these, 82,106 were children. Although most were recovered, 1,649 kidnapped individuals were found dead. The figures reflect both the extent and the risks of such crimes.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Offences against public tranquillity

Crimes against public order also registered a slight increase. The NCRB report recorded 58,247 cases of offences against public tranquillity, of which 39,260 were cases of rioting (67.4% of the total). This represented a 2% rise from 57,082 cases reported in 2022.

Crimes against women and children

Crimes against women continued to rise. There were 4,48,211 cases in 2023, a slight increase of 0.7% from 4,45,256 in 2022. The largest proportion came from cruelty by husband or relatives, with 1,33,676 cases (29.8%), followed by kidnapping and abduction of women (88,605 cases), assault with intent to outrage modesty (83,891 cases), and cases under the POCSO Act (66,232 cases). The crime rate against women per lakh female population declined slightly from 66.4 in 2022 to 66.2 in 2023.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Crimes against children rose sharply by 9.2%, with 1,77,335 cases reported in 2023. Almost half of these pertained to kidnapping and abduction of children (79,884 cases), followed by POCSO Act cases at 67,694, accounting for 38.2% of crimes against children. The children’s crime rate rose from 36.6 in 2022 to 39.9 per lakh child population in 2023.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Juveniles in conflict with the law

Crimes involving juveniles also increased. A total of 31,365 cases were registered against juveniles in 2023, compared to 30,555 in 2022. Police arrested 40,036 juveniles, with the majority (79%) belonging to the 16–18 age group. The juvenile crime rate increased from 6.9 in 2022 to 7.1 in 2023.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Crimes against senior citizens

Offences against senior citizens recorded a minor decline compared to 2022. In 2023, 27,886 cases were reported, down from 28,545 in 2022. Most of the cases were of simple hurt (7,608, or 27.3%), followed by theft (4,130 cases) and forgery/cheating/fraud (3,473 cases).

Offences against scheduled castes and tribes

The NCRB reported 57,789 cases against Scheduled Castes, a marginal increase of 0.4% from 57,582 in 2022. The majority involved simple hurt (18,437 cases), criminal intimidation, and offences under the SC/ST Atrocities Act.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Crimes against Scheduled Tribes, however, showed rise of 28.8%, increasing from 10,064 cases in 2022 to 12,960 in 2023. Rioting and rape made up a significant portion of these crimes.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Rise in economic offences

White-collar crimes also increased. A total of 2,04,973 economic offences were registered in 2023, a 6% increase from 1,93,385 in 2022. Most of these, 1,81,553 cases, involved forgery, cheating and fraud (FCF), followed by 22,759 cases of criminal breach of trust and 661 counterfeiting cases.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Cyber offences experienced a huge increase of over 30%

Cyber offences recorded a sharp increase. India saw 86,420 cybercrime cases in 2023, a steep 31.2% rise from 65,893 in 2022. Fraud was the top category, accounting for almost 69% of cases (59,526), followed by sexual exploitation (4,199 cases) and extortion (3,326 cases). The cybercrime rate rose from 4.8 in 2022 to 6.2 in 2023.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Decline in offences against the state

Notably, crimes against the state dropped by 13.1%, falling from 5,610 cases in 2022 to 4,873 in 2023. Most were registered under the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act (3,989 cases), followed by 750 under UAPA.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Offences related to the environment

The NCRB registered a sharp 30.4% increase in environment-related offences, with 68,994 cases in 2023 compared to 52,920 in 2022. Cases under the Cigarette and Other Tobacco Products Act (COTPA) accounted for 85.9% (59,279 cases), followed by 9.6% (6,640 cases) under Noise Pollution Acts (State/Central).

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Crimes involving foreigners

In 2023, 238 crimes against foreigners were reported, a rise of 24% from 192 cases in 2022. These included 46 thefts and 27 rapes. Conversely, crimes committed by foreigners increased to 2,546 cases in 2023, from 2,100 in 2022. Most were under the Foreigners Act and the Passport Act.

Cases of Human trafficking

Human trafficking cases showed a slight decline. A total of 2,183 cases were reported in 2023, compared to 2,250 in 2022. There were 6,288 victims, including 2,687 children, and 6,043 victims were rescued. Police arrested 6,024 traffickers during the year.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Missing persons and children

India reported 4,84,584 missing persons in 2023, a 9.5% increase from 4,42,572 in 2022. Of these, 3,24,763 were women. Encouragingly, 4,60,886 missing persons were traced or recovered. Missing children also increased by 9.5% to 91,296 cases, of which 68,835 were girls. Authorities recovered 89,809 children in the year.

