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Confusion, different answer sheets and more: What is the fiasco over CBSE Class 12 results, why the digital evaluation, OSM system, is under fire

Rukma Rathore
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Confusion, different answer sheets and more: What is the fiasco over CBSE Class 12 results, why the digital evaluation, OSM system, is under fire

The Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) acknowledged anomalies in Class 12 answer sheet evaluations and mistakes in providing the copy of the checked marksheets. The development took placeย following a Delhi-based student’s viral social media post that revealed aย Physics answer sheet mix-up during the re-evaluation procedure.

Vedant Shrivastava had pointed out inconsistencies in the new On-Screen Marking (OSM) system after which the board announced that a technical problem had caused an incorrect scanned copy to be uploaded against his roll number. On 23rd May, he took to social media and wrote a detailed thread to share his experience, informing that he sought photocopies of his answer sheets after scoring unexpectedly poor marks in Physics. His request was granted, however, he was “shattered” after realising that the answer sheet uploaded by CBSE did not belong to him.

Vedant reaffirmed that the Physics answer sheet that CBSE had supplied him was definitely not his. He highlighted that the handwriting was not his and did not contain the questions he attempted. “Not just me – my family, teachers, and everyone who knows my writing immediately noticed the difference,” he added.

The student maintained that the answer sheets for Computer Science and English “clearly match each other” while the Physics one seemed to belong to “another student entirely.” He emphasised that the glaring difference could be noticed by anyone and remarked, “The handwriting style, letter formation, spacing, slant, sentence flow, everything is different. This is not a minor variation. It is completely different writing.”

Vedant challenged that he was prepared to conduct a public comparison of his answer sheets because he knew “that the Physics copy uploaded under my roll number is not mine.” He voiced that there might be a grave “answer-sheet exchange or tagging error in CBSE’s OSM system.”

The youth expressed that he had been studying all year and had given up his “sleep, peace of mind, outings, and everything for these exams,” only to find out that his Physics answer sheet might not had been checked, asking “Do students really deserve this?”

Vedant urged CBSE to verify his original physical answer sheet, audit the OSM tagging and scanning process, investigate possible exchange of answer sheets and ensure that the correct paper was evaluated. He implored the board to take his significant concerns into account as it “directly affects my future.”

The incident resulted in a massive backlash and the board reached out to the youngster and responded that the right answer sheet had been forwarded to his registered email address after review of his submission. “Necessary action for updating your result, as applicable, is also being undertaken accordingly,” it assured.

Vedant also stated that CBSE officials contacted him and delivered the right answer sheet, outlining that it was indeed exchanged. “We will still apply for reevaluation of this answer sheet after checking it more closely since they have slashed my marks even when the answer is correct,” he mentioned.

The case was considered as a “top priority” and Vedant even obtained a communication from the board’s Joint Secretary (Coordination) alongside his answer book, confirming that his results would be revised. According to Vedant’s brother Siddhant, there was no official mechanism to report such a disparity and thus “we had to take to Twitter to make CBSE aware of the matter.” They even posted a video on Instagram about the same.

Image via India Today

CBSE also accepted a separate complaint pertaining to a Chemistry answer sheet of another Class 12 student, Sanjana. She similarly asserted that the copy uploaded for reevaluation did not match her handwriting. She revealed that the initial page of the answer booklet with her personal information appeared to be hers. However, the internal pages did not correspond to her handwriting.

Sanjana conveyed that CBSE had replied to her email and accepted the validity of her doubts upon examination. “We have located your correct answer book. You will shortly be provided your correct evaluated answer book of chemistry. Further, your result will also be updated subsequently based on the correct marks in chemistry,” mentioned the Joint Secretary, Coordination Unit of CBSE.

CBSE recognised the discrepancies, but this triggered inquiries regarding its digitised evaluation and verification method. Currently, a specialised CBSE team is keeping an eye on enquiries and reservations about board exam results that are being discussed on social media. “Whatever complaints are coming, online or offline, by any means, CBSE is actively taking them up,” a source disclosed insisting the board’s determination to assisting the pupils.

According to reports, senior authorities are “providing all possible support to students” and are constantly interacting with parents and kids to deal with their grievances.

CBSE’s digital assessment is under scrutiny

This year, the CBSE implemented electronic evaluation for the Class 12 examinations. The goal of the new On-Screen Marking system was to improve precision and minimise errors in manual calculations across the country. However, the move has drawn severe criticism after students who wanted access to scanned copies of their answer books reported missing pages, blurry and incomplete answer sheets, surprisingly less marks, receiving someone else’s answer book and other major problems.

Many applicants probed if examiners accurately checked their original answer books. On the other hand, students with these complaints have to wait for the launch of re-evaluation before entering an application, reported The Indian Express. They have faced repeated crashes, login failures and delayed reposes, among other hindrances while trying to access the CBSE website.

Additionally, the board’s payment portal system also failed between 21st and 22nd May, either withdrawing more money or less than the essential amount. Afterwards, the central government demanded a report in relation to the chaos. Refunds were problematic too and despite three changes in the deadline date, the system did not show improvement.

Furthermore, uncertainty about the stringent digital marking procedure was also voiced by examiners. Teachers reported that the program required extensive and step-by-step marking before commencement of final submission. The children studying for competitive tests frequently write direct responses without substantial intermediary calculations. Many educators believed that even accurate answers resulted in lower marks.

It is notable here that the cost of re-addition and obtaining a scanned copy of the answer sheet was Rs 100 for each answer copy, while the cost of re-evaluation for a specific question was Rs 25 per question.

In a viral video, Rakhi Mishra, who has been teaching chemistry to 11th and 12th grade students for the past 25 years conveyed that she has never witnessed such scenes as those occurring after the latest measures imposed by the CBSE. She indicated that students who have been achieving very high scores, over 65 out of 70 in their schools and tuitions, cannot suddenly fall to 60 out of 100. She also had conversations with them after the exam, which showcased that their mistakes were not beyond 2 or 3 marks, contrary to the shocking results.

“How can a student who usually gets above 90 find themselves in the 70s or 80s? Imagine the consequences this would have on their overall percentage. You (CBSE) should have guided and properly trained the teachers. Why did you implement this in haste? We do not understand it. Many teachers went to check the answer sheets, and we are aware of the events that took place. I implore you, with folded hands, to at least give a year for the teachers to train before enforcing any fresh measures,” Mishra submitted.

She emphasised that the system should have been applied to Class 10 first. “However, you chose Class 12, which has an immense influence on a child’s future. Not everyone can succeed in the JEE (Joint Entrance Examination). Such students have hopes tied to their 12th board results. Their admission into reputable institutions relies on it,” she remarked.

“These students can no longer either succeed in the JEE or earn high marks in their board examinations. First, it was NEET (National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test), and presently this. You had teachers evaluate the answer sheets until 2 am in the name of announcing results the next day.” the teacher questioned.

She subsequently unveiled that the answer sheets had not even been examined and marks were allocated on average basis. “If students are seeking rechecking or reevaluation, please proceed with the process manually,” Mishra submitted.

What is OSM system

The CBSE Governing Body, its apex decision-making council, permitted the current OSM system last year. Members were told that it was set to be more robust, mitigate errors and would “take care of imparity in region-wise evaluation of answer books” during a meeting in June.

Therefore, for the first time, Class 11 and 12 teachers in India evaluated more than 98.6 lakh answer books belonging to more than 18 lakh pupils online. Every answer book had a secret code on it. The copies were scanned and uploaded on a portal after they were transferred from exam centres to regional offices. After logging onto the portal, evaluators analysed copies using a marking system created by a group of CBSE school teachers.

Each answer booklet was given a unique identifying code prior to scanning and digital upload processes. Teachers used fixed marking rules to thoroughly examine scripts that were uploaded via secure web portals. According to officials, every step and answer had to be marked by the examiner otherwise the answer book could not be turned in. Every single answer was reviewed separately using the computerised system. The total marks were automatically computed by the system. Nearly 13,000 of over 98 lakh reviewed answer books were manually graded after they were deemed to be illegible.

The result came out on 13th May, and theย pass percentage slipped from 88.39% last year to 85.29%. The previous lowerย pass percentage than this year wasย recordedย in 2019 at 83.40%. Likewise,ย there wereย about 16% fewer students who scored higher than 90% in comparison to 2025.ย Worried parents and children connectedย the dots to the OSM system, which was allegedly implemented in a hurry and without adequate training.

The board had tried an on-screen marking method in 2014, but it was abandoned because there were no facilities to scan answer books without cutting them at the spine. It was introduced for Class 10 in a few regional offices in that year and for Class 12 in the Delhi area in 2015. However, improved facilities had apparently been made available.

“Student concerns are the main focus. The technology was not ready in 2014, but now it has been reintroduced. ICAI (Institute of Chartered Accountants of India), IB (International Baccalaureate) and Cambridge also follow similar systems,” contended Education Secretary Sanjay Kumar who added that a three-layer security structure was in place for the review of answer sheets.

CBSE’s reaction to the intensifying complaints

The board pronounced that a scanned copy of the answer book would only be priced at Rs 100 instead of Rs 700. Verification costs were cut from Rs 500 to Rs 100. The fee of re-evaluation, which involves double-checking particular answers, were slashed from Rs 100 per question to Rs 25.

It reinstated an approach that the board had not used since 2019 because of obstacles to returning the money and stated that the amount would be reimbursed if re-evaluation led to a rise in marks. On 19th May, the application link for answer book copies went live. The original deadline of 22nd May was then repeatedly pushed back to 25th May due to technical difficulties. The portal had “unprecedented traffic” and “several attempts of unauthorised interference, which has made it prone to disruptions,” according to the board.

Schedule issued earlier by CBSE. (Source: The Economic Times)

It asserted to encounter an exceptionally large number of demands for copies of the answer books. Officials reported that 2.94 lakh applications for 8.56 lakh answer books were obtained on 23rd May while talking to the aforementioned media house. It was 1.31 lakh for 2.82 lakh answer sheets last year. 2.5 lakh from the present requests had already been distributed.

Students must receive copies of their answer books before demanding verification and re-evaluation. The board mentioned that the re-evaluation portal will be accessible for a minimum of two days post the issuance of the final answer book copy to candidates.

Ministry of Education and CBSE defends OSM and the road ahead

Notably, the Education Ministry and the board defended the system, arguing that it eradicated totalling flaws and made the grading process transparent, objective and uniform. CBSE Chairman Rahul Singh insisted that OSM evaluations were “code-independent” during a news conference. This reportedly made the review process “more consistent and fairer across regions,” as articles could possibly be sent out for evaluation outside of the regions where it used to be handled.

CBSE Controller of Examinations Sanyam Bhardwaj similarly stated, “We evaluate approximately 1.25 crore answer scripts. There is a possibility that an error may occur somewhere. The CBSE is an institution that works in the best interest of the students, and we operate with complete transparency.”

According to the meeting minutes, “members (of the Governing Body) suggested that the on-screen marking may be implemented in all subjects only after completion of pilot projects in some subjects across the various Regional Offices of the Board.” The recommendation had been “noted” by the regulatory body.

However, it had been discovered that not all of the board’s regional offices carried out experimental projects. Teachers from Kendriya Vidyalayas, Navodaya Vidyalayas, state government schools and private schools were trained during a trial run in five schools in January. The system was modified based on suggestions offered during the three-day process. Teachers attended training and participated in a large-scale mock assessment. Around 77,000 teachers checked papers after undergoing training in marking patterns and previous papers.

Officials agreed that there were setbacks during the rollout but they were later rectified. The CBSE clarified that answer sheets were not evaluated using artificial intelligence. The board stated that OSM would continue as the assessment procedure has not altered but simply standardisation.

Meanwhile, IIT (Indian Institutes of Technology) Kanpur and IIT Madras have been invited to resolve the technical problems with the post-result services portal. The responsibility of helping the board with its payment gateway has been assigned to four public sector banks: Bank of India, Bank of Baroda, Canara Bank, and Indian Bank. Its comprehensive overhaul was agreed upon following a discussion between Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan and Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman.

