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Two more absconders, Abdul Nasir and Naushad, from PFI’s “Killer Squads” arrested: The Praveen Nettaru murder case explained

Shriti Sagar
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Two more absconders, Abdul Nasir and Naushad, from PFI’s “Killer Squads” arrested: The Praveen Nettaru murder case explained

On Saturday, 11th July, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) has arrested two more chargesheeted absconders in the 2022 murder case of BJP Yuva Morcha leader Praveen Nettaru, taking the total number of arrests in the case to 24. Three accused are still on the run. The two accused, Abdul Nasir P. and Naushad, were arrested during a coordinated operation conducted on Saturday, and the arrests were formally announced on Sunday, 12th July.

“The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has arrested two key absconders in connection with the brutal targeted killing of local BJP leader Praveen Nettaru by cadres of the banned Popular Front of India (PFI) in Karnataka in 2022. Abdul Nasir P alias Nasir and Naushad were nabbed respectively from Kochi (Kerala) and Hosur (Tamil Nadu) on Saturday in a meticulous operation carried out across the two states based on credible information from Andhra Pradesh police,” the NIA said in a statement. 

The agency said that both accused had earlier been chargesheeted under various sections of the Indian Penal Code and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) for sheltering and assisting the main assailants involved in the targeted killing of Praveen Nettaru.

The two men had remained absconding for a long period, prompting the NIA Special Court in Bengaluru to issue Look Out Circulars (LOCs) and open-dated non-bailable warrants against them. The agency had also announced a reward of ₹4 lakh each for information leading to their arrest.

“With these arrests, a total of 24 accused have been arrested in the case so far, while three accused continue to remain absconding. Efforts are underway to trace and apprehend the remaining fugitives,” the NIA said in a statement.

Praveen Nettaru was a District Executive Committee member of BJP Yuva Morcha in Karnataka’s Dakshina Kannada district, and his murder in July 2022 had triggered widespread outrage across the state.

In July last year, the NIA arrested key accused Abdul Rahaman

The latest arrests come almost a year after the NIA arrested one of the key accused in the case, Abdul Rahaman, who had managed to evade arrest for nearly two years.

Rahaman was arrested by an NIA team on 4th July last year immediately after he arrived from Qatar at Kannur International Airport in Kerala. He was carrying a reward of ₹4 lakh announced by the agency.

The NIA described the arrest as a breakthrough in the investigation into the targeted killing of the BJP Yuva Morcha leader.

Investigators confirmed that Rahaman had voluntarily provided shelter to the main assailants and others involved in the murder at the direction of senior leaders of the Popular Front of India (PFI). According to the agency, he fled to Qatar after the attackers were arrested and remained outside India for nearly two years.

Rahaman was among four accused who had been chargesheeted by the NIA in April, 2025, taking the total number of chargesheeted persons in the case to 28.

The agency had announced rewards for information regarding six absconders, with Rahaman being one of the most wanted among them.

Earlier investigations revealed links between the Nettaru murder and the Rudresh killing.

As investigations progressed, the NIA revealed that the murder of Praveen Nettaru was not an isolated incident but was linked to a larger conspiracy involving cadres associated with the banned terrorist outfit Popular Front of India. The agency’s findings drew parallels with the 2016 murder of RSS leader Rudresh in Bengaluru.

In March 2024, the NIA secured a breakthrough in the Rudresh case when Mohammad Ghaus Niazi, an accused linked to the banned PFI, was traced in South Africa and extradited to India.

Niazi had fled India after the murder and spent years moving across different countries before being tracked down with the help of Gujarat ATS and South African authorities.

Rudresh, an RSS worker, was murdered in Bengaluru’s Shivajinagar area in October 2016 while returning home after attending an RSS event. According to investigators, attackers lying in wait ambushed and killed him.

The NIA’s later investigations revealed that the conspiracy and operational structure used in the Rudresh murder eventually evolved into what investigators describe as organised “Service Teams” or “Killer Squads” that were later used in several targeted attacks, including the murder of Praveen Nettaru.

NIA’s revelations regarding PFI’s ‘Service Teams’

In January 2023, the NIA informed that the Popular Front of India had created covert operational units known internally as “Service Teams” or “Killer Squads” to carry out attacks against individuals identified as enemies by the organisation.

According to the agency’s chargesheet, these teams were formed to spread fear, create communal unrest and advance what investigators described as PFI’s long-term ideological objectives. “The investigations found that the PFI formed secret teams called Service Teams or Killer Squads to carry out killings of its perceived enemies and targets,” the NIA had stated in its chargesheet.

The agency said that members of these teams received weapons training, attack drills and surveillance training so that they could identify targets, track their movements and carry out attacks after receiving instructions from senior members of the organisation. Investigators found that these squads maintained information on individuals associated with particular organisations and communities and were trained specifically for targeted attacks.

The NIA further said that the decision to create these operational structures emerged after the murder of RSS leader Rudresh and the arrest of certain PFI functionaries in the case. The agency has repeatedly maintained that the Praveen Nettaru murder was part of this larger pattern of organised targeted violence.

NIA filed chargesheet against 20 accused in January 2023

On 20th January 2023, the NIA filed its first major chargesheet in the case before the NIA Special Court in Bengaluru against 20 accused.