Property-related offenses

Property-related offences rose by 4.7%, totalling 8,78,307 cases in 2023. Thefts formed the largest category with 6,89,580 cases, followed by 1,07,573 burglaries. Properties worth ₹6,917 crore were stolen, but only ₹2,065 crore were recovered, a recovery rate of just 29.9%.

Seizures of weapons, explosives and counterfeit currency

India registered 73,388 Arms Act cases in 2023, with over 82,756 weapons recovered, most of them unlicensed. Explosive recoveries also surged, with over 10 lakh kg recovered in 2023 compared to 88,987 kg in 2022. Authorities also recovered 4,49,768 explosive devices. Fake currency worth ₹16.86 crore, consisting of 3,51,656 notes, was seized in 2023.

Screengrab by the NCRB report

Conclusion

The NCRB’s 2023 report presents a mixed scenario of India’s law and order. While there was a decline in serious crimes such as murder and crimes against the state, there was a steep rise in cybercrimes, thefts, kidnappings, and crimes against children. The data suggests that although policing has improved in detection and registration, new categories of crime, particularly cyber fraud and economic offences, are emerging faster.

‘Once the govt changes, we’ll do their denting-painting’: Islamic fundamentalists issue veiled threats while speaking to OpIndia after Bareilly violence

अनुराग
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‘Once the govt changes, we’ll do their denting-painting’: Islamic fundamentalists issue veiled threats while speaking to OpIndia after Bareilly violence

On September 26th, around 2 p.m., the usually peaceful atmosphere of the city of Bareilly was disrupted with slogans of “I love Muhammad.” Police kept appealing to the Muslim crowd, which had just finished their afternoon prayers, to return home, but the crowd had different intentions. Some chanted provocative slogans, while others harboured hatred.

Some Muslims held placards reading “I Love Muhammad,” while others carried stones, sticks, and petrol bombs.  Ittehad-e-Millat Council (IMC) chief Maulana Tauqeer Raza had instructed this crowd to gather at Islamia Ground, while the administration had issued an order that no gathering could take place without permission.

The crowd still refused to relent. When police tried to stop the mob, Gen Z Muslim boys, aged 12 to 22, began pelting stones. An FIR also mentions that the Muslim boys shouted “Sar Tan Se Juda” (beheading calls) in front of the police. Bareilly police then had to resort to a lathi charge to control the situation.

It’s been nearly five days since the incident. To understand what’s on the minds of Muslims, what discussions are going on in their neighbourhoods, and how Hindus view this incident, I decided to take a look at the situation on the ground.

At 1 pm on a Sunday, I arrived at Bareilly’s busiest intersection, where the Bareilly courthouse is located. The intersection looked completely deserted, with only a handful of people present. I approached a middle-aged man, who worked as a tile-layer, to start a conversation.

Conversion gang in Bareilly

After initial hesitation, he opened up and revealed that his village, Faiznagar, has a large Muslim population. There’s a madrasa there, where a covert religious conversion racket was operating. Just a month ago, the Bareilly police raided the madrasa and busted the racket.

He also revealed that religious conversions were being carried out here by obtaining donations from fourteen states. He said that several Hindu boys and girls have been converted by the conversion racket. Regarding the September 26th incident in Bareilly, the man said that wherever their numbers increase, they commit similar crimes.

About Maulana Tauqeer Raza, he said, “He had been engaged in such activities for a long time and had become emboldened. But the Yogi government has now caught him and brought him to justice. Bareilly should go back to normal now.”

After talking to him, I headed to the area where the violence occurred on September 26th. Google Maps wasn’t working due to the internet outage. As I kept asking people for directions and wandering across the streets, I saw almost half the city.

Eyewitness account from Islamia Ground

Bareilly is an old city. Islamic flags were visible on most houses in almost all areas of the city. Only a few houses had symbols to indicate that they belonged to Hindus.

After much roaming around, the first place I reached was Islamia Ground. The Bilaspur Police Station is located right across the Islamia Ground. A large number of police personnel were deployed there. This is the spot where Muslims were trying to reach that day.

The gates of the ground were sealed with a giant lock, filth was scattered around, and policemen stood guard in the hot afternoon sun. Looking outside, I saw a large field and an old, dilapidated building that predated the British era. Its crumbling, lacquered bricks betrayed its age.