Image via Moneycontrol

CBSE had blamed technical glitches and declared, “In all cases of excess payment, the exact excess amounts shall be refunded to the same payment method which was used for payment. Similarly, in cases where lesser payment was deducted, candidates shall be informed separately regarding payment of the balance amount, if required scanned copies of the evaluated answer books shall be provided in all such cases, without candidates being required to submit fresh requests.”

According to board authorities, the verification and re-evaluation protocols are the sole means to address the issues at hand. They stated that complaints made on the portal will be properly looked into.

Conclusion

The Education Ministry has been under continuous fire, particularly in the last few weeks, due to the shocking scandals that threaten the future of students. The National Testing Agency (NTA) failed to prevent the paper leak of the crucial NEET exam just days before it was set to take place. Now, serious issues have arisen regarding the Class 12 results under the CBSE. This has compounded the troubles for the students who were already apprehensive about the NEET re-examination and have also got unsatisfactory results for class 12th. A lot of colleges in the country admit students based on the 12th board marks.

The recurring nature of these issues points to important fears that need to be rectified with utmost urgency. Otherwise, the future of students will be persistently jeopardised, and the ministry will continue to be rightfully held accountable for it.

BJP governmentโ€™s attack on corruption in Bengal: Over 70 TMC leaders Municipal Chiefs, and Councilors arrested across districts in one week

OpIndia Staff
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BJP governmentโ€™s attack on corruption in Bengal: Over 70 TMC leaders Municipal Chiefs, and Councilors arrested across districts in one week

The BJP governmentโ€™s crackdown on corruption and law-and-order cases in West Bengal has intensified sharply over the past week, with police and central agencies taking action against several Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders across districts. More than 70 leaders, councillors and public representatives have been arrested in cases linked to corruption, extortion, misuse of government property, post-poll violence and intimidation.

The latest and one of the biggest developments came from Baduria in North 24 Parganas, where Baduria Municipality chairman and TMC leader Dipankar Bhattacharya was arrested after police recovered around Rs 80 lakh cash and government relief tarpaulins from locations linked to him.

Baduria chairman Dipankar Bhattacharya arrested after cash recovery

Police arrested the Baduria Municipality chairman, Dipankar Bhattacharya, on the night of 25th May in connection with financial improprieties. The action came after raids at multiple places linked to him led to the recovery of around Rs 80 lakh in cash and large quantities of government relief tarpaulins.

Investigators recovered the cash from a computer training centre situated beside the chairmanโ€™s residence. According to officials, the centre was under his control, and he had access to its keys. The case widened after police also recovered government relief tarpaulins from a party office and a garden house near his home in Ward No. 12 of Baduria Municipality. Sources said around 4,000 government tarpaulins had already been seized from these places.

Residents claimed that before police reached the spot, TMC workers shifted tarpaulins and other materials from the party office using vans. Bundles of documents were also reportedly burnt outside the office premises. Police reached the area after receiving information late Sunday night, 24th May. During the operation, officers recovered relief materials and other items from the party office and an isolated garden house nearby.

A complaint was later submitted by BJP workers at Baduria police station, after which Dipankar Bhattacharya was arrested.

TMC labour leader Sheikh Wasul held over intimidation, fraud and poll pressure charges

The police arrested Sheikh Wasul, president of a TMC labour union unit, during a late-night operation in the Laudoha area under Durgapur-Faridpur block. Police sources said complaints against him had existed for a long time. Residents accused him of taking money from people by promising jobs and creating pressure among locals to maintain control in the area. He was also facing accusations of trying to influence oters and creating tension before the Assembly elections.

Several local residents had reportedly approached police with complaints even before polling. Following the operation, Wasul, a resident of Rangamati in Durgapur-Faridpur, was presented before the Durgapur Sub-Divisional Court. His arrest has become part of the wider action being taken against TMC leaders after the political shift in Bengal.

Bidhannagar: Amit Chakrabarty arrested in assault and extortion case

The crackdown also reached Bidhannagar, where TMC leader Amit Chakrabarty was arrested late on 19th May. Amit is considered a close associate of former Rajarhat-Gopalpur MLA Debraj Chakraborty and has influence in the Baguiati area. Police arrested him after real estate businessman Kishor Halder filed complaints related to assault, intimidation and wrongful restraint. According to police, the incident happened on May 4 when BJP supporters had organised a victory procession.

The arrest came just days after police had taken Bidhannagar Municipal Corporation councillor Samaresh Chakrabarty into custody in another extortion-related case involving the same businessman. Halder had earlier also raised complaints against TMC leaders over intimidation and money demands.

Ranjan Poddar and other local TMC leaders arrested in extortion cases

The action in Bidhannagar expanded further with the arrest of Ranjan Poddar, councillor of Ward No. 34 and borough chairman of Bidhannagar Municipal Corporation. Poddar, considered close to former minister Sujit Basu, came under police action after hawkers, transport operators and businessmen from Salt Lake lodged complaints against him.

Police questioned him before formally arresting him. His associate, Rana Haldar, was also taken into custody in the same matter. Apart from them, separate complaints led to the arrests of local TMC functionaries Soumik Das, known as Raja, and Bijoy Rajbanshi in extortion cases.

These arrests have brought increased attention to Bidhannagar, where several leaders linked to the earlier municipal administration are facing scrutiny.

Former minister Sujit Basu arrested by ED in municipal recruitment case

The biggest political name caught in the ongoing drive is former West Bengal minister Sujit Basu. The Enforcement Directorate arrested the former Fire and Emergency Services minister in connection with the South Dum Dum Municipality recruitment scam. ED officials said Basu recommended nearly 150 candidates for jobs in South Dum Dum Municipality in exchange for financial benefits.

Investigators stated that properties, including flats, were traced during the probe and were connected to municipal appointments. The agency also found large cash deposits in bank accounts linked to him. The arrest happened after over ten hours of questioning by ED officials. According to investigators, irregular appointments took place between 2014 and 2016 when Basu was associated with South Dum Dum Municipality as vice-chairman.

The agency believes nearly 1,000 recruitments across 17 municipalities were made unlawfully during that period. The case has been registered under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act. Sujit Basu, who recently lost the Bidhannagar Assembly seat to BJP by over 37,000 votes, became the first former minister to be arrested after the BJP government came to power in Bengal.

Arrests spread across Bengal districts

The anti-corruption and law-and-order drive has now spread across multiple districts.

On Saturday, 23rd May, 17 TMC leaders were arrested in different parts of the state. Among them were Kolkata Municipal Corporation councillor Sudip Polle from Ward No. 123 and Bidhannagar councillor Samrat Baruah, who is facing extortion-related charges.

In Jagatballabhpur of Howrah district, gram panchayat deputy president Gurupad Majhi and his brother Raju Majhi were arrested in a post-poll violence case linked to attacks on BJP workers after the 2021 Assembly elections.

Hooghly also saw action where Dadpur panchayat member Altab Hussain Malik was arrested in another post-poll violence case.

Konnagar municipal councillor Bablu Pal, also known as Khokhan, was arrested over accusations of occupying government land for party offices, running illegal businesses and preparing fake documents for land transactions. The operation was conducted in the presence of BJP MLA Dipanjan Chakraborty.

In Nadia district, TMC leader Ramzan Ali Mondal was arrested after residents accused him of intimidation, forcing contractors to buy materials through his syndicate network and running a parallel system in the locality. His associate, Pradeep Santra, was also arrested.

Murshidabad strongman Abu Bakkar was caught in a special police operation in an attempted murder case.

Meanwhile, in Paschim Bardhaman, panchayat member Sheikh Kamruddin was arrested in cases linked to election-related terror, corruption and extortion.

In Dinhata of Behar region, panchayat deputy president Bhavranjan Barman was arrested after accusations that BJP worker Ajay Adhikari was taken to a party office, beaten and asked to pay Rs 50,000.

With more than 70 arrests in just one week, the BJP governmentโ€™s attack on corruption in Bengal has now moved beyond recruitment scams and reached local bodies, municipalities and grassroots organisations, putting several TMC leaders under investigation across the state.

Mohammad Deepak used money collected during membership drive pushed by Rahul Gandhi and leftists to meet his personal expenses instead of running gym, now faces eviction due to non-payment of rent

Shraddha Pandey
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Mohammad Deepak used money collected during membership drive pushed by Rahul Gandhi and leftists to meet his personal expenses instead of running gym, now faces eviction due to non-payment of rent

In late January 2026, Deepak Kumar, aka Mohammad Deepak, a gym-trainer running Hulk Gym in Uttarakhandโ€™s Kotdwara, gained national attention over a communal dispute. Days after the incident, Deepak Kumar claimed that there was a sharp decline in his gymโ€™s membership, dropping from 150 to 15.  Deepakโ€™s ordeal triggered an Islamo-leftist sympathy wave, and many politicians and celebrities promised to buy his gym membership. Three months on, Mohammad Deepak is on the brink of losing his gym.

Mohammad Deepak gave an interview to The Indian Express recently, in which the gym trainer played the victim card and claimed that, due to a supposed โ€˜economic boycottโ€™ and โ€˜social isolationโ€™ after the January incident, he has been unable to pay the Rs 40,000 rent for his gym. Deepak Kumar said the owner of the building that houses his gym has given him an ultimatum to vacate the space after he failed to pay rent for four months.

Mohammad Deepak Kumar paints his landlord a communal figure for threatening eviction over non-payment of four months’ gym rent

Deepak Kumar also villainised his landlord and gave a communal spin to the Hindu landlordโ€™s natural reaction to a tenant failing to pay rent for four months straight. Kumar claimed that the landlord does not want to rent the gym to him because he helped a Muslim man.

โ€œI have not been able to consistently pay the rent. However, things were looking up as almost 70 people had started coming in every day. He implied that he did not want to rent it out to me because I โ€˜stood up for Muslimsโ€™,โ€ Mohammad Deepak told Indian Express.

A question arises here: if the landlord was so bigoted and anti-Muslim that he does not want to rent out his space to Mohammad Deepak for his gym, why would he allow him to continue gym operations for nearly four months without rent payment? Isnโ€™t a 1-month notice a standard practice? Would he really wait for four months to warn of eviction over non-payment of rent?

It is also quite natural for common people to avoid having anything to do with anyone embroiled in police-court cases, and yet the landlord apparently waited for Deepak to work things out and pay the rent. And yet, Mohammad Deepak Kumar comes out in the media to play victim and villainise his landlord as a bigoted Hindu.

Deepak used money collected during the membership drive for personal expenses instead of running the gym, and now cries victim

When asked about the money collected during the membership drive after the controversy, Mohammad Deepak Kumar admitted that he used the incoming funds for personal expenses, including payment of home loan EMIs and his childโ€™s school fees, etc, rather than investing it in gym operations and paying rent.

It must be recalled that on 26th January 2026, members of Bajrang Dal asked the owner of Ahmedโ€™s Baba School Dress and Matching Centre to change the name of his shop. The shopkeeper reportedly refused, which led to an argument. Deepak Kumar intervened and sided with the Muslim shop owner. When his name was asked, he said, โ€œMohammad Deepakโ€.

The video of the incident went viral online, with Islamo-leftists heaping praises on Deepak for declaring his name as โ€˜Mohammad Deepakโ€™ to somehow help the Muslim shop-owner.

Politicians, entertainers, and a group of Supreme Court lawyers pledged support to Mohammad Deepak, with many promising to buy his gymโ€™s membership.

Among the top names were Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, entertainer Swara Bhasker, and author and Islamist sympathiser Harsh Mander.

Congress MP Rahul Gandhi published a social media post on 1st February, declaring Mohammad Deepak a โ€˜heroโ€™. โ€œDeepak from Uttarakhand is a hero of India. Deepak is fighting for the Constitution and humanityโ€”for that Constitution which the BJP and the Sangh Parivar are conspiring every day to trample underfoot. He is a living symbol of a shop of love in the marketplace of hate, and that’s what stings those in power the most. The Sangh Parivar is deliberately poisoning the country’s economy and society, so that India remains divided and a few people continue to rule on the crutches of fear,โ€ Gandhi wrote.

