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Neutral expert upholds India’s stand on Indus Water Treaty: How Kishanganga and Ratle hydroelectric projects rattled Pakistan

On 21st January, the World Bank-appointed neutral expert declared that it has the authority to resolve the disputes between India and Pakistan regarding two hydropower projects in Jammu and Kashmir under the terms of the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960. Notably, the ruling supported New Delhi’s stance. An official statement from the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) was released which conveyed, “India welcomes the decision given by the neutral expert under Paragraph 7 of Annexure F to the Indus Waters Treaty, 1960.”

According to the Indus Waters Treaty’s Annexure F, paragraph 7, a neutral expert will decide if the Permanent Indus Commission is unable to reach a consensus. After hearing from both sides, the neutral expert will determine whether the disagreement is covered by the treaty. MEA further expressed, “The decision upholds and vindicates India’s stand that all seven (07) questions that were referred to the neutral expert, about the Kishenganga and Ratle hydroelectric projects, are differences falling within his competence under the treaty.”

The ministry pointed out that India has consistently and firmly maintained that the neutral expert is the only person authorized by the treaty to resolve these conflicts and highlighted, “Having upheld his own competence, which comports with India’s view, the neutral expert will now proceed to the next (merits) phase of his proceeding. This phase will culminate in a final decision on the merits of each of the seven differences.”

Given its dedication to upholding the treaty’s sanctity and integrity, the statement mentioned that India will continue to take part in the neutral expert process. It wants to ensure that disagreements are settled in a way that complies with the treaty’s clauses prohibiting concurrent proceedings on the same set of issues. “For this reason, India does not recognize or participate in the illegally constituted Court of Arbitration proceedings,” it added and assured, “The Governments of India and Pakistan also remain in touch on the matter of modification and review of the Indus Waters Treaty, under Article XII (3)” of the same.

According to persons acquainted with the situation, the verdict favours India’s position in the procedures surrounding the Kishenganga and Ratle hydropower projects. One of the individuals noted, “It is basically a setback for Pakistan.” Another person stated, “The neutral expert’s decision is in line with the graded mechanism of dispute settlement envisaged in Article IX of the treaty, which Pakistan contravened by simultaneously approaching the Court of Arbitration.”

India requested the appointment of a neutral expert to examine similar concerns with the two hydroelectric power projects, while Pakistan urged the World Bank to help establish a Court of Arbitration to address its reservations regarding the designs of the two projects. Pakistan protested against India’s position on Kishenganga and Ratle hydropower projects in the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir. The Kishanganga hydropower plant, which is situated on the Indus tributaries, started construction in 2007 and the Ratle Hydroelectric Plant, built on the Chenab had its foundation stone placed in 2013.

Despite Pakistan’s protests, Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Kishanganga project in May 2018. Over 300 megawatts of electricity might be generated and at least 30,000 hectares of land can be irrigated using the approximately 0.65 million acre-feet (MAF) of water that the Kishanganga project stores from the Ujh river. Then-Union Minister of Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation Nitin Gadkari declared in 2019 that India might cut off water supplies to Pakistan in response to the deadly Pulwama attack.

Why a neutral expert was appointed

Pakistan wanted the appointment of a “neutral expert” to examine its technical objections to India’s Kishenganga and Ratle hydroelectric power plants in 2015. However, the country unilaterally withdrew its decision and sought an arbitration hearing, the next year. A neutral expert and a chairman of the Court of Arbitration (CoA) had been nominated by the World Bank about the two projects in November of the same year. However, once India protested, the processes were stopped. World Bank representatives then met with India and Pakistan to discuss a solution.

Although both proceedings were placed on “pause” by the World Bank, they were reactivated in March 2022 when Pakistan demanded it. Meanwhile, India has participated in discussions with the neutral expert but has refrained from attending the Permanent Court of Arbitration hearings in The Hague, citing the incompatibility of the two processes. Furthermore, Pakistan declined to address the matter in any of the five Permanent Indus Commission meetings from 2017 to 2022, despite India’s persistent attempts to negotiate a compromise.

On 20th January, the neutral expert, Michel Lino, the president of the International Commission of Large Dams (ICOLD), proclaimed that he is qualified to “determine the merits of the points of difference” between India and Pakistan over the two hydroelectric projects. He added in a statement from Vienna that after hearing from both sides, a decision will be formed. However, the verdict would have rattled Islamabad.

Earlier, India formally notified Pakistan in August 2024 that the 63-year-old agreement needed to be reviewed and modified, primarily due to Islamabad’s uncooperative attitude in resolving cross-border river disputes. The notice was given by Article XII(3) of the treaty, which stipulates that provisions of the pact could be modified from time to time by a duly ratified treaty concluded for that purpose between the two governments.

On 30th August, the notice came out in conformity with Article XII(3) of the treaty following the Indian side’s “notification for modification” of the treaty on 25th January 2023. India delivered the notice in an attempt to compel Pakistan to start government-to-government talks to revise the treaty per Article XII (3). Significant disagreements between India and Pakistan concerning how to handle conflicts about the Kishanganga and Ratle hydropower projects on the Chenab and Neelam rivers in Jammu and Kashmir were the backdrop for the occurrence.

“Fundamental and unexpected changes in circumstances that require a reassessment of obligations under various articles of the Indus Waters Treaty” were highlighted in India’s notification. The impact of ongoing cross-border terrorism, environmental concerns and the need to speed up the production of clean energy to fulfil India’s emission targets and changes in the country’s population demographics were some of India’s main worries over the treaty.

The notification was sent out amid a protracted dispute over the 850-MW (Megawatt) Ratle and 330-MW Kishanganga hydropower projects. Pakistan opposed the two projects and alleged that they violated the Indus Waters Treaty. Islamabad criticized the Kishanganga project, claiming it restricted water flowing into the country. The World Bank’s involvement is mostly procedural and is restricted to appointing the chair of the arbitration court or neutral experts. Notably, it allowed India to build hydroelectric power plants on the tributaries of the Jhelum and Chenab rivers under the treaty, in 2017. 

The treaty remained unaltered since it came into existence in Karachi on 19th September 1960. It was signed by WAB Iliff who was the Vice President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), also known as the World Bank and then-Indian Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and former Pakistani President Muhammad Ayub Khan.

Indus Waters Treaty and its provisions

The Indus River has been a source of contention between the four nations it flows through, India, Pakistan, China and Afghanistan ever since India was divided in 1947. The source of the river is Tibet. Water to Pakistan was temporarily cut off by India in 1948, but it was reopened following the truce. Pakistan brought the issue before the United Nations (UN) in 1951, alleging that India had cut off water to numerous Pakistani hamlets. This agreement was developed in 1954 by the World Bank based on the recommendations of the United Nations.

The World Bank was one of the signatories to the Indus Waters Treaty, which India and Pakistan signed in 1960 after nine years of discussions. The two nations eventually reached an agreement that shared ownership of six rivers. Pakistan was the lower riparian state at the time of India’s independence in 1947 since the border between the two countries was defined across the Indus Basin.

Some important irrigation projects, such as those at Madhopur on the Ravi River and Ferozepur on the Sutlej River, which were entirely dependent on irrigation canals in Pakistan’s Punjab region, were in Indian territory, which led to a conflict. The Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab rivers in the west were given to Pakistan by the Indus Waters Treaty, while the Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej rivers in the east were assigned to India. It permitted each nation to use the rivers allotted to it in a specific way.

The pact gave India sole usage of the waters of three eastern rivers, which had an average of about 33 million acre-feet (MAF). Pakistan was granted similar control over the waters of the western rivers, the Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab, with an average of about 135 MAF, however, a condition was also put forward. The treaty guarantees India the right to produce hydroelectricity through run-of-river (RoR) projects on the western rivers, provided that certain design and operation requirements are satisfied.