A large Muslim population surrounded the grounds on all three sides. Since I was recording the entire area with just a mobile phone, no one objected. However, three or four Muslim boys, aged about 12 to 15, came and stood around me. They didn’t say anything, but kept trying to peek into my mobile phone screen as long as I was there.

The policemen at the outpost in the front were standing alert, with their tired faces after a long day of duty. I then headed towards the mosques, where the crowds had emerged that day after offering prayers. On the way, I saw a banner with “I Love Muhammad” written in bold letters. I reached the Naumahilla Mosque, where things seemed normal. The area nearby had a large Muslim population. A few Muslims were looking out through their windows at the road and the police.

Some walls bore the marks of freshly removed posters. I asked an elderly man sitting on the street about them, and he, adjusting his hat, said that after the lathi charge that day, people had removed the “I Love Muhammad” posters from their walls on their own.

However, a big poster was hung at the entrance of the street, which had been bent due to the wind in such a way that ‘Love’ and ‘Mohammed’ were covered, only ‘I’ was visible!

On my way, I recalled that the instigator of the riots, Maulana Tauqeer Raza, came from the Ala Hazrat family, one of the most prominent families in the Barelvi sect. The same Ala Hazrat in whose name a large mosque in Bareilly stands.

From here, I set off on foot towards the Ala Hazrat Mosque. On the way, I saw people sitting in shops and houses with their shutters down, judging me by the ID card around my neck. It seemed they were able to guess that I was a journalist and probably from outside. As I approached the mosque, I asked a street vendor if the riot had happened here that day.

He stared at me, then looked away. When I pressed him again, he said, “I’m new to town.” By the way, in my experience of reporting across the country, one common thing I’ve noticed is that most Muslims give the reply when they want to avoid answering.

Anyway, within the next five minutes, I was at the mosque gate. A young man, around 18-20 years old, was sitting there. A few policemen were sitting on chairs nearby. The mosque had two entrances. Three posters were pasted on the steel door facing the street. Each one read two things: “I love Muhammad,” and the second, “I, my parents, my family, all can be sacrificed for you, O Messenger of Allah.”

Poster at Masjid Aala Hazrat

When I walked around and reached the other entrance of the mosque, it was 4:40 pm by the time. Some elderly Muslims had started arriving for namaz. The call to prayer had been announced from the mosque. This entrance also had “I Love Muhammad” posters. The only difference was that these weren’t printed; these were handmade.

Judging by its design, it was clear that it had been created by a young child. In broken handwriting, a child had written on the same poster, ” If expressing love for the Prophet (peace be upon him) is a crime, then we will commit it every day.”

Poster on the door of the mosque

Directly behind the signboard pointing to the Ala Hazrat Mosque, a large Samajwadi Party poster was placed, perfectly reflecting the nexus between politics and religion in Uttar Pradesh.

Board with Masjid Ala Hazrat written on it.

This is the same mosque from where the mob, in the name of love for the Prophet, gathered, determined to burn down the city of Bareilly on September 26th. Notably, on the day of the riots, only young men came to pray at this mosque, whereas today, not a single person I saw was under 40 years old.

Here, I tried talking to the Namazis, but no one was willing to speak. From here, I walked into a narrow alley, in which a sizeable Muslim population resided. Here, too, most Muslims were reluctant to comment. One woman explained that it was the mob of Namazis who had caused the entire commotion. Just then, a middle-aged man called out to me. This man, named Nadeem, initially tried to defend the Namazis, but during the long conversation, he became increasingly vocal.

He said, “Today the Chief Minister also said that we have done the denting and painting. What does that mean? Will they keep doing our denting and painting ?” He added, “Now that they are in power, the denting and painting is happening. After the government changes, they will get dented and painted.”

He became extremely excited and declared, Our love for Muhammad will remain till the end of time.” You can watch the full story in Opindia’s video report.

I spoke with this man for approximately 16 minutes. Throughout the conversation, he never once admitted his mistake; instead, he kept speaking with a threatening tone and warned of a dire future. Other Muslims seemed to have sworn to silence. Not a single one was willing to speak on camera.

After wandering the area for about four hours, I went to a Hindu neighbourhood. A man sitting at his door said, “These people do such things whenever Hindu festivals come around.” He also reminded me of the 2010 Bareilly riots, when a curfew was imposed during Holi celebrations.

Hindus say that Muslims systematically carry out such acts during Hindu festivals, while Hindus remain calm during Muslim festivals. Many Hindus directly blame Maulana Tauqeer Raza and the political parties that provide him with political patronage for all the Islamic frenzy that occurs in Bareilly.