โ€œUttarakhand’s BJP government is openly siding with those anti-social forces that are engaged in intimidating and harassing ordinary citizens. No country can move forward in an atmosphere of hate, fear, and anarchy. Without peace, development is just an empty slogan. We need more Deepaksโ€”those who do not bow, who do not fear, and who stand firmly with the Constitution with all their might. We are with you, brother. Don’t be afraid. You are a lion-hearted warrior,โ€ he added.

Days later, Mohammad Deepak Kumar met Rahul Gandhi at the latterโ€™s residence. Gandhi shared a video of the meeting and wrote, โ€œIn the hearts of millions of Indians lies the ideology of harmony and love, but there is also fear in their mindsโ€”Deepak has shown the path to all of them with his courage. Those who try to intimidate society by spreading hatred are, in reality, cowardsโ€”never be afraid of them. Deepak has defended our tricolor and our Constitution. He stood firm against hatred, protected the weakโ€” There is no greater patriotism than this.โ€

Mohammad Deepak had confirmed that during the meeting, Rahul Gandhi promised to visit his gym in Kotdwara and take a membership. However, Gandhi never showed up.

Uttarakhand Congress leadership, including former CM Harish Rawat, who promised to open a Muslim University if elected to power, had also lauded Mohammad Deepak Kumar as a beacon of justice.

Bollywood โ€˜entertainerโ€™ Swara Bhasker and also committed to purchasing the membership of Deepakโ€™s gym, as she wrote, โ€œThis is an excellent idea! Letโ€™s all – whoever of us can- take membership of Mohd. Deepakโ€™s gym.. Iโ€™m in! Brilliant idea Adheesh ji.. who can help with details?โ€

There, however, is no public confirmation that Bhasker actually fulfilled her self-declared commitment.

In February, Harsh Mander, author and Islamist-sympathising activist, also promised to buy the membership of Deepakโ€™s gym. โ€œLet as many of us as possible take membership of Deepakโ€™s Gym as an act of solidarity Could someone please share details of how we can pay our membership fees for this? Thanks,โ€ Mander posted on X.

Apparently, only CPIM MP John Brittas actually visited Deepakโ€™s gym and purchased a membership. In addition, a group of 15 senior Supreme Court advocates bought an annual membership to Deepakโ€™s gym for Rs 10,000 each.

Mohammad Deepak confirmed that he did receive support from Supreme Court lawyers; however, he said that the money collected during the membership drive was not enough to run the gym.

Notably, Deepak said that after the membership drive, the number of gym members, which went down from 150 before the controversy to just 15 after that, went up to 70.

In fact, Deepak said that he used all the money collected during the membership drive in February this year to pay the EMIs and his childโ€™s fees.

โ€œIt required more to keep the gym running. When the membership drive was active, I used the amount for the EMIs and my childโ€™s fees, and I could not pay the rent regularly. Now he has threatened me with eviction,โ€ Deepak said.

Deepak Kumarโ€™s admission, though aimed at garnering sympathy and fiscal support, raises questions over his integrity. The whole idea of buying gym membership was to โ€˜helpโ€™ Deepak run the gym smoothly amidst dwindling numbers of pre-existing members due to the controversy. But, instead of utilising the collected funds for the gymโ€™s operation and paying the rent, Deepak spent it all on regular pre-controversy expenses.

It is interesting how most left-liberals who hailed Mohammad Deepak Kumar a hero, a beacon of hope in Modiโ€™s โ€˜communalโ€™ India, were mostly only confined to rhetorical support and little ground action.

What is even more amusing is that the Muslim community, for whom Deepak Kumar stood up and even went to the extent of calling himself Mohammad Deepak, did not come out in his support, as evident from his membership number reaching just around 70 after all the controversy, politics, and social media support wave.

Mohammad Deepak Kumar and his controversial past

OpIndiaโ€™sย investigationย earlier revealed Mohammad Deepak Kumarโ€™s links to a Dubai-based businessman, Chand Maula Baksh, who regularly organised bodybuilding events for him. During the controversy, a video of Mohammad Deepak went viral on social media in which he was heard saying that there is immense power in the name โ€œMohammadโ€.

In a comment on the same post, he said, โ€œIf the terrorists took off the pants of Hindu men before killing them, then what did they take off the women?โ€

Another viral post by Mohammad Deepak calls those who describe the terrorists involved in the Pahalgam attack as Muslims โ€œchutiy@โ€. 

Mohammad Deepak is said to be closely associated with Youth Congress District President Vijay Rawat.

Polygamy ban, uniform inheritance rules, mandatory marriage registration, and more: Inside the proposed Assam Uniform Civil Code 2026

Shraddha Pandey
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Polygamy ban, uniform inheritance rules, mandatory marriage registration, and more: Inside the proposed Assam Uniform Civil Code 2026

The BJP government in Assam has fulfilled yet another poll promise with the introduction of the Uniform Civil Code. The Assam Uniform Civil Code Bill 2026 has been introduced to replace all personal and religious laws in the state with a single โ€œuniformโ€ set of rules concerning marriage, succession or inheritance, and live-in relationships.

As per the state government, the proposed legislation is aimed at implementing the Constitutionโ€™s Directive Principle for a Uniform Civil Code and promoting equality and gender neutrality.

The proposed Assam Uniform Civil Code applies to all residents of Assam, even those living outside the state. The UCC, however, will not apply to the members of the Scheduled Tribes.

โ€œNothing contained in this Code shall apply to the members of any Scheduled Tribes within the meaning of clause (25) of Article 366 read with Article 342 of the Constitution of India,โ€ the Bill reads.

Polygamy banned, marriage registration compulsory, penalties and more: What changes the Assam UCC Bill 2026 proposes on marriages and divorce

In the section โ€œMarriage and Divorceโ€, the bill lays down conditions for marriage, details ceremonies and includes the biggest reform in the form of compulsory marriage registration.

The Assam Uniform Civil Code 2026 states that a man must be above 21 and a woman 18 years old to be eligible for marriage. The law will strictly allow only monogamy, meaning that โ€œneither party has a spouse living at the time of the marriageโ€.

Section 4, clause 3 reads, โ€œneither is a party to a marriage which is not yet dissolved or annulled by a decree of divorce and either has right to appeal or the specified time for appeal has not expired or is in appeal, or the appeal has been presented but has not yet been dismissed.โ€

Notably, Assamese Muslims, Islamists across the country and their media and political allies alike have been strongly opposed to the idea of the state government imposing monogamy on Muslims who are, as per their religious text, allowed to have four wives simultaneously.

The bill also emphasises free and informed consent, stating that marriage under force, coercion, fraud, or deception will be deemed invalid and invite punishment.

Under Section 5, the Assam Uniform Civil Code 2026 covering โ€œceremoniesโ€, states that people can follow any religious marriage ceremony or customary rites, including Saptapadi, Nikah, Holy Union, Vedic Bibah, Ahom Chaklong Bibah, Anand Karaj, etc, or get their marriage registered under the Special Marriage Act, Hindu Marriage Act, etc. Essentially, the Uniform Civil Code does not interfere with how the marriage is performed.

The biggest reform introduced by the Assam UCC Bill 2026 is compulsory registration of marriage.

As per the proposed legislation, all new marriages must be registered within 60 days, and within 90 days if solemnised outside Assam.

Marriages between 25th October 2024 and the commencement date must also be registered within 6 months.

The Assam UCC Bill 2026 further states that previously registered Muslim marriages under the 2024 Assam Act will automatically be deemed registered once the Code comes into force.

In addition, the Bill says that divorce or nullity decrees from any court in India must also be registered. For this, the applicants would be required to submit a signed memorandum, a specific fee to the Sub-Registrar, and a certificate will then be issued within 15 days.

Furthermore, the proposed bill provides for penalties up to Rs 10,000-25,000 and/or imprisonment up to 3 months for non-registration, false statements, or forgery. However, non-registration does not invalidate the marriage but will attract a penalty.

The marriage registration certificate issued by the Sub-Registrar will carry strong evidentiary value in court.

The Bill also directs employers and government offices to check the registration certificate before changing marital status in records.

For polygamous marriages, the bill provides for a complete ban; however, such old marriages can be registered under special rules, but will not be allowed to be repeated once the Assam UCC comes into force.

Religion-based personal laws gone, uniform succession laws for everyone

Under the succession or inheritance section, the Assam UCC replaces Hindu, Muslim, Christian, etc., personal laws with one common law. Under intestate succession or dying without a Will, the Code states from Section 55 onwards that the estate devolves in strict order of preference: Class-1 heirs, which include spouse, children, children and spouses of any predeceased children and their children, etc. Class-3 heirs will include those as listed in Schedule-2. There is a third category which includes other relatives by degree of closeness.

โ€œThe estate of a person dying intestate shall devolve according to the provisions of this Chapter in the following order of preference, – (i) firstly, upon the heirs being the relatives specified in Class-1 of Schedule-2 of this Code; (ii) secondly, if there is no heir of Class-1, then upon the heirs being the relatives specified in Class-2 of Schedule-2 of this Code; (iii) thirdly, if there is no heir of the two classes mentioned in clauses (i) or (ii), then upon the other relatives; (iv) lastly, if there is no heir belonging to any of the clauses above, then by escheat upon the Government; and the Government shall take the estate subject to all the obligations and liabilities to which an heir would have been subject,โ€ Section 55 of the Assam UCC 2026 states.

The Code further states that shares will be distributed equally among heirs in the same class as mentioned in Sections 56-62.

โ€œThe heirs specified in cache of the clauses (i), (ii) or (iii) of section 55 shall succeed to the estate of the intestate and shall take such shares as are specified hereinafter,โ€ Section 56 reads.

Regarding disqualifications, the Code states that a murderer or abettor is completely disqualified to gain inheritance rights. A widow or widower who remarries during the lifetime of the intestate loses rights in specific cases. There will be no disqualification for disease, defect or deformity. Meanwhile, children, including illegitimate, adopted or from surrogacy, shall have full rights.

On Wills and testamentary successions, the Assam UCC 2026 states that anyone can make a Will without any religious restrictions. The Code lays down full rules for execution, probate, codicils, bequests, administrators, etc. These are primarily based on the principles of the Indian Succession Act, although now uniform. It further states that the court will grant probate or letters of administration. In addition, certain close relatives who have maintenance rights cannot completely be disinherited.

Live-in relationship allowed, but registration compulsory

In a major move, the Assam governmentโ€™s UCC Bill gives recognised status, rights to maintenance, shared household, and children’s rights for partners in a registered live-in relationship.

The Code states that partners must submit a joint โ€œstatement of live-in relationshipโ€ to the Sub-Registrar, who will conduct a summary inquiry and register the relationship.

Regarding termination of a live-in relationship, the Code provides that one or both partners can file a โ€œstatement of terminationโ€.

The Code also provides for penalties, including a fine and 3 months’ jail, in case of false statements or failure to register such relationships.

Other key provisions of the Assam UCC 2026 are deeming Maintenance as recognised and enforceable, allowing custom and usage only if they are certain, long-observed, reasonable, and not in violation of public policy or morality. The Code also makes registers public, meaning that anyone can inspect them and access certified copies. Appeals against Sub-Registrarโ€™s decisions will go to the Inspector General of Registration, though good-faith actions by officials will remain protected from lawsuits.

Overall, the Assam UCC 2025 is a detailed, gender-neutral, and strictly โ€˜uniformโ€™ code that weeds out religion-based differences in marriage, divorce, inheritance, and live-in relationships for all Assamese people, barring Scheduled Tribes. For long, Muslims have enjoyed the right to have polygamous marriages, influencing the stateโ€™s religious demographics in their favour; however, if and when the Assam UCC 2026 comes into effect, the community will be stripped of this unwarranted privilege.

Bottomline: The Assam Uniform Civil Code 2026 perfectly balances personal freedom in ceremonies with uniformity in legal rights and obligations, making all Assamese people truly equal before the law.