The United Nations established a Permanent Indus Commission to settle any disagreements over water sharing, along with an arbitration process to settle issues peacefully. The agreement permits India to use the water from the western rivers for non-consumptive domestic purposes including irrigation, storage, and energy production. According to the treaty, Pakistan receives 80% of the water from the Indus River System, while India receives 20%.

It pointed out that India and Pakistan will, to the greatest extent possible, prevent any material harm to each other when implementing any flood protection or flood control plan. The two counties also have no right to restrict the use of the natural routes of the rivers for the release of floodwaters or other excess water, and neither nation could hold the other accountable for any damage brought on by such activities.

Now, the latest judgement rendered by the neutral expert has provided a massive relief and a major boost to New Delhi concerning the significant hydropower plants.

Definitely not’: Industrialist Gautam Adani on whether his son Jeet Adani’s wedding will be a grandiose affair

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Industrialist Gautam Adani, who was at the Maha Kumbh to offer Aarti, dismissed swirling speculations and widespread social media chatter about his son Jeet’s upcoming wedding being a grandiose affair. Responding to a question in Prayagraj about whether the event would be a “Maha Kumbh of celebrities,” the billionaire firmly replied, “Definitely not!”

The response came in the wake of rumour mills active on social media that claimed a galaxy of international stars and prominent figures would grace Jeet Adani’s wedding to Diva Shah, daughter of Surat diamond merchant Jaimin Shah. The rumoured guest list included Elon Musk, Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg, Daniel Craig, Taylor Swift, Justin Bieber, Kanye West, the Kardashian sisters, Rafael Nadal, Diljit Dosanjh, Sundar Pichai, Satya Nadella, Billie Eilish, Coldplay, King Charles, and even the Pope.

Speaking after performing the Ganga Aarti at Prayagraj’s Triveni Sangam with his family, Adani emphasized, “Our values and way of life are rooted in simplicity and the working class. Jeet has also come here to seek Ma Ganga’s blessings. The wedding will be a modest and traditional family event.”

Adani confirmed that the wedding, scheduled for February 7, would be a private ceremony in Ahmedabad. His announcement came during a visit to the Maha Kumbh Mela, where he was accompanied by his wife Dr. Priti Adani, sons Karan and Jeet, daughter-in-law Paridhi, and granddaughter Kaveri. At the Kumbh, the family offered prayers at the Lete Hanuman Temple and participated in the Mahaprasad Seva at ISKCON, where Adani is funding the distribution of over one lakh free meals daily. Additionally, he is donating one crore prayer books printed by the esteemed Gita Press of Gorakhpur.

Describing the Maha Kumbh Mela as an “unparalleled experience,” Adani commended the Modi and Yogi administrations for their exceptional arrangements, particularly in policing and sanitation. He suggested that the event’s successful organisation should be studied by management schools and corporate entities for its operational excellence.

‘Why was bail denied in one case when it’s granted in 9 similar cases?’ SC asks police over Delhi riots accused Tahir Hussain’s imprisonment

The Supreme Court on Tuesday questioned the Delhi Police on why former AAP councillor Tahir Hussain was denied bail in one Delhi riots case despite being granted bail in nine similar cases. Justices Pankaj Mithal and Ahsanuddin Amanullah asked the prosecution to explain why interim or regular bail should not be granted.

On 14th January, the Delhi Police opposed the interim bail plea of Tahir Hussain, former Aam Aadmi Party councillor and key accused in the anti-Hindu Delhi riots of 2020, in the Delhi High Court. Hussain has sought interim bail in the Ankit Sharma murder case to contest the upcoming Delhi Assembly elections as an AIMIM candidate. The Delhi High Court, however, allowed custody parole for filing nomination papers.

This comes a day after the Supreme Court noted that persons like Tahir Hussain should be barred from contesting elections.

Hussain is accused in the case involving the death of IB officer Ankit Sharma, who was killed during the February 2020 Delhi riots. He has been in judicial custody since March 16, 2020. Seeking interim bail from January 14 to February 9, Hussain petitioned the Delhi High Court to allow him to contest the Delhi Assembly elections from Mustafabad as an AIMIM candidate, citing the need for his physical presence for nomination and campaigning.

Despite securing bail in nine other riot-related cases, he remains without bail in this case. The Delhi High Court denied interim bail but granted custody parole for filing nomination papers under strict conditions, including restricted communication. Dissatisfied, Hussain approached the Supreme Court for interim bail.

During the Supreme Court hearing, Hussain’s lawyer argued that the other main accused had been granted bail after three years in custody. The Court questioned the need for interim bail instead of regular bail. The prosecution sought more time, and the Court scheduled the next hearing for the following day.



RG Kar Medical College rape and murder case: Accused Sanjay Roy gets life imprisonment, read what the judgment says

On 18 January 2025, the Sessions Court in Kolkata sentenced Sanjay Roy, accused of raping and murdering a postgraduate trainee at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital, to life imprisonment. The incident, which took place on the intervening night of 8 and 9 August, shook the nation with outrage. Roy, a civic volunteer, was convicted under Sections 64, 66, and 103(1) of the Bharatiya Nayay Sanhita (BNS). The heinous crime was committed while the victim was on duty, leading to widespread protests demanding justice and stringent action against those responsible. The role of the West Bengal government and Kolkata Police also came under scrutiny. OpIndia accessed detailed judment pronounced by Justice Anirban Das in the case.

The brutal rape and murder of the postgraduate trainee doctor

According to the details available in the judgment, on 8 August 2024, the victim, a postgraduate trainee in the Chest Medicine Department of RG Kar Medical College and Hospital, began her 36-hour duty, which included both outpatient services and a night shift. At around 11:15 PM, she spoke to her mother. This was the last time she had a conversation with her family. Following that call, all calls from the family went unanswered the next morning.

At 10:53 AM on 9 August, the victim’s father received a call from the Assistant Superintendent of the hospital, who requested him to come to the hospital immediately. She informed the victim’s father that her health was deteriorating but did not provide specifics. Despite repeated requests for details, the caller claimed she was not a doctor and therefore unable to provide further information. Shortly after, the victim’s father received another call informing him that the victim had possibly attempted suicide. The family was left in shock and uncertainty.

In less than 90 minutes, the family reached the hospital at around 12:15 PM. They were escorted to the third floor of the Chest Medicine Department near the seminar room. When they tried to enter the crime scene, police personnel present barred their entry, claiming that the situation inside the seminar room was under investigation. The scene was overwhelming for the family, and the victim’s father observed a flurry of activity, with medical staff and security personnel restricting access to critical areas.

The lifeless body of the victim was laid on a mattress inside the seminar room. Her upper body was partially covered by a green hospital bedsheet, while her jeans and undergarments were placed nearby. There were bloodstains and visible injury marks on her face, lips, and shoulders. Her hair lay scattered across the mattress. Personal items belonging to the victim, including her laptop and mobile phone, were also found near her.

As the day progressed, tensions escalated in the hospital. Junior doctors demanded a judicial inquiry and insisted that the victim’s post-mortem be videographed to ensure transparency. Protests also erupted within the hospital premises, amplifying pressure on the administration. A formal complaint was filed by the victim’s father at Tala Police Station later that evening. The father accused the hospital authorities and staff of negligence.

By that time, the role of the police and local administration had come under scrutiny, as the victim’s body was transported to the crematorium in what the family described as an unusual rush, bypassing other queued cremations. The hastiness further fuelled suspicions of foul play among the family members and concerned colleagues of the victim. The events of that fateful day left the family and the public in anguish, with many demanding accountability and justice for the young doctor. By night, the case had caught the nation’s attention via media.