However, he also said that if Yogi Adityanath were not in power in the state, Bareilly would probably still be burning. Due to the change in government, people like Maulana Tauqeer Raza now try to escape, but the police take swift action against them.

After speaking with both Hindus and Muslims, I left for Delhi. Before Bareilly’s famous Jhumka Chowk is located the Avedhnath Gate, on the top of which a statue of Lord Shiva in a yoga posture is placed.

Avedhanath Gate

I stopped there for a while, and after reading the shop signs, I realised that more than 70% of the shops belonged to one community. This meant that the entry point to the city was controlled by one community. And I had already seen the entire settlement inside the city.

Auguste Comte’s line, “Demography is destiny,” began to resonate in my mind. However, the Chief Minister’s statements from the state’s forums and the administrative promptness in such incidents continue to give other sections of society a sigh of relief.

“Cancel Netflix”: Elon Musk leads mass boycott for pushing woke transgender themes on children and creator Hamish Steele’s remarks on Charlie Kirk

Shraddha Pandey
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“Cancel Netflix”: Elon Musk leads mass boycott for pushing woke transgender themes on children and creator Hamish Steele’s remarks on Charlie Kirk

A mass subscription cancellation campaign has been launched by a section of Americans against streaming giant Netflix over promotion of woke gender ideology. The sudden subscription cancellation spree has been spearheaded by Tesla CEO Elon Musk. The immediate trigger has been the outrageous remarks by Hamish Steele, the creator of Netflix’s animated series, Dead End: Paranormal Park, mocking Conservative activist Charlie Kirk’s assassination.

A screenshot of Hamish Steele’s alleged social media post in response to British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s post expressing condolences to Charlie Kirk’s family, has gone viral online. In reply to Starmer’s post, Hamish Steele called Kirk a “random Nazi”.

“Your sympathy for any of the families being slaughtered by your own weapons but a random Nazi gets shot and it’s a public statement,” Steele allegedly wrote.

Elon Musk joined the social media outrage against Hamish Steele for promoting trans ideology in his Netflix show meant for children as young as 7-year-old.

Musk announced on 1st October that he had cancelled his Netflix subscription after an X user claimed the same.

Attaching the screenshot of the Netflix subscription cancellation, Mat Van Swol, the former Department of Energy nuclear scientist, wrote, “Just cancelled my Netflix subscription. If you employ someone who celebrated the murder of Charlie Kirk and makes content that pushes pro-trans content on my kids… you will NEVER get a dime of my money. It’s as simple as that.”

Resharing this post, Musk wrote, “Same.”

The X owner also reshared a post criticising transgender themes in Hamish Steele’s show, which was promoted for 7-year-olds.

“This is not ok,” Musk wrote.

In response to another post critical of Steele, Musk said: “He is a groomer”.

Musk has long been a vocal critic of the imposition of trans ideology and gender affirming surgeries. In his interviews, Musk has spoken against the “woke mind virus” while talking about his son, Vivian Jenna’s transition, as a woman.

Elon Musk’s cancellation of Netflix subscription intensified outrage against the streaming platform and Hamish Steele. In no time, mass Netflix subscription cancellation spree began. Several X users shared screenshots confirming the cancellation.

Meanwhile, several X users also dug up a clip from Dead End: Paranormal Park where the main character Barney Guttman says that he is trans.

Unsurprisingly, Hamish Steele has made his X profile private.

Notably, Dead End: Paranormal Park will not release further episodes in the future as the Netflix cancelled the show in January 2023 after two seasons. This show was based on Hamish Steele’s horror-comedy graphic novel, DeadEndia: The Watcher’s Test.

In the series, two amusement park employees, Barney Guttman and Norma Khan, work with the demon Courtney to find and probe paranormal activity.

After two seasons, the animated series was cancelled, according to Hamish Steele’s January 2024 X announcement.  He revealed that the third season’s screenplay and story outlines were completed in the writers’ room, and the crew was not prepared for Dead End: Paranormal Park to be discontinued.

Amidst the outrage over Steele’s woke Netflix show and alleged remarks against Charlie Kirk, several social media users also highlighted that Netflix is streaming Parental Guidance (PG)-rated documentary about a trans activist who took hormone blockers as a child before undergoing genital mutilation once he turned 18. Netizens allege that this documentary “glorifies” children becoming transgender, and promotes chemical and surgical castration. They also questioned how such a content can be deemed appropriate for all age groups.

Netizens have highlighted many animated Netflix shows with 6 to 7-year-olds as target audience promoting woke trans ideology.

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