Demographic resilience and smart borders as civilisational security: India’s long-term strategy for sustained rise amid geopolitical shifts

Divyansh Tiwari
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Demographic resilience and smart borders as civilisational security: India’s long-term strategy for sustained rise amid geopolitical shifts

The High Power Demography Mission and the countrywide ‘Smart Border’ project, which India announced in May 2026, go well beyond conventional security upgrades. When combined, they form a complex civilisational security doctrine, a well thought out attempt to preserve India’s expanding economy, maintain its demographic balance, and facilitate the nation’s ongoing rise to prominence in the global arena. These two steps, which Union Home Minister Amit Shah revealed during the BSF Investiture Ceremony on May 22, 2026, are not reactionary actions motivated by fear. Rather, they are dynamic pillars of statecraft, technologically empowered instruments intended to safeguard the demographic dividend that is key to India’s goal of creating a Viksit Bharat (Developed India) by 2047.

Opindia shows how demographic resilience serves as a facilitator of Atmanirbhar Bharat by interpreting these pronouncements in the larger context of India’s BRICS Chairmanship in 2026, Indo-Pacific maritime conflicts, and the global semiconductor and AI race. The study comes to the conclusion that India’s strategy provides a model that other developing countries might follow, safeguarding borders and maintaining demographic continuity are actions of nation building in line with long term civilisational dharma and constitutional principles, not acts of exclusion.

A nation thinking ahead

At the Border Security Force’s (BSF) annual Investiture Ceremony on May 22, 2026, Union Home Minister Amit Shah stood in front of gathered officers. His remarks that day went well beyond the usual speech. He unveiled two revolutionary national initiatives, the setting up of a High Power Demography Mission specifically tasked with identifying and combating ‘artificial demographic changes’ brought about by illegal infiltration across India’s porous borders, and the deployment of Smart Border technology along India’s borders with Pakistan and Bangladesh within a year.

In order to fully understand the significance of these statements, one must be aware of the world that India is in as 2026 advances. The nation has become the de facto voice of the Global South and will serve as the BRICS Chairman in 2026. At the same time, it is manoeuvring through a hostile Indo-Pacific, where maritime competition between key nations has escalated. Its young population is largely regarded as its biggest strategic asset in the upcoming decades of AI, robotics, and advanced manufacturing, and its economy is developing at one of the quickest rates in the world, at over 6.5% annually.

The government has implemented both practical and innovative initiatives into this promising period. To construct an almost seamless digital border, Smart Borders use fiber optic sensors, drone surveillance, artificial intelligence based monitoring, and integrated command systems. The Demography Mission discusses a somewhat quiet but no less significant issue, the gradual, purposeful alteration of border districts’ demographics through organised infiltration, which eventually affects social harmony, national security, and election integrity.

Both initiatives are not viewed as a controversial political decisions. Instead, it interprets them as strategic policy choices that represent an evolving Indian state that combines technological prowess, adherence to the constitution, and a clear-eyed awareness of its civilizational obligations.

Historical and civilizational context: Why demographics matter to India

India is more than just a nation-state in the sense of contemporary Europe. It is a civilizational state, a term used by political scientists to characterise nations whose identity is based on thousands of years of unbroken cultural, philosophical, and social history rather than just being civic or geographic. India, like China, Iran, and Egypt, has a rich national identity based on civilizational achievements, ethical frameworks, and social contracts that precede the contemporary state structure by millennia.

Rajdharma, or rulers’ ethical duty to safeguard and nurture their people, is an old notion in Indian culture. There has always been an understanding that a just and stable society depends on preserving the integrity of its social fabric, from the Arthashastra of Kautilya, which described complex theories of statecraft, border management, and population policy, to the constitutional vision of Dr BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru. Economic self-sufficiency, cultural continuity, and demographic profile were all important factors in governance.

Resilience is at the core of India’s demographic narrative. The cultural and demographic core of the subcontinent has demonstrated remarkable continuity in the face of invasions, famines, colonialism, and partition. Today, this continuity manifests itself in a completely different but no less potent way: a population of almost 1.44 billion young, educated, and digitally connected individuals. India’s median age in 2026 is expected to be about 29 years old, according to demographic forecasts from NITI Aayog and the United Nations Population Division. This is a significant advantage in a world where the majority of major powers are ageing quickly.

When taking into account the fields of the future, this dividend becomes quite important. Large human labour resources are needed for artificial intelligence’s labelling, training, and supervision. Skilled engineers, technicians, and manufacturing workers are essential to the global semiconductor supply chain. Millions of installation, maintenance, and innovation experts are needed for the shift to green energy. India is ideally positioned to meet these needs both locally and internationally due to its demographic demographic profile.  

However, this promise can only be achieved if the demographic basis is kept steady, consciously maintained, and shielded from disturbances that may interfere with public service delivery, social cohesion, or workforce planning. Since 2019, the Ministry of Home Affairs has documented the problem of illegal migration, especially from Bangladesh and Myanmar, and its localised effects on voter rolls, social services, land records, and border area demography in a number of papers and legislative communications. In this light, the Demography Mission is not discriminatory in nature. It is a constitutional, data driven endeavour to safeguard what India has painstakingly built.

Policy architecture: Smart borders and the demography mission

Consider India’s border problem as if your home had a very lengthy fence, thousands of kilometres in length. Some sections of this fence pass across rivers, forests, hills, and remote communities. A large number of armed patrolling troops had been working in harsh conditions, day and night, for decades to keep everything safe. There were gaps, of course. Now picture replacing a significant portion of that fence with a system that never gets tired, never sleeps, and can alert the closest patrol squad in a matter of seconds when it detects movement. The Smart Border project essentially aims to do that.

The Comprehensive Integrated Border Management System (CIBMS), which was piloted in stages along the borders of Bangladesh and Pakistan starting in 2018, is one of the earlier frameworks that the Smart Border projects build upon. With India’s increased drone manufacturing capability under the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme and its growing domestic AI sector, the 2026 announcement streamlines this into a full national rollout within twelve months.

The suggested technology framework contains several layers. Real-time aerial surveillance is provided by unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), which can operate at night and in low visibility. Human movement causes ground vibration, which is detected by underground fibre optic sensors. Real-time data is fed into centralised command and control stations via thermal and infrared cameras mounted on smart poles along the fence line. All of this is processed by AI based pattern recognition systems that are more accurate at differentiating between human intrusion, animal activity, and weather related incidents.

Most importantly, this system is Aatmanirbhar, self-reliant. The Home Minister made it clear that the technologies used would be developed or modified indigenously. DRDO’s surveillance platforms and Indian drone manufacturers like Garuda Aerospace and ideaForge make up the hardware layer’s backbone. With integration paths built into the National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID) for backend data processing, the software layer takes advantage of India’s growing AI ecosystem.

The benefits from India’s Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), particularly Aadhaar, are immense. Residents of border areas and registered migrants may be officially counted, their identities confirmed by biometric authentication, and their movements monitored within privacy norms and constitutional limits. This establishes a dependable data layer for the Demography Mission’s analytical functions, which include detecting demographic movements in real time, highlighting inconsistencies in voter rolls, land records, and school enrolment data, and enabling targeted administrative solutions before problems become developed.  

Alongside the Mission, a zero tolerance deportation policy was announced, which is a reiteration of current law rather than an amendment to it. In general, India has long contended that illegal immigration poses a security and demographic threat. Historically, there has been a lack of institutional capacity to systematically apply this principle. That is exactly what the Mission seeks to provide, a uniform, transparent, and proportionate system of detection and deportation that is institutionally organised, supported by data, and established in law.

The human aspect of this approach must also be properly acknowledged. Anti-infiltration actions are sometimes confused by critics with an anti minority outlook. The distinction between legal residents and illegal immigrants is essential in any rule of law democracy, and it is backed by the constitutional framework that governs these measures. Unchecked infiltration strains local resources, alters land markets, and sometimes facilitates trafficking and organised crime networks, making Hindu and tribal groups in border regions of India among those most impacted. Protecting these communities is therefore a constitutional obligation rather than a communal project.

Linkages to geoeconomics and geopolitics

When you look beyond the demographic survey forms and the border fence, you find a more expansive picture of India, which is actively trying to establish itself as a stable civilisation in a world that is becoming more and more unstable. The period 2026-2030 is expected to be one of the most crucial in the post Cold War era. The strategic rivalry between the United States and China shows no signs of slowing down. The Indo-Pacific region has become a hotbed of aggressive maritime manoeuvring. Global energy and defence supply chains have been reshaped by the conflict in Ukraine, even though it may be entering a new phase. Middle East tensions are still high. In such circumstances, India’s domestic actions have a direct impact on its ability to project itself overseas.

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) predict that India’s GDP would grow at a rate of 6.5 to 7% per year until 2030, placing it among the top three economies in the world by the end of the decade. This expansion translates into geopolitical weight and is more than just a statistic. With platforms like BRICS, the India-Middle East Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), and bilateral investment treaties, a larger, faster-growing Indian economy can finance a more capable military, make deeper investments in neighbourhood diplomacy, and provide Global South countries with credible development partnerships.

However, a steady, competent, and specifically developed workforce is essential to this trajectory. This vision is already being pursued by India’s PM Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) skill development initiatives and its National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. The semiconductor mission, which is supported by investments in factories in Gujarat and Assam, needs a certain amount of skilled human capital in addition to capital. The implications for India’s growth story would be significant and quantifiable if demographic disturbances were to impact this planning, whether through unrestricted immigration altering the composition of the labour market or ethnic tensions in border regions diverting administrative attention.

India’s demographic management has a broader symbolic meaning in the context of the BRICS. India, the largest populated democracy in the world and the country with the fastest-growing major economy, is carefully observed by the Global South as a development model. The way it controls its borders, incorporates technology into governance, and strikes a balance between rights and security sends a message to dozens of developing countries facing comparable issues, including Peru, and Kenya. India is sending an optimistic message here, you can safeguard your demographic future without militarising your society, giving up on democratic principles, or erecting barriers that isolate your people from the outside world.

As a key component of Indo-Pacific security, essential technology supply chains have been highlighted more and more by the QUAD framework, which unites Australia, Japan, India, and the United States. The stability and targeted growth of India’s domestic workforce are essential to the country’s ability to consistently offer advanced manufacturing specialists, AI researchers, and skilled semiconductor workers to this supply chain. Demographic planning and border security are essential components of this calculation, not distinct from it.

There is also a direct connection to India’s neighbourhood policy. According to government comments, the Demography Mission and Smart Borders are accompanied by a persistent focus on development partnerships under the ‘Neighbourhood First’ ideology with Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, and Sri Lanka. India wants to facilitate organised, legitimate and mutually beneficial cross-border migration rather than isolate itself from South Asia. Trade, cultural exchange, and legal migration are all encouraged. Illegal, undocumented, and frequently organised infiltration is what is being examined, this distinction is crucial to solid policy research but is easily overlooked in ideological debate.  

Conclusion

In 2026, India is a country that acts with confidence rather than fear. Together, the Demography Mission and the Smart Border project mark a turning point in Indian statecraft as the largest democracy in the world starts to use the same long term strategic thinking that has traditionally defined the growth of great powers.

The essence of India’s approach is what sets it apart, instead of being militaristic, it is driven by technology and instead of being driven by ideology, it is supported by data. 

‘Indian billionaires buying foreign companies, India has slow growthโ€™: BBC peddles propaganda around outbound acquisitions by Indian businesses

Shraddha Pandey
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‘Indian billionaires buying foreign companies, India has slow growthโ€™: BBC peddles propaganda around outbound acquisitions by Indian businesses

The UKโ€™s public broadcaster, the BBC, often defaults to peddling negative tropes about India even when reporting on the countryโ€™s successes. In a fresh push to the โ€˜All is not well in Indiaโ€™ bogey, the BBC framed the recent increase in Indian outbound acquisitions worth over $18 billion across 162 deals in 2025, which marked a 34% year-on-year increase, as a result of a slowdown in India’s economic growth.

The BBC articleโ€™s headline, โ€œIndian billionaires buy foreign companies as growth slows at homeโ€, is quite revealing of the underlying agenda of portraying even lucrative Indian mergers and acquisitions as more of an outcome of ‘domestic failures’ than strong balance sheets.