As per the father, that night, DC North came to his residence and handed over him a packet of cash. However, the father did not accept it. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee also visited his house after cremation and offered him compensation which he refused to accept.

How the victim’s body was discovered

The victim’s body was discovered on the morning of 9th August 2024 by Dr Arko Sen, a first-year Postgraduate Trainee (PGT) in the Chest Medicine Department at R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital. During his rounds, Dr. Sen noticed the door to the seminar room on the third floor slightly ajar. Concerned by the unusual state of the room, he entered to check and found the victim lying motionless on a mattress.

The victim was partially clothed, with visible injuries on her face, chest, and shoulders. Her hair was scattered, and blood stains were noticeable, immediately suggesting foul play. Shocked by the scene, Dr. Sen quickly informed his colleagues and senior hospital staff. The judgment read, “He alone entered the said Seminar Room and had seen the victim in naked position (lower portion) and the upper portion kurti was also moved upwards and breasts were visible and that he had also noticed some injury marks over her nose.”

The discovery led to a rapid escalation of the situation. The hospital administration was notified, and the police were called to secure the area. The gruesome nature of the scene sparked immediate outrage among hospital staff and junior doctors, who demanded a transparent inquiry and judicial oversight into the handling of the case. Dr Sen was one of the witnesses in the case. The details of how the body was discovered were corroborated by his colleagues Dr Pooja, Dr Priya (victim’s roommate) and others.

They rushed to inform Dr Sumit Roy Tapadar, who accompanied them to the Seminar Room and confirmed that the victim had passed away. Dr Tapadar promptly notified other senior doctors and the principal about the incident. Principal Dr Sandip Ghosh instructed him to send the body to the morgue immediately to avoid any potential issues within the hospital. However, when Dr Tapadar informed the principal that the body could not be sent to the morgue without an investigation by the police, as the authorities had already been notified, the situation became more tense.

Key testimonies from main witnesses

The father of the victim was one of the main witnesses in the case. He provided an emotional account of the events leading up to the discovery of his daughter’s death. He informed the court about receiving a series of distressed calls from the hospital on 9 August 2024. Initially, he was informed about his daughter’s ill health, followed by hints of a suicide attempt.

When the victim’s parents and other family members reached the hospital, they were not allowed to enter the seminar room where his daughter’s body was found. He recounted seeing visible injuries on her face, chest, and shoulders. He said in his statement that blood was oozing from her lips and eyes. He also alleged that the cremation was hurried, raising suspicions of an attempt to suppress evidence.

The second witness in the case was Dr Gulam Azam, a junior colleague of the victim. He confirmed that the victim was on duty in the Chest Medicine Department at the time of the incident. He described her as a diligent professional. Dr Azam mentioned that there was a chaotic environment after her death at the hospital, with medical staff and junior doctors demanding transparency in the inquiry and post-mortem process.

Another witness in the case was Sanjib Mukherjee, a neighbour of the victim’s family. He corroborated the father’s narrative about the rushed cremation. Mukherjee testified that police prevented the parents of the victim from accessing her body and that the cremation bypassed other queued funerals. He also mentioned being present at Tala Police Station to assist the victim’s father in lodging the initial complaint. In fact, Mukherjee was the one who wrote the complaint as narrated by the victim’s father.

Medical witnesses in the case included Dr Sumit Roy Tapadar and others from the hospital. They provided technical insights into the cause of death, highlighting the extent of the injuries and corroborating allegations of foul play. Forensic experts further supported the prosecution’s case by confirming the presence of physical and DNA evidence linking the accused to the crime.

The testimonies of around 50 witnesses in the case collectively painted a grim picture of the incident and established a strong foundation for the prosecution’s case against the accused.

Witness confirmed he went to red-light area with the accused

Sourav Bhattacharyya, was an ex-civic volunteer who provided critical insights into the movements and behaviour of the accused, Sanjay Roy, on the night of the incident. Bhattacharyya testified that he and Sanjay Roy were at R.G. Kar Medical College on the night of 8 August 2024 to address the treatment of his brother, who was admitted to the hospital. He stated that they arrived together on a police department bike around 10:30 PM.

Bhattacharyya further recounted that after leaving the hospital at midnight, the two travelled to the red-light area of Sovabazar, where they consumed alcohol. From there, they proceeded to another red-light area in Chetla, where Bhattacharyya entered a room with a prostitute while Sanjay Roy stayed outside consuming beer. Bhattacharyya testified that when he returned after 20–25 minutes, he found Sanjay Roy still drinking and not engaging with anyone.

Later, both returned to RG Kar Medical College on the same bike, where Roy dropped Bhattacharyya at the Trauma Care Centre. Bhattacharyya also identified himself and Sanjay Roy in CCTV footage presented during the trial, corroborating his account of the movements on that night​

Medical examination and post-mortem findings

The post-mortem examination of the victim was conducted under strict videographic documentation, as demanded by the junior doctors. The post-mortem revealed the extent of the brutal assault on the victim. There were multiple injuries documented on her face, chest, and shoulders. Furthermore, there were signs of strangulation. Forensic evidence included hair samples, bodily fluids, and DNA traces that linked the accused, Sanjay Roy, to the crime.

Dr Sumit Roy Tapadar, the Associate Professor of Respiratory Medicine at RG Kar Medical College, testified in court that the victim sustained severe trauma, with injury patterns consistent with a physical assault. Dr Pali Samadder, the Emergency Medical Officer who initially examined the body, noted visible bruises and abrasions, particularly on the upper torso, suggesting resistance during the attack.

Dr Biswanath Saren, an Assistant Professor in Forensic Medicine at SSKM Hospital, provided a detailed medico-legal analysis. He confirmed that the injuries inflicted were not accidental and were consistent with forceful actions leading to asphyxia. DNA analysis corroborated the involvement of the accused, as biological samples recovered matched his profile.

Additionally, forensic experts, including Dr Soma Roy and Dr Rina Das, confirmed the presence of the accused’s DNA on the victim’s clothing and personal items recovered from the scene. The post-mortem conclusively determined that the cause of death was due to a combination of traumatic injuries and suffocation. The testimonies of the medical experts cemented the prosecution’s claims of sexual assault and murder.

Discovery and forensic link to the Bluetooth device

The recovery of a Bluetooth device found under the mattress in the seminar room played a significant role in establishing the accused’s presence at the crime scene. As per the testimony of forensic experts and investigating officers, the Bluetooth earphone was discovered after the victim’s body was removed from the scene. It was identified during a thorough examination of the seminar room by the forensic team, and its location was corroborated by video footage.

The device, a LUMA Bluetooth earphone, was found to be paired with the mobile phone of the accused, Sanjay Roy. Analysis conducted by the experts revealed that the Bluetooth device was in continuous pairing with Roy’s phone. Metadata retrieved during the examination showed no prior connections with any other device, reinforcing the link between the accused and the recovered earphone. The findings were digitally preserved and presented as evidence during the trial.

The accused denied ownership of the earphone, claiming that his personal Bluetooth device was of a different make. During cross-examination, the defence suggested that the device might have been paired at the police station to implicate Roy. However, no evidence of tampering or misconduct by the investigators was established. The court found the continuous pairing between the earphone and Roy’s phone to be compelling evidence of his presence in the seminar room during the time of the crime.

DNA evidence linking the accused

The forensic analysis conducted by the CFSL revealed crucial DNA evidence directly linking the accused, Sanjay Roy, to the crime. The examination of hair strands recovered from the mattress in the seminar room where the victim’s body was found showed a definitive match. The analysis indicated that the short hair strands matched the DNA profile of the accused, while the long hair strands matched the victim’s DNA.