Author Nikhil Inamdar highlighted the April 2026 Sun Pharmaceuticals acquisition of New York-listed women’s health and biosimilars firm Organon & Co. for $11.75 billion. The article also mentions the Tata Motors’ $4.4bn acquisition of Turin-based vehicle maker Iveco, IT company Coforge’s $2.35bn purchase of Silicon Valley-based AI firm Encora and the Bajaj Groupโ€™s 2025 purchase of 23% stake in insurance company Allianz.

โ€œThese include Tata Motors’ $4.4bn acquisition of Turin-based vehicle maker Iveco, IT company Coforge’s $2.35bn purchase of Silicon Valley-based AI firm Encora and the Bajaj Group buying a 23% stake in global insurance giant Allianz SE earlier in 2025. Data from consultancy Grant Thornton shows that 162 Indian companies spent more than $18bn on outbound acquisitions in 2025 – a 34% increase from the previous year,โ€ the BBC piece reads.

Comparing the difference in domestic scenarios during the 2000s acquisition boom and now, the BBC article argues that during the 2000s, โ€œIndia was in the midst of a roaring bull marketโ€, today however, the country is โ€œgrappling with a rapid exodus of foreign portfolio investors, a sharp slowdown in net foreign direct investment (FDI) and stubbornly weak private sector investment despite tax cuts and production-linked subsidies offered by the government.โ€

The article further attributed the foreign expansion of Indian companies in the form of acquisitions and stake purchase to โ€œgrowing disaffection with the domestic business environment and better diversification and capability-building opportunities abroad.โ€

This entire narrative of โ€˜growth slowing at homeโ€™, โ€˜growing corporate dissatisfactionโ€™, โ€˜weak domestic demandโ€™, and โ€˜capital fleeing India despite Modi governmentโ€™s invest-in-India pleasโ€™ is a classic case of the BBCโ€™s selective, negativity-biased framing involving cherry-picking context and ignoring the broader economic realities of India.

On one hand, the BBC portrays acquisitions by Indian companies, both big and small, as a result of FDI slowdowns, disaffection with the domestic business environment and better opportunities abroad; on the other, it cites experts to say that this fresh acquisition boom is driven by stronger balance sheets and improved access to global financing. How would these companies have a strong balance sheet if they werenโ€™t thriving domestically? How would they thrive domestically if there werenโ€™t a conducive business environment?

โ€˜Stronger balance sheetsโ€™ do not emerge in a vacuum but from consistent profitability, operational efficiency, retained earnings, and most importantly, revenue growth. These overwhelmingly depend on domestic operations and/or foreign operations built on a robust home base.

Indian companies have faced and successfully deleveraged post-IL-FS to NBFC crisis and the Covid pandemic shock. The Indian corporate has also benefited from the Modi governmentโ€™s policy measures like corporate tax cuts, PLI initiatives, insolvency resolution, etc. Obviously, India, like many other developing countries, is not an absolute Utopia, but the outbound M&As by Indian companies reflect maturity and confidence, not desperation or malaise. Foreign deals such as the ones done by Sun Pharma, Tata, and Bajaj often complement and do not replace domestic investment.

Undoubtedly, Indiaโ€™s private investment sector faces many challenges, including muted urban consumption in spots, global uncertainties and the China factor; however, linking a record surge in outbound acquisitions directly to supposed โ€˜slow growthโ€™ is nothing but lazy causation.

India remains the fastest-growing major economy

Indiaโ€™s growth remains robust among top economies, with official data indicating a 7.6% GDP growth for fiscal year 2025-26, which is among the highest globally. Even amidst global energy shocks and tariffs, Indiaโ€™s growth projections by the IMF and others stand at around 6.5% for FY27. India remains the fastest-growing major economy globally.

In the recent quarters, Indiaโ€™s private consumption and investment have witnessed significant acceleration, maintaining a strong upward trajectory. India has also registered record Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows in 2024-25, raking in $81 billion. This marked a 14% year-on-year increase.

Yes, the foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) exiting India is a challenge and the government needs to reform the tax architecture and bring it in sync with the rest of the major economies. However, to paint a gloomy picture of the Indian economy by conflation of FPI outflows with โ€˜FDI slowdownsโ€™ to imply a hostile domestic business environment for outbound acquisitions, reeks of negativity bias.

In the past few months alone,ย Microsoftย committed to investing Rs 1.5 lakh crore (US$ 17.5 billion) in India. In February this year, Google announced a $15 billion investment in India over the next five years. Apple is also expanding its presence in India. But for the BBC, Indiaโ€™s foreign investment attraction game is weak.

Notably, FDIs are a long-term game involving ownership stakes, tech transfer, management control, factories, operations and so on. FPIs, on the contrary, are short-term bets on stocks and bonds. This arena is highly volatile and is rooted in global liquidity, interest rate differentials, valuations, etc. Unlike FDIs, FPIs are driven by a deep sentiment of commitment to the Indian economy. The BBC, however, chose to blur the line between FDIs and FPIs to concoct a more general and alarmist โ€˜capital flightโ€™ narrative and somehow link it to the outbound acquisitions by Indian companies.

It is also amusing that when American, British, or European firms expand abroad for diversification, Western legacy media frames it as โ€˜routine diversificationโ€™ but when Indian companies do it, the same media outlets throw headlines implying โ€˜domestic failureโ€™.

Internet trolls BBC

Interestingly, many Indian social media users called out the BBCโ€™s framing of the Indian companiesโ€™ foreign acquisitions and even highlighted how the BBC itself is in a financial quagmire.

In this vein, one X user wrote, โ€œThe article headline itself, is framed in a way that can subtly push readers toward a political conclusion & to build anti-government public opinion. Selection of Sun Pharma which earns most of its revenue internationally. Around 70% of its revenue comes from global markets.โ€

Another one wrote, โ€œDear BB Chee So r u implying that the global US companies that bought n invested in other foreign countries was because the US growth slowed. Please get some therapy, you r dying.โ€

Meanwhile, one X user had a rather interesting take on Sun Pharmaโ€™s Organon acquisition, and wrote, โ€œStupid post. Indian company bought American one because of Trump tariffs on branded imported drugs. If they have a American company then drugs can be manufactured and tariffs can be avoided. It is a strategic decision due to tariff levy not because of slow growth.โ€

Another one wrote, โ€œIndia grew at 7.6 % last quarter while BBC itself is facing financial problems and cutting down 10% of its workforce.โ€

Notably, it was reported in April this year that the BBC is set to cut 2,000 jobs due to โ€œfinancial pressuresโ€. Earlier in February, the BBC announced aย ยฃ600m cost-cutting plan, which included a reduction in the number of employees and the ending of some programming.

From the Indian economy to politics: BBC loves to paint a bad picture of India

In the recent months alone, the BBC has published biased and alarmist articles on Indian political, geopolitical and financial issues. Ahead of West Bengal elections, BBC peddled Muslim exclusion propaganda over the deletion of 90 lakh voter names in Special Intensive Revision.

In March this year, BBC Hindi published an article with a panic-inducing headline, claiming that amid the raging Iran war and the resulting energy crisis, India was left with only 5 days of oil reserves.

From the 2022 anti-Hindu Leicester violence, 2024 Islamist pogrom against Hindus in Bangladesh, propaganda documentary on Prime Minister Narendra Modi, attempt at inciting Indian Gen-Z to stoke Nepal/Bangladesh-like violent regime change, to perpetual villainization of Indian Hindus, OpIndia has consistently documented the BBCโ€™s anti-Hindu and anti-India bias.

Inside The Timothy Initiative: International Churches linked to TTI, their network in India, and how deeply they have spread

Anurag
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Inside The Timothy Initiative: International Churches linked to TTI, their network in India, and how deeply they have spread

The Enforcement Directorate (ED) investigation into The Timothy Initiative (TTI) has opened a larger question about the foreign church ecosystem that is behind the conversion of hundreds of thousands of Hindus to Christianity in India. It is a well-known fact that a lot of missionaries, either individually or linked to a church, visit India on tourist visas and indulge in evangelism, which is against visa regulations. However, the way these churches function as a nexus is a whole other story.

TTI has itself admitted that it has planted lakhs of churches in India since its launch in 2007 as โ€œThe India Projectโ€. OpIndiaโ€™s investigation into its operations revealed at least twelve high-profile foreign churches working with TTI hand in hand to convert Hindus and other communities.

Publicly available church documents, mission pages, newsletters, campaign updates and partner material show that TTIโ€™s India work has not been limited to one foreign organisation operating in isolation. A wider network of international churches, denominational bodies and mission partners have announced their association with TTIโ€™s church plantation projects publicly over the years.

OpIndia has identified at least twelve non-Indian entities with explicit India-linked references to TTI, including churches from the United States-based churches and one Canadian denominational network. These links were not limited to generic mission language. In several cases, the churches spoke of fundraising campaigns, pastor training, field visits, house church planting, India-linked giving pipelines and multi-year targets.

The names include Kensington Church, Mission Grove Church, Northwest Baptist Church, Wooddale Church, Rise City Church, Mission Hills Church, First Presbyterian Church of Hanford, Springbrook Community Church and the Baptist General Conference of Canada. Other networks and church-linked entities such as Liberty Church Network, All Access International, Saltbox Church and Woodside Bible Church also appear in the wider TTI-linked ecosystem.

TTIโ€™s India roots and the โ€˜Project Indiaโ€™ beginning

The headquarters of TTI is in Raleigh, North Carolina. It operates as a global church planting organisation. Its roots, however, appear deeply connected to India. The conceptual origins of the organisation reportedly go back to David Nelmsโ€™ early exploratory travels to India in 1992, which OpIndia has reported in a previous article in the series. Its field operations formally began in 2007 under the internal name โ€œProject Indiaโ€.

The stated objective from the beginning was aggressive and sweeping. TTI wanted to establish at least one church in every village across India. In 2009, the organisation rebranded itself as The Timothy Initiative with the purpose of expanding its operations globally. However, India continued to remain one of its most important strategic regions.

TTIโ€™s operational model is built around a reproduction structure based on 2 Timothy 2:2. The structure uses โ€œPaulsโ€, โ€œTimothysโ€ and โ€œTitusesโ€. โ€œPaulsโ€ are indigenous trainers who establish local training centres and train cohorts of students. โ€œTimothysโ€ are disciple makers and church planters who work at the grassroots level. โ€œTitusesโ€ are new converts who are brought into peer-level spiritual formation and can later be pushed into the pipeline as future workers.

What attracted Western churches towards TTI was its low-cost and high-replication model. The organisation promoted the idea that an indigenous church planter could be trained and a self-replicating house church could be established for around $240 to $400. This allowed churches and donor networks abroad to sponsor large church planting exercises in India while presenting the campaign in simple financial terms to their congregations.

To put things in perspective, ED stated that TTI withdrew Rs 95 crore in six months using foreign debit cards. Even if we estimate that only Rs 40 crore out of it was used directly for church plantation, while the remaining money may have gone towards paying pastors, organising prayer meetings, field travel, local coordination and other operational expenses, and assume that the exchange rate was Rs 88 against 1 USD, it still comes to around $4.54 million, enough to plant over 11,300 churches at TTIโ€™s stated $400 per church model. This is only an estimate for six months. Imagine what this group could have done since its inception in 2007. Not to forget, according to their own claim, they have planted over 2,68,000 churches in 50 countries, and India is their top priority.

Source: TTI

Kensington Church and the northern India church planting trail

Kensington Church is a Michigan-based multi-site church. During our research, it appeared as one of the prominent foreign church entities linked to TTIโ€™s India network. Its official TTI material referred to the โ€œstart of over 3,000 house churches in South Asiaโ€. Other public church-linked material referred to over $2,00,000 being raised to plant churches in northern India.

Source: Kensington Church

Kensington was also linked to a wider coalition of eight churches that reportedly committed to raising $1 million for church planting in the same region. Its public material included not only partnership language, but also practical India trip infrastructure, including an India packing list. This indicates that the relationship was not merely symbolic or limited to prayer support.

According to its India page, the church recruits men and women for an intensive 2-year training programme to make them church planters and pastors. They are the ones who convert Hindus across India for this church. They have established hospitals, run medical camps, orphanages and more in the country.

Source: Kensington Church

By its own admission, its โ€œGrace Childrenโ€™s Homeโ€ provides โ€œrefugeโ€ to 125 children at any given time. Its target is not only adults but also 11 million homeless children in India. The church has its next trip to India planned in the second week of November. While this particular event does not mention TTI, it must be investigated by Indian agencies as the church claims it has been indulging in such activities in India since 2000.

Source: Kensington Church

In effect, Kensingtonโ€™s material shows a combination of three elements, fundraising, public mobilisation and practical field engagement. The northern India link is especially important because TTIโ€™s India operations are now under regulatory scrutiny for alleged foreign fund movement outside the FCRA framework.

Mission Grove Church raised $1.6 million for church planting

Mission Grove Church in Cave Creek, Arizona, had one of the clearest public trails. A Mission Grove sermon page reportedly spoke of โ€œplanting 4,000 churches in northern India and Nepal in the next 4 yearsโ€. A later church transcription said that $1.6 million had been raised to plant over 4,000 churches in India and Bangladesh.

Pastor Jon Kragel was named in connection with the Mission Grove material. The public timeline suggests that the church first promoted a four-year India and Nepal target and later reported the campaign outcome in relation to India and Bangladesh. The $1.6 million was reportedly raised with the involvement of 81 individuals, churches and organisations in Arizona.

Source: Mission Grove Church

This makes Mission Grove a significant example of how TTIโ€™s India linked operations were presented abroad as large, target based church planting campaigns.

Wooddale Church and the India, Nepal and Bangladesh training trip

Wooddale Church in Eden Prairie, Minnesota, also appears in the TTI linked trail. Its bulletin reportedly said that Pastor Dale and Richard Payne had returned from a โ€œTimothy Initiative training trip to India, Nepal and Bangladeshโ€.

Wooddaleโ€™s annual report material from 2015 read, “In 2015, over 1,000 new leaders were developed and trained to plant over 600 new churches in Asia in partnership with The Timothy Initiative. #churchplanting”. In 2023, it claimed that they planted over 2,000 churches through TTI partnership.

Source: Wooddale Church

It is important to note that some of Wooddaleโ€™s numbers were Asia wide and not India specific. However, the India, Nepal and Bangladesh training trip establishes that the churchโ€™s TTI relationship had a direct South Asia component.

Rise City Church and visits to northern India

Rise City Church in Gresham, Oregon, described its TTI partnership in direct India terms. In 2021, it said it had partnered with TTI โ€œto help train pastors and plant churches in Indiaโ€. In 2022, it described TTI as โ€œaggressively planting Churches in Indiaโ€.

Its 2022-year end update also said that a representative had travelled to northern India to visit some of the churches the church had helped plant through The Timothy Initiative. This is important because it shows that the link was not restricted to remote fundraising. Rise City publicly described field level connection with churches planted in northern India.

Rise Cityโ€™s Kingdom Builders fund had reportedly raised nearly $10,000 in the early phase, while a later planning page said its Kingdom Builders budget had grown to about $100,000. Its update also credited Kingdom Builders with 56 church plants across the world over two years, though that figure was global and not India specific.

Mission Hills Church and the 600 Indian pastors conference

Mission Hills Church in Littleton, Colorado, listed The Timothy Initiative as a global outreach partner. Its update said that in 2025, it would have helped fund 1,000 new churches. The same update also referred to helping a partner in India conduct a pastor conference for over 600 Indian pastors.

Source: Mission Hill Church

The 1,000 churches figure appears to be global, not India specific. However, the 600 Indian pastors conference is a clear India linked element. This shows another layer of TTIโ€™s India ecosystem, not only church planting, but also pastoral training and leadership mobilisation.

BGC Canada and the $400 per church model

The Baptist General Conference of Canada, BGC Canada, provides another clear organisational link. Its official material said that it was partnering with The Timothy Initiative and stated that the cost to plant one church was approximately $400 USD.

Source: BGC

An August 2022 newsletter from India reportedly said, โ€œBGC is partnering with TTI to plant house churches,โ€ and added that donations to TTI could be given through the BGC office in Edmonton. The newsletter was linked to Kevin Schular, Executive Director of BGC Canada.

This reveals how foreign denominational structures could act as donor channels for TTIโ€™s church planting projects. The $400 per church pitch also shows how the campaign was simplified for international Christian donors, reducing a complex India operation into an easily marketable unit cost.

Northwest Baptist, Hanford and Springbrook

Northwest Baptist Church in Bellingham, Washington, listed The Timothy Initiative through Converge and described it as focusing on planting a church in every village of India and Nepal. While the publicly available trail here is thinner than Kensington or Mission Grove, TTI still appeared as part of the churchโ€™s active international missions roster.

First Presbyterian Church of Hanford, California, appeared through a church newsletter. The newsletter said โ€œDan S.โ€ was training leaders with whom he had established strong connections in India in how to implement TTIโ€™s principles for church planting. The evidence points to a training conduit rather than a large visible fundraising campaign.

Springbrook Community Church was linked to a 2014 India vision trip. Pastor Richโ€™s India page reportedly said that the trip would be in partnership with The Timothy Initiative and Converge Worldwide. The trip was described as involving teaching, encouraging and learning from leaders and church planters in southern and northern India.

Liberty Church Network, All Access International and other linked entities

The wider TTI ecosystem also included other church linked entities and networks. Liberty Church Network reportedly aligned with TTI in 2011 and funded 780 house churches across India during the 2011 to 2012 cycle. It was also linked to 200 churches in Northeast India during the 2012 to 2013 operational year.

All Access International reportedly managed the โ€œACHIEVE South & Southeast Asiaโ€ portfolio for 2026 to 2027, with an allocation budget of $4,578,240. The plan was to train 1,050 โ€œPaulsโ€ and 19,000 โ€œTimothysโ€ to plant an estimated 11,000 house churches in unreached Indian and regional villages.

Saltbox Church reportedly linked TTIโ€™s global church planting platform alongside Mission India within its international missionโ€™s portfolio. Woodside Bible Church maintained a separate India footprint and deployed short term teams for theological training of 180 pastors and church planters from 28 Indian states.

Taken together, these entities show that TTIโ€™s India related work was not a loose or one off arrangement. It was connected to a broad ecosystem of churches, networks, donors, trainers and mission bodies.

The caste linked field strategy

The foreign church network becomes more concerning when read with TTIโ€™s field strategy. Internal training material and field manuals reportedly showed a methodical approach designed to penetrate Hindu majority rural communities while reducing local resistance.

One of the most controversial components was the caste linked intermediary strategy. Instead of general public preaching, TTIโ€™s material reportedly instructed church planters to identify and convert key leaders from individual castes. The logic was simple. Since caste structures influence local social life, converting a leader from a particular caste could open the door to converting others from the same group.

Once such an influential figure was converted, he could be used as an intermediary to influence the wider community from within. This meant that existing social structures were not merely being observed but used as a pathway for religious conversion.

Targeting Hindu ideas such as karma and reincarnation

TTIโ€™s curriculum also reportedly targeted core Hindu ideas such as karma and reincarnation. Its tenth manual outlined ways to reframe Hindu philosophical concepts before rural audiences.

Karma was reportedly presented as an inescapable cycle without forgiveness, while Christianity was positioned as offering immediate redemption and divine grace through Christ. Similarly, traditional understandings of sin were reframed as conscious moral disobedience that required external divine correction.

This was not merely theological discussion. It was part of a structured conversion oriented curriculum designed for field workers entering non-Christian communities.

Low profile tactics to avoid resistance

TTIโ€™s field material also reportedly advised workers to avoid high visibility evangelism in areas where resistance was expected. Carrying physical Bibles, distributing tracts or screening religious films could attract suspicion, hostility or surveillance.

Instead, workers were instructed to memorise scripture and rely on oral communication, informal storytelling and gradual relationship building. The idea was to embed themselves into the daily social life of villages before slowly introducing Christian religious ideas in private residential settings.

This shows that the operational model was not only about funding and training. It also involved tactical adaptation to local resistance.

ED probe into alleged FCRA bypass

The Enforcement Directorateโ€™s investigation has brought TTIโ€™s India operations into the national spotlight. In April 2026, ED conducted raids at multiple locations linked to TTI operators. The agency found that TTI was not registered under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, FCRA, making it legally ineligible to receive or distribute foreign donations in India.

Investigators reportedly found that the alleged modus operandi involved international couriers and foreign nationals entering India through transit hubs. One key interception took place at Bengaluru International Airport, where immigration authorities intercepted an associate courier named โ€œMicah Markโ€ or โ€œJose Bellโ€, who was allegedly operating under a Look Out Circular.

A search reportedly led to the recovery of 24 foreign bank debit cards issued by US based Truist Bank and linked to overseas accounts. Forensic tracking allegedly found that between November 2025 and April 2026, around Rs 95 crore was routed into India through structured high value ATM cash withdrawals across multiple states.

The money was reportedly tracked through a foreign controlled online billing and accounting database that recorded field utilisation and stipend distribution to local handlers.

Rs 6.5 crore allegedly tracked to sensitive regions

A major concern for investigators was the destination of part of the cash. Around Rs 6.5 crore was reportedly tracked to sensitive, tribal dominated and left-wing extremism affected regions, including Bastar and Dhamtari in Chhattisgarh and parts of Jharkhand.

This is significant because these regions are already vulnerable due to security challenges, tribal sensitivities and foreign funded missionary activity concerns. The alleged creation of a cash heavy parallel system outside formal FCRA channels in such regions raises serious questions about oversight and accountability.

Why the foreign church network matters

The international church links matter because they show that TTIโ€™s India operations were not merely local or spontaneous. Foreign churches publicly raised funds, promoted church planting targets, sent teams or representatives, supported pastor training, and presented India as a strategic mission field.

Kensingtonโ€™s northern India campaign, Mission Groveโ€™s $1.6 million fundraising, BGC Canadaโ€™s $400 per church model, Rise Cityโ€™s northern India visit, Mission Hillsโ€™ 600 Indian pastors conference and Wooddaleโ€™s South Asia training trip all point towards a structured ecosystem.

The deeper question is not whether TTI had foreign supporters. The public material shows that it did. The real question is how a foreign backed church planting ecosystem, supported by churches, networks and denominational channels abroad, allegedly created a cash-based India network that investigators now say operated outside FCRA scrutiny.

The evidence shows that TTIโ€™s India footprint was not shallow. It had money, training systems, foreign church partners, denominational routes, field visits, public campaigns and village level ambitions. In other words, the network around TTI appears to have spread far beyond one organisation and into a wider international church infrastructure focused on India.

Madhu lynching case: Kerala HC acquits first accused Hussain for the mob killing of a tribal man, upholds convictions of 12 others. Read how the Attappady case exposed cracks in the ‘Dalit-Muslim unity’ narrative

Jinit Jain
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Madhu lynching case: Kerala HC acquits first accused Hussain for the mob killing of a tribal man, upholds convictions of 12 others. Read how the Attappady case exposed cracks in the ‘Dalit-Muslim unity’ narrative

In a major development in the 2018 Attappady mob lynching case that sparked outrage across the country, the Kerala High Court on Monday acquitted Hussain, the first accused in the killing of Madhu, a mentally challenged tribal youth who was brutally assaulted by a mob over suspicion of theft of food items.

The verdict was delivered by a Division Bench comprising Justice Raja Vijayaraghavan V. and Justice K.V. Jayakumarwhile hearing appeals filed by the convicts, the State government and Madhu’s mother Malli.

The High Court refused to interfere with the acquittals of accused numbers 4 and 11, Aneesh and Abdul Kareem respectively. However, it upheld the convictions of Marakkar, Shamsudheen, Radhakrishnan, Aboobacker, Sidhique, Ubaid, Najeeb, Jaijumon, Sajeev, Satheesh, Hareesh and Biju.