Further, the DNA profile of the accused was conclusively identified in the nipple swab collected during the post-mortem. This evidence confirmed the physical contact of the accused with the victim. The defence attempted to discredit the findings by suggesting contamination or intentional planting of evidence. However, the court found no credible basis for these claims, as the procedures followed were well-documented and adhered to established protocols

Allegations of police negligence

The role of the police in handling the case came under scrutiny as significant allegations of negligence were raised during the trial. The victim’s father and neighbour told the court about the dismissive attitude of the police personnel at RG Kar Medical College on the day of the incident. They said that despite repeated pleas, the family was denied entry to the seminar room where the victim’s body was discovered, leaving them in the dark about her condition.

The victim’s father also alleged in court that the cremation of his daughter’s body was rushed under police supervision, bypassing procedural norms. He said it raised suspicions of an attempt to suppress evidence. The police reportedly disregarded the family’s request for a second post-mortem, adding to their anguish and sense of injustice.

The victim’s neighbour corroborated these allegations. He described the police as unsympathetic and uncooperative throughout the ordeal. He highlighted how the family was excluded from critical discussions and decisions concerning the victim’s body.

Furthermore, during cross-examination, he revealed that the Officer-in-Charge of Ghola Police Station called him on 11th August 2024, questioning whether the family had accused the police of attempting to bribe them. This call, according to him, implied an effort to manage public perception rather than prioritise the investigation.

The court highlighted significant lapses on the part of both the police and the hospital authority in handling the case. Evidence from SI Subrata Chatterjee revealed that despite receiving information about the unnatural death of the victim around 2 PM on 9th August 2024, the UD case registration was delayed until 11:30 PM. Procedural formalities, including the preparation of the seizure list, were completed late at night, raising concerns about the timeliness and integrity of the investigation.

The role of Rupali Mukherjee, the first investigating officer (IO), came under severe criticism. The court noted that Mukherjee, as the Additional Officer-in-Charge of the Women Grievance Cell, failed to ensure proper evidence collection at the crime scene. Her inability to oversee critical procedures, such as securing the seminar room and promptly collecting forensic evidence, contributed to the delays and procedural gaps in the early stages of the investigation. The court observed that such negligence undermined the trust in law enforcement’s ability to handle sensitive cases.

The hospital authority also faced scrutiny for its handling of the incident. Despite being informed of the rape and murder by junior staff, senior officials, including the then Principal and MSVP, failed to notify the police promptly. The court condemned attempts by hospital authorities to initially frame the incident as a suicide, which delayed the investigation and added to the distress of the victim’s family.

Transfer of the case to the CBI

Initially, the case was investigated by officers at Tala Police Station. Tala Police registered an Unnatural Death (UD) case, later converting it to a criminal case under Sections 64, 66, and 103(1) of the BNS based on the father’s complaint.

As the investigation unfolded, questions arose about the handling of evidence and the hurried cremation of the victim’s body, fuelling suspicions of a cover-up. Amid mounting protests from the victim’s family, medical staff, and the public, the Calcutta High Court intervened. The court recognised the gravity of the incident and stated that there was a need for an impartial investigation, directing the formation of a Special Investigation Team (SIT).

The case was later transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) following public outrage and allegations of procedural lapses by the local police. Dissatisfaction with the SIT’s progress led the court to order the transfer of the case to the CBI on 13 August 2024.

A fresh case was then registered by the CBI. Its team conducted a thorough probe, collecting forensic evidence, recording witness statements, and analysing CCTV footage from the hospital premises. The agency also collaborated with experts from AIIMS, Kalyani, and the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL) to build a robust case.

Findings of the CBI investigation

During its investigation, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) uncovered a series of critical details that established the guilt of the accused, Sanjay Roy, and the heinous nature of the crime. The CBI took over the case on 13 August 2024 and conducted a meticulous investigation. The main focus was on forensic evidence, witness statements, and the crime scene at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital.

The CBI discovered the presence of the accused’s DNA on the victim’s clothing and personal items found in the seminar room where her body was discovered. The presence of the accused’s DNA played a pivotal role in the conviction. The forensic analysis was conducted by the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL). It was confirmed during the analysis that the biological samples, including bodily fluids and hair strands, matched the DNA profile of Sanjay Roy, leaving no doubt about his involvement in the crime.

CCTV footage also played a crucial role in the investigation. The CBI retrieved and analysed hours of footage, which showed the accused in the vicinity of the crime scene during the relevant timeframe. This evidence corroborated witness testimonies that placed him at the hospital when the crime occurred.

The investigating agency also uncovered evidence suggesting an attempt to manipulate the investigation in its early stages. Statements from hospital staff revealed that the cremation of the victim was carried out in a hurry. Forensic reports showed that several pieces of evidence were mishandled or inadequately preserved before the CBI’s intervention.

The CBI further highlighted that the injuries on the victim, as detailed in the post-mortem report, pointed to a deliberate and violent act. These included signs of strangulation and blunt force trauma, which were consistent with sexual assault and murder.

Through its comprehensive investigation, the CBI not only strengthened the prosecution’s case but also highlighted procedural lapses by local authorities.

Arguments presented by the prosecution

The prosecution, led by the Special Public Prosecutor for the CBI, Partha Sarathi Dutta, and Senior Public Prosecutor Anurag Modi, presented a compelling case against the accused, Sanjay Roy. The prosecution argued that the evidence unequivocally linked the accused to the brutal crime. They highlighted the severity of the assault and the subsequent murder of the victim.

The centre of their argument was the forensic evidence, including DNA samples that were recovered from the victim’s body, clothing and the crime scene. They all matched with the accused. The prosecution contended that these findings provided irrefutable proof of the accused’s involvement.

The prosecution also emphasised the victim’s injuries, as documented in the post-mortem report, revealed signs of forceful assault that included strangulation and multiple bruises. This, they argued, established the intent and brutality of the crime and said there was no room for doubt about the accused’s culpability.

In addition to forensic evidence, the prosecution relied heavily on witness testimonies. Key witnesses, including the victim’s father and junior doctors from the hospital, testified about the suspicious circumstances surrounding the crime. The prosecution argued that the accused, a civic volunteer stationed at the hospital, had abused his position of trust and familiarity to commit the heinous act.

The prosecution further criticised the police’s handling of the initial stages of the case, arguing that their alleged negligence and procedural lapses necessitated the involvement of the CBI. They contended that the hurried cremation of the victim’s body was a deliberate attempt to suppress evidence, an act that only highlighted the need for stringent judicial intervention.

Arguments presented by the defence

The defence, representing Sanjay Roy, sought to challenge the prosecution’s case. The defence questioned the reliability of evidence and highlighted procedural gaps in the investigation. They argued that the prosecution’s narrative was based on circumstantial evidence, with no direct eyewitness testimony linking the accused to the crime. The defence asserted that the DNA evidence presented by the prosecution could have been contaminated due to alleged mishandling by the police during the initial stages of the investigation.

The defence further argued that the rushed cremation of the victim’s body and the hurried post-mortem created reasonable doubt about the authenticity of the forensic findings. They claimed that the post-mortem, conducted under public and institutional pressure, might have been influenced by external factors, compromising its impartiality.

Additionally, the defence contended that the CCTV footage, a critical component of the prosecution’s case, did not conclusively prove the accused’s involvement. They suggested that the presence of the accused near the crime scene was coincidental, as he was stationed at the hospital in his capacity as a civic volunteer.

The defence also attempted to highlight inconsistencies in witness statements, particularly those of the victim’s family and colleagues. The defence claimed that the emotional distress of the witnesses could have impacted their recollections. They further claimed that the case was politically and publicly charged, which may have led to undue pressure on the investigation agencies to secure a conviction.