The court also expanded the scope of criminal liability by holding the convicted persons guilty under Sections 3(2)(v) and 3(2)(va) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, in addition to IPC provisions including Sections 304 Part II, 326, 367, 323, 324, 342, 143, 147 and 149. Accused number 16, Muneer, who was earlier convicted only under Section 352 IPC, was also found guilty under Section 3(2)(va) of the SC/ST Act read with Section 323 IPC.

A detailed judgment is awaited. The matter was later listed for hearing on modified sentences.

Hussain’s challenge before the Kerala HC

Hussain had challenged his conviction on the grounds that he was not part of the group that initially entered the forest area and brought Madhu to Mukkali, where he was assaulted.

According to the prosecution, Hussain later joined the crowd and stamped on Madhu’s chest, causing his head to strike a wall. Medical evidence had suggested that the injuries contributed to the victim’s death.

His legal team, however, argued that there was no evidence showing any prior hostility toward Madhu or any reason for him to be associated with the unlawful assembly. The defence had also highlighted that the trial court had not found him guilty under provisions of the SC/ST Act.

The High Court accepted his appeal and acquitted him.

Background of the case

The case dates back to February 22, 2018, when Madhu, a 27-year-old tribal youth from Attappady in Kerala’s Palakkad district, was lynched by an Islamist mob over suspicion of stealing food items, including rice, from a local shop.

Madhu, who was mentally challenged and maintained limited contact with his family, was living in and around forest regions in Attappady. According to investigators, he was found hiding near the forest area by a group of local residents who detained him and subjected him to severe assault before handing him over to police.

The prosecution stated that Madhu sustained serious injuries, including head trauma, fractured ribs and internal bleeding. He later collapsed while being taken to hospital and succumbed to his injuries.

The incident triggered widespread outrage after photographs from the scene surfaced online. Among the images that drew sharp public criticism was one showing Madhu visibly injured and distressed while a man, identified as Ubaid, stood beside him taking a selfie. Police later arrested Mukkali Thodiyil Ubaid Ummar and named him among the accused in the case. He was booked under provisions of the IPC, the SC/ST Act and Information Technology laws related to circulation of pictures and videos of the incident.

Reports at the time had also raised questions over alleged political links of some accused persons. Allegations emerged that Ubaid had connections with the Indian Union Muslim League. However, then-MLA N. Samsudheen denied any formal association and stated that Ubaid had only participated in election-related activities.

Trial delays and allegations surrounding prosecution

The case later witnessed repeated delays during trial proceedings, leading to criticism from the victim’s family and activists.

In January 2022, the Mannarkkad Special Court under the SC/ST Act reportedly questioned the repeated absence of the Special Public Prosecutor appointed to represent Madhu. The court had earlier postponed hearings after the prosecutor failed to appear on multiple occasions.

Advocate V.T. Raghunath, who had been appointed as the special prosecutor in August 2019, reportedly did not appear before the court during the proceedings and later resigned citing medical reasons.

The repeated absence of prosecutors contributed to delays in trial proceedings. Madhu’s family alleged that justice was being slowed down intentionally. Madhu’s mother Malli had publicly expressed frustration over the delay, stating that several years had passed since her son’s death while the trial itself struggled to move forward.

The Special Investigation Team constituted after the incident had prepared a nearly 3,500-page chargesheet in May 2018 naming 16 accused individuals. Despite facing charges under murder provisions and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, all accused had secured bail during the course of proceedings.

Questions were also raised by critics over delays in appointing a permanent prosecutor in the case. Political controversy surfaced after reports that one of the accused, Shamsuddin, had been elected as a branch secretary of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist) in September 2021, though the decision was later reportedly withdrawn following opposition.

Sections of Indian laws slapped on the accused

The accused were charged under multiple provisions of the Indian Penal Code dealing with offences ranging from unlawful assembly to homicide. These included Section 143 (unlawful assembly), Section 147 (rioting), Section 148 (rioting while armed with deadly weapons), Section 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), Section 324 (causing hurt through dangerous weapons), Section 326 (grievous hurt), Section 342 (wrongful confinement), Section 352 (assault), Section 364 (kidnapping or abduction with intent to murder), Section 367 (kidnapping to cause grievous hurt), Section 368 (wrongful confinement of a kidnapped person), and Section 302 read with Section 149 relating to murder committed by an unlawful assembly with a common objective.

The accused were also booked under provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act including Sections 3(1)(d), 3(1)(r), 3(1)(s), 3(2)(v), and 3(2)(va), which deal with offences committed against members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, including humiliation, discrimination and aggravated punishment for crimes committed on the basis of social identity.

The fragility of the ‘Dalit-Muslim unity’ construct

The Madhu lynching case has once again exposed the fragility of the much-publicised “Jai Bhimโ€“Jai Meem” construct that sections of the left-liberal ecosystem have projected as a natural social and political alliance. For years, this framework has been marketed as an organic partnership between Dalits and Muslims, often with the larger political objective of creating a consolidated counterweight to Hindu electoral mobilisation. However, events on the ground frequently appear more complicated than the idealised narrative crafted in television studios and social media platforms.

The brutal killing of Madhu, a vulnerable tribal youth accused merely of stealing food items, raises uncomfortable questions for those who have championed such formulations. If solidarity is presented as a lived social reality rather than a political strategy, incidents like these become difficult to explain away. The issue is not merely the identity of the accused individuals; rather, it is whether political slogans can genuinely overcome entrenched social realities and local tensions.

The criticism becomes sharper because Madhu’s case does not exist in isolation. Several incidents in the past involving Dalit victims and Islamist perpetrators highlight the notion of “Dalit-Muslim unity” functions more as a political slogan amplified within left-wing echo chambers than as a reflection of social realities on the ground.

Mother Teresa’s Missionaries of Charity, which the US Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited during his visit to India, has a controversial past: Read details

เคถเฅเคฐเคตเคฃ เคถเฅเค•เฅเคฒ
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Mother Teresa’s Missionaries of Charity, which the US Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited during his visit to India, has a controversial past: Read details

United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s four-day visit to India has created a new political stir in the country. This is the first time in 14 years that a US Secretary of State has landed directly in Kolkata instead of the national capital, New Delhi. The last time a US representative landed straight in Kolkata was in 2012, when Hillary Clinton flew down to the city. But Rubio’s visit to Kolkata turned out to be highly controversial.

Upon reaching Kolkata, instead of attending any official or strategic event, he went straight to the headquarters (Mother House) of the Missionaries of Charity, founded by Mother Teresa.

Missionaries of Charity has been at the centre of intense Indian government surveillance, foreign funding restrictions, and serious allegations of violations of law over the past few years. Marco Rubio’s first visit to India upon his arrival and his closed-door meeting with the organisation’s officials do not look like mere diplomatic courtesy. In diplomatic circles, it is being seen as a concerted and strategic US effort to challenge India’s sovereignty and strengthen the global standing of the controversial Christian missionaries.

Let’s dive a little deeper to understand the entire incident and analyse the dark chapters and controversies associated with the Missionaries of Charity, which are echoing from the internet to the courts.

The controversy related to the government crackdown on funding, i.e., FCRA

The most significant administrative and financial conflict between the Missionaries of Charity and the Indian government emerged in December 2021. The Union Home Ministry completely halted the renewal of the organisation’s foreign funding license under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). The Ministry had strong input that the large sums of money received by the organisation from abroad in the name of donations were being used for activities that were detrimental to the national interest.

Besides, the organisation failed to furnish the financial documents and account details required for the audit on time, which raised serious questions about its financial transparency. The administrative action sparked a major political storm within the country. The then-Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, and several opposition parties, including the Congress, baselessly accused the central government of targeting minorities.

The government took a firm stance on this matter, clarifying that it had not frozen any accounts, but the institution itself had submitted a request to the State Bank of India to freeze its accounts. Later, in January 2022, after being surrounded from all sides, when the institution submitted the necessary documents and clarifications to the government, its registration was reinstated.

Forced conversions under the guise of service and hurting Hindu sentiments

The organisation has long been accused of cunningly converting poor Hindus under the guise of ‘service’ and ‘help’. The case relating to one of the organisation’s children’s homes (shelter homes) in Vadodara, Gujarat, was the most vivid and horrifying example of its vile activities.

In December 2021, District Social Security Officer Mayank Trivedi and the Child Welfare Committee conducted a surprise inspection of a girls’ home in the Makarpura area. The findings shocked administrative officials as well as the entire Hindu community.

The investigation team found that destitute Hindu girls living in the orphanage were being forced to read Christian religious texts (the Bible). These innocent girls were also forced to participate in Christian prayers and wear crosses around their necks. An FIR was registered at the Makarpura police station under the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003, for hurting Hindu religious sentiments and for allegedly using allurement to convert. This despicable scheme, operating under the guise of service, was exposed when officials discovered that the organisation was bent on eradicating all signs of the original religion of the girls.

The investigation committee’s report made shocking revelations, including an instance when a Hindu girl was given to a Christian family against her will. Furthermore, Hindu girls were forcibly served non-vegetarian food (meat) in an attempt to corrupt their religious beliefs.

While Missionaries of Charity spokespersons, as usual, dismissed all these allegations as baseless and false, a joint investigation team comprising several departments, formed by the police and the district collector, found these allegations to be true, leading to legal action.

The ugly face of human trafficking, involving the buying and selling of newborn babies

Forced religious conversions are not the only illegal activity that the Missionaries of Charity has been accused of; the organisation was also involved in inhumane acts of selling newborn babies for money. The organisation’s ugly face came to light in 2018 at one of its shelter homes in Ranchi, Jharkhand.

In Ranchi, the police arrested two Sisters (nuns) of the Missionaries of Charity red-handed while they were illegally trafficking newborn babies. This incident exposed the horrific network of child trafficking operating under the ‘holy’ and ‘compassionate’ facade of the organisation founded by Mother Teresa.

Considering the grave nature of the activities, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) directly approached the Supreme Court. The Commission urged the country’s highest court to establish a Special Investigation Team (SIT) under Supreme Court supervision to investigate the mysterious disappearances and sale of children from shelter homes run by these Christian missionary organisations.

The Commission alleged that the then government officials of Jharkhand adopted a very lax attitude in such a sensitive matter, and continuous efforts were made to suppress the investigation of this big racket.

The statistics revealed during the Commission’s in-depth investigation were horrifying and shocking. Between 2015 and 2018, approximately 450 destitute and impoverished pregnant women were admitted to this shelter home in Ranchi. However, when the records were examined, only 170 children were legally recorded.

The organisation had no information about the remaining 280 newborns, including where they went or what happened to them. Following this confirmation, the Supreme Court issued notices to the governments of nine states, including Jharkhand, West Bengal, Assam, and Bihar, and ordered an investigation into this human trafficking ring.

The Dark Truth of Mother Teresa โ€“ Deceit, Hypocrisy and the “Ghoul of Kolkata”

The Indian Constitution calls for the development of a scientific temper and a sense of rationality in every citizen. However, the entire process of Mother Teresa’s canonisation by the Vatican was based on blatant superstition, hypocrisy, and a direct insult to medical science.

To canonise Teresa, the Vatican made the ridiculous claim that simply touching her portrait cured people of incurable cancers and tumours overnight. Indian doctors and intellectuals denounced this as sheer sorcery for misleading people and promoting superstition.

Renowned British author Christopher Hitchens, in his acclaimed book “The Missionary Position,” blasted Mother Teresa’s hypocritical image. He directly referred to her as the “Ghoul of Kolkata”. Hitchens’s compelling argument was that Teresa’s institute was not dedicated to providing modern treatment to the suffering, but instead deprived the sick and the dying of modern medicine, leaving them to suffer. The sick were told that their suffering was divine punishment for their sins, and that they should endure it silently and without complaint.

The research of NRI Dr Arup Chatterjee is considered most significant in exposing the sordid truths of this organisation. He conducted on-ground research on the organisation’s operations for nearly 25 years and exposed all its dark deeds in his authoritative book, “Mother Teresa: The Untold Story.”

In the book, Dr Chatterjee stated that the organisation received billions and billions of rupees in donations from around the world, yet patients at its Kolkata centres lacked even basic medical facilities, clean needles, and painkillers. The Indian government was never given any account of where this vast sum of money disappeared.

Support from global powers and a controversial political nexus

Mother Teresa’s entire life was filled with controversies, radical statements, and stories of accepting donations from the world’s most notorious criminals and corrupt figures. When she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1979, she shocked the world by declaring in her speech that the greatest threat to global peace was not nuclear weapons or war, but abortion. This deeply conservative and anti-women statement was strongly condemned by modern society and women’s rights organisations worldwide, clearly revealing her narrow religious agenda.

In 1984, when the devastating gas tragedy struck Bhopal, India, killing thousands of innocent people, Mother Teresa went there to offer solace. But instead of fighting for justice, she offered the victims the suicidal advice of quietly forgiving the corporate culprit, Union Carbide.

Critics firmly believe that she consistently served as an agent of Western corporate powers and governments, such as Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. Furthermore, she accepted a $1.25 million donation from the notorious American financial fraudster Charles Keating and later defended him in court.

The US effort to provide oxygen to Christian missionaries

Despite all these murky controversies, lawsuits, and serious allegations of human trafficking surrounding the organisation, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s decision to visit the Missionaries of Charity as soon as he arrived in India appears to be a deliberate political plot. International affairs analysts believe that the US has consistently employed a devious policy of exerting strategic pressure on developing countries by using the false facade of “religious freedom” and “human rights.”

Rubio’s visit is actually an open attempt to provide oxygen to these missionaries who have been financially and socially weakened due to the tough stance of the Indian government, and revive them at the global level.

The US Secretary of State’s personal visit to an organisation facing serious legal charges in Indian courts for forced conversions, child trafficking, and financial fraud is tantamount to a flagrant disregard for India’s judicial system and internal security. Washington intends to convey the message through this visit that it stands as a shield for these Christian networks operating in India.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Housing Loan EMI Calculator 2026: Plan your dream home with confidence

OpIndia Staff
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Housing Loan EMI Calculator 2026: Plan your dream home with confidence

Buying a home in 2026 is one of the most significant financial decisions an Indian family will make. Property prices have risen sharply across cities, driven by infrastructure expansion, urbanisation, and post-pandemic demand recovery. In metros like Mumbai, Bengaluru, and Pune, average residential prices have climbed 15โ€“25% over the last three years alone. For most buyers, bridging the gap between savings and property cost means taking a home loan, and that is where careful, upfront planning becomes non-negotiable.

Before you approach a lender, before you shortlist a property, even before you set a budget, run the numbers. A housing loan EMI calculator is a free, instant tool that translates complex financial variables into a single, actionable monthly figure. Understanding your EMI in advance can prevent over-borrowing, protect your monthly cash flow, and help you negotiate better terms with lenders.

What is a Housing Loan EMI Calculator?

EMI stands for Equated Monthly Instalment – the fixed amount you pay your lender every month until the loan is fully repaid. An EMI has two components: the principal (the borrowed amount being repaid) and the interest (the lender’s charge for extending credit). In the early months of a loan, a larger share of your EMI goes toward interest. As the loan matures, the principal repayment increases – this is called an amortisation schedule.

A housing loan EMI calculator uses the standard EMI formula to compute your monthly outgo instantly:

EMI = [P ร— R ร— (1 + R)^N] / [(1 + R)^N โ€“ 1]

Where P = Principal loan amount, R = Monthly interest rate (Annual rate รท 12 รท 100), N = Loan tenure in months.

Rather than doing this manually, the online calculator handles everything instantly – which means you can test multiple scenarios in minutes.

Why every homebuyer needs a Housing Loan EMI Calculator

Home loan interest rates play a direct role in how much you pay every month. Even a difference of 0.5% per annum can translate into tens of thousands of rupees over a 20-year tenure. Planning your finances should never rely on rough guesses. The calculator gives you:

  • A precise monthly EMI figure, so you know exactly what to budget for.
  • Total interest payable over the full tenure – often a number that surprises first-time buyers.
  • Total repayment cost, combining both principal and interest, so you understand the true cost of the loan.
  • The ability to compare tenures side by side – see how a 15-year vs. 25-year loan changes both your EMI and your total outflow.

These insights protect you from taking on more than you can manage, and they help you walk into any lender’s office with clarity and confidence.

How the Calculator works: Step by step

Using a housing loan EMI calculator takes less than a minute. Here is what you input:

1. Loan Amount (Principal)

Start with a realistic figure. Subtract your down payment from the total property cost. Most lenders finance 75โ€“90% of the property value; the rest comes from your own savings. Avoid borrowing more than necessary – every additional lakh adds to your monthly commitment.

2. Interest Rate

Enter the rate you expect to be offered, or the prevailing rate from your bank’s website. Home loan rates in India currently range from approximately 7% to 10% p.a. depending on the lender, your credit profile, and whether the rate is fixed or floating. Try multiple rates – this shows you the impact of even a small rate difference on your EMI.

3. Loan Tenure

Choose a repayment period, typically between 5 and 30 years. A longer tenure reduces your monthly EMI but significantly increases the total interest paid. A shorter tenure costs more each month but saves you substantially on interest. The calculator makes this trade-off visible immediately.

Once you enter these three inputs, the calculator instantly displays your monthly EMI, total interest outgo, and aggregate repayment amount. Use it multiple times – with different loan amounts, rates, and tenures – to map out scenarios and find the right balance.

EMI reference: Sample figures at 8.5% p.a.

The table below gives a quick reference for estimated EMIs at a rate of 8.5% p.a. (approximate average market rate). Your actual EMI will vary based on the lender’s offered rate and your credit profile.

Loan AmountTenure (Years)Approx. EMI @ 8.5% p.a.
Rs. 30 Lakh10Rs. 37,190
Rs. 30 Lakh20Rs. 26,035
Rs. 50 Lakh20Rs. 43,391
Rs. 75 Lakh25Rs. 60,302

Even a tenure difference of 10 years on a Rs. 30 lakh loan reduces your EMI by over Rs. 11,000 – but adds several lakhs in total interest. The calculator makes this visible so you can decide consciously.

Benefits of using the Calculator before applying

Benefit AreaWhat You Gain
Cost ClarityUnderstand the full loan cost before signing anything
FlexibilityTest different interest rates, loan amounts, and tenures
ConfidenceMake decisions based on real numbers, not rough estimates
BudgetingPlan your EMI comfortably within your monthly income
Risk AwarenessSpot over-borrowing risks before you commit

Using the calculator more than once is a sound habit. Try it with various loan amounts, rates, and tenures. Each variation offers a new perspective on affordability and helps you find the right balance between the amount you want to borrow and the EMI you can comfortably sustain.

Key factors that affect your home loan EMI

Credit Score

Your CIBIL score is one of the most influential factors in determining your interest rate. Borrowers with scores above 750 typically receive preferential rates, while those below 650 may find it difficult to secure approval at all. Even a 0.25% reduction in your rate due to a strong credit score can save lakhs over a 20-year tenure.

Fixed vs. Floating Interest Rate

A fixed rate remains constant throughout the tenure, giving payment certainty. A floating rate is linked to the RBI repo rate and market benchmarks (such as the lender’s MCLR or RLLR), and can go up or down. In a falling rate environment, floating rate loans benefit borrowers; in a rising rate environment, fixed rates offer protection. Run EMI calculations for both scenarios before deciding.

Down Payment Percentage

The more you pay upfront, the less you borrow – and the lower your EMI. If you can stretch your down payment from 10% to 20% of the property value, your EMI and total interest burden reduce significantly. Use the calculator to see exactly how much difference an extra Rs. 5 lakh in down payment makes.

Prepayments and Part-Payments

Most floating-rate home loans in India allow prepayment without penalty (as per RBI guidelines). Making even one or two lump-sum prepayments during the loan tenure – say, from a bonus or matured investment – can reduce your outstanding principal significantly and cut years off your loan. Many calculators allow you to model this scenario.

Practical tips to reduce your home loan EMI

  • Improve your credit score before applying. A score above 750 – ideally closer to 800 – positions you for the lender’s best rates. Pay off existing credit card dues and avoid multiple loan applications in a short period.
  • Opt for a longer tenure if immediate cash flow is a concern, but review it every 3โ€“5 years. As your income grows, consider switching to a shorter tenure or making prepayments to reduce the interest burden.
  • Compare lenders, not just rates. Processing fees, prepayment charges, insurance bundling, and customer service quality all matter. The cheapest rate with the poorest service can cost more in the long run.
  • Check whether you qualify for any government subsidy. Under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY), eligible first-time homebuyers can receive an interest subsidy of up to 6.5% p.a. on a portion of their loan, which can lower the effective EMI considerably.
  • Use the EMI calculator for ongoing planning. Your financial situation changes – income rises, expenses shift, and interest rates move. Revisiting your numbers every year keeps you in control.

Standard home loan eligibility criteria in India

While eligibility criteria vary slightly across lenders, the following are the general benchmarks most major housing finance companies apply:

  • Nationality: Indian citizen residing in India.
  • Employment type: Salaried, self-employed professional, or self-employed non-professional.
  • Age: Typically between 23 and 67 years for salaried applicants; up to 70 years for self-employed applicants at loan maturity.
  • CIBIL Score: 725 or above is the usual minimum threshold; scores above 750 attract better rates.
  • Income: Sufficient net monthly income to support the proposed EMI, typically assessed using a fixed obligation to income ratio (FOIR) of 40โ€“50%.

Documents required for home loan approval

Having your documents ready before applying speeds up processing significantly. Most lenders require the following:

Document TypeDetails
KYC DocumentsIdentity proof and address proof
Income ProofSalary slips (salaried) or P&L statement (self-employed)
Bank StatementsLast 6 months of account activity
Business ProofRequired for self-employed applicants only

Many lenders today offer doorstep document pickup, reducing the need for branch visits. Digital verification through DigiLocker and Aadhaar e-KYC has further streamlined the process at several banks and housing finance companies.

How to apply for a home loan: A step-by-step overview

Once you have used the housing loan EMI calculator and identified an affordable loan amount, the application process at most lenders follows these steps:

  • Step 1 – Research and compare lenders: Look at interest rates, processing fees, prepayment norms, customer reviews, and loan-to-value ratio offered.
  • Step 2 – Check your eligibility: Use the lender’s online eligibility calculator (separate from the EMI calculator) to get a preliminary sense of how much you qualify for.
  • Step 3 – Gather your documents: Compile KYC, income proof, bank statements, and property documents in advance.
  • Step 4 – Submit your application: Most lenders offer online application portals. Fill in your personal, income, and loan details, then upload documents and submit.
  • Step 5 – OTP verification and processing: Verify your identity digitally. The lender will then assess your application, run a credit check, and verify your documents.
  • Step 6 – Sanction and disbursement: Upon approval, you will receive a sanction letter detailing your loan amount, rate, tenure, and terms. After you accept and the property documents are verified, the loan is disbursed.

Many lenders now offer conditional approval within 24โ€“48 hours of complete document submission, making the process significantly faster than it was even five years ago.

Start with a number you can trust

Planning is the single most important step in buying a home. It is not the property search, not the loan application – it is the financial clarity you build before either of those. A housing loan EMI calculator turns what feels like an overwhelming decision into a manageable plan. It shows you exactly what a home will cost you every month, how much interest you will pay over the life of the loan, and whether your income can comfortably support the commitment.

Use it before you fix a budget. Use it before you walk into a bank. Use it every time interest rates change or your income grows. The few minutes you spend with a calculator today could save you from years of financial strain tomorrow.

Ready to take the first step? You can use a housing loan EMI calculator to instantly estimate your monthly payments and explore home loan options with competitive interest rates, flexible tenures of up to 32 years, loan amounts up to Rs. 15 crore*, and fast approvals – all in one place.

*Terms and conditions apply. Interest rates and eligibility criteria are subject to change at the lender’s discretion.

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