Role of the state government and criticism

The role of the West Bengal state government in the aftermath of the tragic incident came under scrutiny, particularly regarding the actions of its law enforcement agencies. A major point of contention was the rushed cremation of the victim’s body. The family alleged that this act, supervised by the police, was carried out in undue haste, bypassing other queued cremations. They alleged this was an attempt to suppress evidence, as their request for a second post-mortem was denied. This led to widespread public outcry, with many accusing the state authorities of failing to ensure transparency in the investigation.

The police’s initial handling of the case also drew criticism. Witnesses testified about the insensitive treatment of the victim’s family, who were denied entry to the seminar room where the victim’s body was found. Allegations of police negligence and procedural lapses eventually necessitated the intervention of the Calcutta High Court, which transferred the case to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

The judgment indirectly highlighted these failures, noting that the transfer to the CBI was essential to ensure an impartial and transparent investigation. The role of the state government, though significant, was marred by allegations of inefficiency and mishandling, further fuelling public demands for justice and accountability.

Conviction and court’s observations

On 18 January 2025, the Additional Sessions Judge, Anirban Das, delivered the much-awaited verdict, convicting Sanjay Roy under Sections 64, 66, and 103(1) of the BNS for the brutal rape and murder of the young doctor at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital.

While delivering the judgment, the court emphasised the heinousness of the crime, describing it as an act that shook the conscience of society. Judge Anirban Das stated, “The evidence presented by the prosecution leaves no doubt about the accused’s culpability. The crime committed was not only a grave offence against an individual but also a violation of the sanctity of a professional space meant for healing and care.”

The court took into account the meticulous forensic evidence, including DNA matches, CCTV footage, and witness testimonies, which conclusively established the guilt of the accused. The post-mortem findings and expert analyses further corroborated the prosecution’s case, leaving no room for reasonable doubt.

Sanjay Roy was convicted under multiple sections of the BNS for the heinous crimes of rape and murder. The court sentenced him to rigorous imprisonment (RI) for life under Section 64 BNS, along with a fine of ₹50,000. In default of paying the fine, he is to undergo simple imprisonment (SI) for five months. Additionally, he was sentenced to rigorous imprisonment for life under Section 103(1) BNS, with another fine of ₹50,000 and a default sentence of simple imprisonment for five months.

For the offence under Section 66 BNS, the court handed down a sentence of RI for the remainder of the convict’s natural life. All sentences are to run concurrently, ensuring that Roy will spend the rest of his life in prison. The period of detention already served during the investigation phase will be set off as per the provisions of Section 468 BNSS.

On compensation, the judge said, “Their pain and sufferings cannot be compensated with any liquid cash but at the same time I think that as the death of the victim was caused while she was on duty, the State has also the liability to pay compensation which will be in addition to the compensation ordered u/s 395 BNSS.”

The court added, “Following the guideline of NALSA, I recommend compensation to the tune of Rs 10,00,000/- (Rupees ten lakhs) on account of loss of life and Rs.7,00,000/- (Rupees seven lakhs) for commission of rape upon the victim.”

Judge Das also criticised the initial handling of the case by local authorities, noting that procedural lapses and insensitivity towards the victim’s family necessitated the transfer to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI). The court highlighted the importance of ensuring justice in cases of such brutality, emphasising the need for systemic accountability to prevent similar incidents in the future.

Head cut off, stomach ripped open and udders removed: Karnataka witnesses third horrific incident of cow mutilation

In Karnataka, attacks on cattle are steadily rising. In a new incident, a cow was killed after her udders were removed. A temple calf’s tail was also chopped.

The pregnant cow’s stomach was torn in order to extract the calf from its womb and the flesh was then removed from its body. This occurrence transpired in Karnataka’s Uttara Kannada district on 19th January.

The crime was committed by cow smugglers at Salkod village in Honnavar taluk, where a man named Krishna Acharya’s cow had left the hamlet to graze on grass.

However, the accused sliced off the cow’s head before tearing open its abdomen and also severed its legs, in a desolated area. They took the calf out of its stomach.

The bones and legs were left in place while the flesh was separated from the body and taken away by the cow smugglers. The cowherd saw the mutilated body when he arrived at the location after which he reported to other locals and the authorities.

According to Krishna Acharya, he has been raising this cow for ten years and views it as a part of his family. Hindu organizations have protested following the instance.

Cow smuggling has reportedly been expanding in this region for a while, according to locals. An FIR (First Information Report) has been filed in the case by the police.

Dinakar Shetty, Kumta-Honnavar MLA, arrived at the scene and charged that the Siddaramaiah government was neglecting the cows. “It is because of the casual attitude and cowardice of Siddaramaiah and Parameshwara that such incidents are happening,” he charged.

The state administration sympathizes with those who attack cows, according to state Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) president BY Vijayendra.

Leader of Opposition in the state assembly R Ashoka has accused the Congress government of doing politics of appeasement.

He stated, “Taking advantage of the weakness of the Congress government which is succumbing to appeasement and anarchy, fundamentalist forces are challenging Hindus by attacking cows.”

The lawmaker further added, “Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, if we look at these repeated attacks on cows, it seems that there is a big network behind this. It seems that this is a big jihadi conspiracy of radical forces. If the government does not take this seriously and does not curb these atrocities, then there will be a big movement in the entire state.”

Police filed a charge under the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act against unidentified individuals and are trying to find out if the cow was murdered for meat or to cause trouble in the region.

Notably, this is the third brutal attack on cows in Karnataka within 10 days. Earlier, the udders of three cows were cut off in Bengaluru’s Chamarajpet and they were seriously injured.

An extremist named Syed Nasru, a migrant worker from Bihar was caught in this assault. The police claimed that he was intoxicated and mentally instability. However, the assertions have been contested by locals. The tail of a temple bull was sliced off in Nanjangud of Mysore, in the second incident.

Jamiat Ulema Hind earning crores by fake Halal certificates for items like cement, water, etc, Modi govt says: How products are ‘costlier’ because of dubious certification

On Monday, 21st January, the Uttar Pradesh government in the Supreme Court exposed the halal certification process saying that several other products other than meat were also labeled as ‘halal certified’, requiring the products to meet the specifications of the Islamic Law. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta while representing the Uttar Pradesh state government in the Supreme Court stated that the state was shocked to see products other than meat like cement, iron rods, water bottles, etc requiring halal certification.

The court was hearing petitions challenging the ban imposed by the state of Uttar Pradesh on halal-certified products within the state. “So far as Halal meat etc. is concerned, nobody can have any objection… even cement used is to be halal-certified. Sariyas (iron bars) used have to be halal-certified. Water bottles are required to be halal-certified. Even atta (wheat flour) and besan (chickpea flour) have to be halal-certified. How can besan halal or non-halal?” Solicitor General Tushar Mehta added that the agencies imposing halal certification labels were earning crores by requiring even products other than meat to have halal certificates.

The state further informed the bench of Justices B R Gavai and A G Masih that halal certification on meat was not objectionable but other products like cement, water bottles, etc needed no certification. Meanwhile, Senior Advocate M R Shamshad representing the petitioner stated that halal is not restricted only to non-vegetarian food and that it is elaborately mentioned in the Centre’s policy.

Mehta further stated that the halal certification on several products was driving prices and those who do not subscribe to the halal certification were being forced to pay higher prices unnecessarily.

He also pointed out religious beliefs and understanding in the case of meat saying that while Islam says meat should be halal, other religions believe that it should be jhatka. “Another concern. Suppose I am Sikh and for me, halal meat is prohibited. Halal would mean that the animal would die slowly. Other religion says that you should not. Then he will have to consume halal because it has to be halal certified. There are several issues, my lord,” Mehta added.

Responding to this, Shamshad stated that nobody was forcing the customers to buy halal-certified products and that it was not mandatory. “All are voluntary. Nobody is forcing,” he said. Following this, Mehta said that several FIRs were registered against Halal India Pvt Limited and Jamiat Ulama for violating the law and the notification issued by the government from time to time.

UP banned ‘Halal certified’ food items, said it violated Food Safety and Standards Act

In November 2023, the Food Safety and Drug Administration issued a notification to put an immediate ban on the production, storage, distribution, and sale of ‘Halal certified’ food items citing public health. The “Halal-certified items” banned include edible items, medicines, and cosmetic items. 

The UP govt said that the Halal certification is a parallel system as the country has the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India to determine the quality of foods and that it violates the provisions of the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006, under which FSSAI was formed.

The notification said that Halal certification is being mentioned on the labels of certain food products like dairy products, sugar, bakery products, peppermint oil, salty ready-to-eat savories, edible oils, etc. It said that the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006 was promulgated in 2006 by repealing 8 old laws, and the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India, the apex body for food items, was formed under it to implement the provisions of the act.

FIR filed against companies selling Halal goods

Following this, the Uttar Pradesh police registered FIRs against several companies selling ‘Halal-certified’ products using forged documents. The companies booked were identified as Halala India Private Limited Chennai, Jamiat Ulema Hind Halal Trust Delhi, Halal Council of India Mumbai, and Jamiat Ulema in Mumbai. These companies were selling products such as bathing soaps, spices, snacks, dairy, and garments with fake Halal certifications. Lucknow Police booked the accused under sections 120b/153a/298, 384, 420, 467, 468, 471, and 505 of IPC.

The term Halal is used for products, services, or systems that are considered lawful (Tayeib) or permissible under the Islamic Shariah law that do not consist of or contain any part that is considered unlawful (haram) according to Islamic law, and/or the actions permitted by Shariah law without punishment imposed on the doer.

Halal Trusts denied bringing communal differences among the consumers

Notably, the two pleas were filed by Halal India Private Limited and Jamiat Ulam e-Hind Halal Trust Maharashtra against the state seeking quashing of notification wherein the manufacture, sale, storage, and distribution of halal-certified products were banned in the state of Uttar Pradesh.

The Supreme Court in January 2024 then granted protection from any coercive action against Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind Halal Trust chief Mahmood Madani and other office-bearers. A bench of Justices BR Gavai and Sandeep Mehta ordered no coercive action by Uttar Pradesh police against Madani and others.

The counsel appearing for Jamiat argued that despite the organization having already joined the investigation and duly supplied all documents sought, the State government summoned the president of the trust and asked him to be present in person, without specifying what is needed from him. Petitioners said they have been implicated despite the fact that they have no role whatsoever to play in connection with the issuance of halal certification.

One of the petitions stated that FIR levies serious allegations against the organization for promoting halal products by which the companies are trying to bring communal differences among the consumers.

The petition stated that notification is ‘arbitrary and based on unreasonable classification,’ and that manufacture, sale, storage, and distribution of halal-certified products were banned with immediate effect in Uttar Pradesh from the view of ‘public health’.

It is crucial to note that the issue of halal meat and its religious concern raised by the SG in the Supreme Court is real. He, while representing the state in the Supreme Court said that while Islam says meat should be halal, other religions believe that it should be jhatka

‘Halal economy’ needs to be resisted

As reported earlier, most businesses have today started serving only halal meat to save the cost of maintaining 2 supply chains, for halal and non-halal meat. People who may not be comfortable with halal meat, or people with religions where only jhatka meat is allowed, no longer have any choice in the matter. If they are ordering meat at a restaurant, they get halal only by default.

Further, for a meat product to be halal, the animal must be slaughtered only by a Muslim. In order to achieve economies of scale, the meat industry ends up operating large-scale abattoirs to produce all their meat. They end up using only Muslims at these abattoirs. In such a scenario, many Hindu communities, especially some Dalits, who were traditionally butchers, miss out on employment opportunities in the sector. 

The halal economy is not just restricted to meat products now. Pharmaceutical products, personal care products, cosmetics, and even flour, all come with halal certification now. With its ever-growing scope, it is creating the grounds for restricting the job prospects in these sectors to people from only one religion. Further, this parallel system of certification runs without any checks and balances from the government.

When the government has all the existing government-specified norms, quality parameters, and regulatory requirements that companies have to meet to get their products certified fit to be marketed, there is hardly any need for such a parallel system of certification. This system also poses a systematic threat to several private companies that do not produce halal-certified products. This eventually allows the agencies producing halal-certified products to sell goods at higher prices, making their way to creating an alleged monopoly in the market.

Senior Maoist leader Jairam Reddy, who carried a bounty of Rs 1 crore, among 16 Naxals neutralised in Chhattisgarh

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Following the recovery of 14 Naxal bodies who were killed during an encounter with the security forces in Chhattisgarh’s Gariaband district near the Odisha-Chhattisgarh border, Inspector General of Raipur Zone Amresh Mishra stated that two additional bodies of Naxals were recovered, taking the tally to 16.

According to a statement by IG Mishra, the security forces also recovered a large quantity of weapons and ammunition, including AK-47s, SLRs, INSAS and other automatic weapons. Meanwhile, the search operation is ongoing.

Earlier, the Gariaband Superintendent of Police, Nikhil Rakhecha, in a statement, stated that more than 14 Naxals were killed during a joint anti-Naxal operation by the Gariaband Operation Group E30, Cobra 207, CRPF 65 and 211 Battalions, and SOG Nuapada.

According to the SP, the security forces were also able to kill a member of the Naxalite Central Committee, Jairam alias Chalpati, who had a reward of one crore on his head.

The operation, which was started on Sunday, also saw senior cadres of Maoists dead and a large quantity of weapons, including automatic weapons like SLR rifles, recovered.

Following this development, Union Home Minister Amit Shah lauded the efforts of the security forces, stating that it was a “mighty blow” to Naxalism.

“Another mighty blow to Naxalism. Our security forces achieved major success towards building a Naxal-free Bharat. The CRPF, SoG Odisha, and Chhattisgarh Police neutralised 14 Naxalites in a joint operation along the Odisha-Chhattisgarh border. With our resolve for a Naxal-free India and the joint efforts of our security forces, Naxalism is breathing its last today,” the Union Home Minister stated.

Chhattisgarh Deputy Chief Minister Vijay Sharma also said that the elimination of Jairam was a success for the security forces and many automatic weapons had been seized in the encounter.

“14 Naxalites have been killed in 2 days. The special thing is that Odisha cadre CC member Jairam has been killed in Chhattisgarh and the killing of a CC member is the first such incident in the history of Naxal operations to date. Overall, there must have been a reward of more than one crore rupees on his head. So the police have had a big success. Many automatic weapons have also been recovered in this… By March 2026, Naxalism will be completely eradicated not only from Chhattisgarh but from the whole of India,” he said.

NCP-SCP MP Supriya Sule also spoke on this matter, stating that she strongly backed the government’s efforts to eliminate the Naxals, as it was part of a national security issue.

“I think any such operations against terrorism, we all stand united and strongly behind the government because when it comes to national and national security issues, clearly we all are with the government,” she said.

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

Tamil Nadu: Political arm of banned Islamist outfit PFI attempts to offer ‘Qurbani’ of animals near Subramaniya Swamy temple, plan fails as Hindus protest

On Saturday (18th January), the police stopped Islamist outfits including the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the political arm of the banned terrorist outfit Popular Front of India (PFI) from carrying out animal slaughter (Qurbani) in Madurai Hill in Thirparankundram city in Tamil Nadu.

This came after Solaikannan, the Madurai district president of the Indu Makkal Katchi (IMK), submitted an appeal to Police Commissioner Loganathan to stop the Islamic outfits from offering Qurbani by slaughtering goats and chickens at the Sikandar Badushah dargah on the sacred Madurai Hill where the famous Murugan Temple is situated.

In his plea, Solaikannan emphasised that the Thiruparankundram Subramaniya Swamy Temple hill in Madurai is an ancient site and of great religious importance to Hindus. The Hindu community here has been worshipping the hill and performing girivalam (circumambulation) on every full moon.

On Saturday, a group of Muslims led by Islamic Jamath leaders attempted to enter the hill to give qurbani of goats and chickens for a feast at the dargah. However, the police denied entry to the Jamath leaders since only prayers are allowed at the dargah and not animal sacrifice.

As per a TOI report, Islamic outfits held talks last week with district administration officials, including revenue officials, seeking permission to perform sacrificial rituals at the Sikandar Badushah dargah. The Madurai district administration allowed only prayers at the dargah.

Hindu Munnani members resisted Muslims’ effort to sacrifice animals on the hill, one of Lord Murugan’s six sacred abodes. They said that Muslims are attempting to convert the hill into an Islamic place of worship.

According to BJP state president K Annamalai, Thiruparankundram Hill has a rich Hindu history as Lord Murugan’s first hallowed abode. “Some people are calling the Thiruparankundram hill as Sikandar malai (hill). The BJP leader accused the ruling DMK of indulging in Muslim appeasement. He emphasised the importance of maintaining peace atop Thiruparankundram hill, regardless of religious beliefs.

The recent controversy erupted on 27th December 2024 when some Muslims tried to bring goats and chickens for slaughter at the Dargah on Thiruparankundram Murugam Temple Hills. The police declared the area, which holds special significance to Hindus since it houses the Murugan Temple, one of Lord Muruga’s six holy abodes (Arupadai Veedu), off-limits to such activities. Syed Abu Dahir, a Malaiyadipatti resident, and his family were stopped by officials at the base of the hill, prompting a solidarity protest by more than 20 Muslims.

Earlier this month, over 100 members of the Sikandar Mosque Committee and Aiyykiya Kootamaippu Jamath were temporarily detained after attempting to demand the mosque’s opening and that they be allowed to offer namaz there. The protesting Islamist groups claimed on 5th January that Sultan Sikandar built the Sikandar Badushah Thozhugai Pallivasal approximately 400 years ago.

Subramaniya Swamy Temple is the “owner” of the Thiruparankundram Hill

The Kashi Vishwanath Temple, a lamp post, and a sacred Kallathi tree can all be found on the Thiruparankundran Hill’s peak. The Commune reported that during the British administration, the First Additional Subordinate Court decided that “the owner of the Thiruparankundram hill is Subramania Swamy Temple.” Since 2011, Islamist outfit SDPI has been protesting the erection of a flag near the lamppost on Thiruparankundram Hill and now are trying to give Qurbani on the Hill worshipped by Hindus apparently in a bid to assert dominance over the sacred hill and turn into an Islamic religious site.

In his appeal, Solaikannan of the Indu Makkal Katchi (IMK) contended that Muslims should not be permitted to give Qurbani on the Hill as it would undermine the sanctity of the Saivite sacred hill. “To protect the Jain temples and inscriptions located around the hill, he suggested that the entire area should be placed under the jurisdiction of the Archaeological Department,” the Commune report said.

Local Hindus have alleged that under the guise of religious festivals, parts of the hill have been systematically encroached upon over time by the local Muslims. Meanwhile, the Tamil Nadu government’s HR&CE Department has also been accused of Muslim appeasement politics contributing to the further escalation of communal tensions.

SDPI is the political arm of the banned radical Islamist outfit, Popular Front of India (PFI). People linked to this outfit have been on numerous occasions found to be involved in fuelling communal hatred, particularly against Hindus. In November this year, it was reported that a 45-year-old former Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) member was taken into custody in Coimbatore on allegation of trying to convert a mother and her daughter to Islam. Security experts have repeatedly noted that members of banned terror outfits carry out terror acts by renaming their groups or joining other outfits, prompting Parliament to individually book terrorists under UAPA. 

‘Pro-democracy’ Yunus govt curbs free speech in Bangladesh, issues notice to intimidate students from speaking against it: All you need to know

In a major development, the interim government of Bangladesh has resorted to brazen censorship. Chief advisor Muhammad Yunus has attempted to stifle criticism of its regime by students and educational institutes through authoritative control.

The Directorate Of Secondary & Higher Education issued a notice [pdf] to this effect on 2nd January this year.

It stated clearly that steps would be taken against students and educational institutes alike for ‘engaging in propaganda’ and ‘peddling misinformation’ against the incumbent interim government led by Muhammad Yunus.

The Directorate Of Secondary & Higher Education added that all concerned authorities should remain ‘alert and active’ and ensure that students are ‘not motivated’ by misinformation, propaganda and rumours about the Yunus regime.

It further highlighted that steps should be taken to prevent students from ‘engaging in provocative activities.’

The Directorate Of Secondary & Higher Education emphasised, “In such a situation, it is requested to inform the higher authorities for taking action against any educational institution or any student involved in the issue of misinformation, propaganda and
rumours.”

The notice, which was marked ‘very important,’ was uploaded to the website of the Directorate Of Secondary & Higher Education on 15th January 2025.

Implications of the directive by Yunus govt

While in theory the notice might be interpreted as a step towards stopping the spread of ‘misinformation’, it is in fact a ploy to silence critics and intimidate students (who spearheaded the movement against the erstwhile Sheikh Hasina government).

Dissent against Bangladesh’s interim government could easily be labelled a ‘work of propaganda’. Students, critical of Muhammad Yunus, would be targeted as engaging in rumour-mongering.

Give the free hand to educational institutions to act against such students, they will be intimidated and coerced into silence.

Yunus, who was once critical of Sheikh Hasina for her alleged ‘undemocratic ways’ of running Bangladesh, is now silencing students and cubing their ability to criticise him.

The notice by the Directorate Of Secondary & Higher Education is a step in the directive to plunge the country into authoritarianism.

Bangladesh on the verge of becoming Pakistan 

In November last year, the High Court of Bangladesh recommended strengthening the Cyber Security Act to make ‘blasphemy’ punishable by life imprisonment and the death penalty in the country.

“There should be a provision of punishment like death penalty or life imprisonment for such unnecessary, unconscionable, obstinate and provocative speech and conduct against the Quran and Muhammad (Pbuh), which the parliament may consider,” a 2-Judge Bench of Justices MR Hassan and Fahmida Quader stated.

They further declared, “To discourage any such inflammatory speech or act which is likely to offend the minds of people of any religion, or to cause fear, terror, discomfort or apprehension in any of them, enhancing the punishment for such offences and to make them non-bailable must be considered.“

The Bangladesh High Court added, “If the offenders who are involved in the respective links of the charge sheet are not brought under the law, in every case the main culprit or the main conspirator or the main source will remain out of touch. Hence, there needs to be an appropriate order in this regard.“

The suggestion by the top court, which is likely to have far-reaching consequences, came amid recent attacks on Hindus by Muslim mobs under the pretext of blasphemy.

India to collaborate with South Korea to expand shipbuilding capacity? How Centre is seeking to unlock India’s maritime development potential

India is taking significant measures to expand its shipbuilding capacity aiming to enhance the country’s maritime infrastructure and curb dependency on foreign shipyards. The Modi government intends to make India a key player in the global shipbuilding industry. In this vein, India is likely to collaborate with South Korea to maximise India’s shipbuilding capacity.

A high-level delegation from Hanwha Ocean Co. Ltd. of South Korea, headed by Senior Vice President Jin Su Lee recently met representatives from the state-owned Cochin Shipyard Ltd., Hindustan Shipyard Ltd., L&T Shipbuilding Ltd., and Swan Defence and Heavy Industries Ltd.’s Pipavav Shipyard in Gujarat. Reports say that the officials from the Ministry of Ports, Shipping, and Waterways also met the South Korean delegation.

Notably, South Korea’s shipbuilding industry is dominated by three shipyards— Samsung Heavy Industries, Hanwha Ocean, and HD Hyundai Heavy Industries. In the year 2024, HD Korea Shipbuilding, Hanwha Ocean, and Samsung Heavy Industries each received contracts for 112 vessels worth $12.1 billion, 26 vessels worth $5.7 billion, and 22 vessels worth $4.9 billion.

India’s partnership with South Korea holds special significance since the latter is a direct competitor of China in the global shipbuilding market with China dominating this arena for more than a decade. In the year 2023, China built more than half of all the world’s merchant ships by gross tonnage (33 million GT) implying that the country built 51% of the world’s merchant ships that year. China is reported to dominate 62% of the world’s shipbuilding orders.

In December 2024, a high-level Indian delegation comprising R. Lakshmanan, Joint Secretary of India’s Ministry of Ports, Shipping, and Waterways; Shri Madhu Nair, Chairman and Managing Director of Cochin Shipyard; and Binesh Kumar Tyagi, Chairman and Managing Director of the Shipping Corporation of India (SCI visited South Korea’s top three shipyards HD Hyundai Heavy Industries (HD HHI)’ shipyard in Ulsan. The Indian delegation was given a comprehensive briefing on the advanced technologies employed by South Korean shipyards and their capacity. The Indian delegation’s visit came after Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited South Korea in 2016.

The Indian delegation’s visit came over India’s pressing requisite to acquire 1,000 new commercial vessels, including containerships, liquefied natural gas (LNG) carriers, ultra-large crude carriers (ULCCs), and car carriers.

Investment boost, strategic partnerships and more: Modi government’s plan to navigate India’s way into top-10 rank in global shipbuilding industry by 2030

Notably, the global shipbuilding market was estimated at $207.15 billion in 2023, rising at a 6.5% CAGR to $220.52 billion by 2024. India’s market was valued at $90 million in 2022 and is expected to grow to $8,120 million by 2033, representing a staggering 60% CAGR. 

In a bid to give push to India’s shipbuilding capacity and improve repair clusters, the Modi government has proposed a Maritime Development Fund to the tune of Rs 30,000 crore. With this, the Indian government aims to supplement the Rs 1.5 lakh crore upgrade plan which includes the development of 6 deep draft ports, and 2 trans-shipment hubs in addition to green and smart ports.

While India currently ranks 22nd in the global shipbuilding industry, India aims to enter the top 10 global rank by 2030 and become one of the top 5 countries by 2047. This ambition is a part of the Modi government’s broader visions including the Maritime India Vision 2030 and Amrit Kaal Vision 2047, intended to capture a massive share of the global shipbuilding and ship repair markets.

Interestingly, India’s collaboration with South Korea has been on the agenda of the Modi government for long. In fact, in 2017, India and South Korea signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for naval shipbuilding, involving state-owned shipyards like Hindustan Shipyard Limited. The two governments agreed upon collaborating in the joint production of five Fleet Support Ships worth $1.5 billion US dollars, along with two strategic operating vessels costing approximately $448 million.

In 2019, India and South Korea concluded a logistics pact when Defence Minister Rajnath Singh visited Seoul. As per an official statement issued back then, “The Ministers exchanged views on regional and international developments of mutual interest. Two MoUs to further defence educational exchanges and extend logistical support to each other’s Navies were signed.”

Recently, a delegation of South Korea’s Hanhwa Ocean Co. visited India to discuss a partnership with Indian shipyards and the government. In the words of Hindustan Shipyards Ltd managing director Hemant Khatri, the two countries laid emphasis on “long-term partnerships in advanced design, technology upgrades, smart solutions, electric propulsion and joint shipbuilding ventures.”

India’s collaboration with South Korea can prove to be a game-changer for the country particularly when the former focuses on enhancing skill level and modernising the outdated technology in Indian shipyards. South Korea’s technological advancements in the shipbuilding industry can help India bridge this gap through training, technology transfer as well as shipyard modernisation.

With the global shipbuilding slots booked in countries like China, South Korea and Japan until 2028, the Indian government eyes an opportunity to emerge as a reliable alternative destination for shipbuilding. India’s strategy is not confined to constructing new ships but also expanding into ship repair and recycling given the country already has decent infrastructure.

If the massive demand stemming from the needs of the Indian shipping market is adequately targeted by Indian shipyards, it may result in an opportunity to the extent of over USD 237 billion (INR 20 lakh crores) by 2047.

The Indian government has also launched several schemes such as the Shipbuilding Financial Assistant Policy (SBFAP), and Right of First Refusal (ROFR) policy to improve India’s shipbuilding and ship repair industry, however, more efforts are being made to realise India’s ambitions. Notably, under SBFAP’s first phase, there were 313 vessel orders including domestic and export ops. These were to be procured across 39 shipyards. Of these, 135 vessels have been delivered.

To further boost the shipbuilding industry, subsidies of 25% are proposed for specialised vessels, increasing to 30% for green and highly specialised ones. In order to boost fleet renewal of Indian boats, the government is pushing for a ship-breaking credit note in SBFAP 2.0, among other regulations. When a vessel is demolished in an Indian yard, the shipowner will receive a credit note worth around 40% of the cost, which will be reimbursable against the cost of the construction of a new vessel if it is built at an Indian shipyard.

According to MoPSW data, around 44% of India’s merchant marine fleet is over 20 years old. The government also has plans to establish an apex body to expedite the implementation of SBFAP 2.0.

In November this year, reports emerged that South Korea and Japan have shown interest in investing in Indian shipbuilding yards. India plans to offer joint ventures to these countries or offer a stake in the shipyards and attract foreign investments to the tune of $3-5 billion per shipyard. Odisha and Andhra Pradesh were reported to have been finalised as the two possible States where greenfield shipbuilding yards would be set up, while Maharashtra and Gujarat would be explored for brownfield expansion.

With major schemes like SBFAP and crucial collaborations like the ones with South Korea,  focussing on adopting sustainable shipbuilding practices in line with the global trends towards green shipping, India not only intends to enhance its shipbuilding capacity but also its competitiveness in the global market by constructing high-value, technologically advanced and specialised ships.

By improving its shipbuilding capacity, India not only aims to position itself as a key player in the global market but also looks to meet its domestic demands for both commercial and naval vessels and reduce the annual expenditure on leasing ships from abroad. This becomes even more important since India spends around $75 billion annually on leasing ships but controls only 2 per cent of the world’s total tonnage.

India’s ambitious shipbuilding strategy, especially through collaboration with South Korea and Japan, is a multifaceted approach with a clear aim of technological, economic and strategic advancements granting better economic sovereignty and national security by reducing foreign dependence for both commercial and naval vessels.

The success of these measures will depend on the effective execution and sustained foreign investment alongside the intent and ability to upskill its workforce to match up with the global standards as an increased production of ships would lead to the creation of thousands of direct and indirect jobs given the labour-intensive nature of the shipbuilding sector.

If India manages to improve its position in exports in this sector and capture even a small percentage of the market it can secure massive export values giving a major boost to the country’s economy and also contributing to its $5 trillion economy ambition.