The chargesheet stated that Praveen Nettaru was murdered by cadres and members associated with the Popular Front of India on 26th July 2022 in Bellare village of Sullia taluk in Dakshina Kannada district.

According to the NIA, the objective behind the murder was to create fear in society and spread terror among members of a particular community.

The case had initially been registered at Bellare Police Station as FIR No. 63/2022 on 27th July 2022 before being taken over and re-registered by the NIA on 4th August 2022. The agency said that meetings involving PFI members and leaders had taken place in Bengaluru, Sullia, and Bellare, during which discussions were held on identifying targets.

According to investigators, the District Service Team head, Mustafa Paichar, was instructed to identify a prominent member of a particular community. The NIA claimed that four individuals were surveyed before Praveen Nettaru was ultimately selected as the target.

The agency informed that Nettaru was attacked in public view using lethal weapons with the intention of creating fear and terror.

The 20 accused named in the initial chargesheet included Mahammed Shiyab, Abdul Basheer, Riyaz, Mustafa Paichar alias Mohammad Musthaf S, Masud K.A., Kodaje Mohammed Sherif, Abubakkar Siddik, Noufal M., Ismail Shafi K., K. Mohammed Iqbal, Shaheed M., Mohammed Shafeek G., Ummar Farook M.R., Abdul Kabeer C.A., Muhammad Ibrahim Sha, Sainul Abid Y., Sheikh Saddam Hussain, Zakiar A., N. Abdul Haris and Thufail M.H.

The accused were chargesheeted under sections related to criminal conspiracy, promoting enmity, murder and common intention under the Indian Penal Code, as well as provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the Arms Act.

Among the accused named in the chargesheet, Mustafa Paichar, Masud K.A., Kodaje Mohammed Sherif, Abubakkar Siddik, Ummar Farook M.R. and Thufail M.H. were declared absconders and rewards were announced for information leading to their arrest.

The murder that triggered protests across Karnataka

On 26th July, 2022, Nettaru was hacked to death by Islamists. As per reports, the killers came on a bike in Bellari, Dakshina Kannada of Karnataka, in the late evening and attacked Nettaru with sharp weapons. Praveen Nettaru, who looked after a poultry business, was returning home when the attack happened. The assailants escaped after the attack. Praveen was rushed to the hospital, but he could not be saved.

Massive protests erupted after Praveen died in the city of Bellare and Sullia. While the outraged BJP Yuva Morcha members started to submit mass resignations, the members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad called for a bandh concerning the safety of Hindus in the state of Karnataka.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) had taken over the probe and arrested two accused named Zakir and Mohammed Shafiq in connection with the murder. Investigations revealed that the duo had links with the Islamist organisation Popular Front of India (PFI) and the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI).

Nearly four years after the murder, the case remains one of the most closely watched investigations into targeted political killings in Karnataka, with the NIA continuing its efforts to trace the remaining 3 absconders and complete the prosecution of those accused in the case.

Khalistani terrorist Pannun seeks ‘martyr’ status for Khalra, projects him as pro-Khalistani; how Diljit Dosanjh’s ‘Satluj’ is fuelling separatist propaganda

Anurag
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Khalistani terrorist Pannun seeks ‘martyr’ status for Khalra, projects him as pro-Khalistani; how Diljit Dosanjh’s ‘Satluj’ is fuelling separatist propaganda

On 11th July, United States-based Khalistani terrorist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun wrote to the Jathedar of Sri Akal Takht Sahib seeking the status of “Qaumi Shaheed” for human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra. Pannun, founder and general counsel of the banned Khalistani terrorist outfit Sikhs For Justice (SFJ), also launched a website for the same.

Source: SFJ/X

In the two-page letter, Pannun also asked the Akal Takht to organise a “Shaheedi Samagam” on 6th September, the day on which Khalra was reportedly “abducted” by police personnel from outside his house in Amritsar. He called upon 10 lakh Sikhs to assemble at the Akal Takht complex in Amritsar that day.

Source: SFJ/X

The website launched by SFJ seeking martyr status for Khalra has an option to send an email directly to the Akal Takht Jathedar. Pannun urged his supporters to “flood” the Jathedar’s office with the demand.

Screenshot of website launched by SFJ. Source: SFJ/X

The demand has been raised by Pannun days after the Dosanjh-starrer Satluj revived the debate over Khalra and the insurgency period in Punjab. The film has already been adopted as political material by pro-Khalistani groups. Jailed pro-Khalistani MP Amritpal Singh’s party has organised screenings of downloaded copies across Punjab. Now, Pannun has entered the issue with an openly separatist campaign.

Source: X

The film has subtly portrayed the Khalistani insurgency as a form of resistance against police and administrative brutality against Sikhs. In reality, Khalistani terrorism in Punjab had reached a point where the police and armed forces were pushed to take strict action to end militancy in the state. While it is true that innocent Sikhs were picked up and killed in extrajudicial circumstances, it does not mean that the brutal attacks against Hindus and Sikhs who opposed militancy can be whitewashed as mere resistance.

Pannun presented Khalra as a pro-Khalistani ‘activist’

In the subject of the letter itself, Pannun described Khalra as someone who had supported and defended pro-Khalistani Sikhs against India’s so-called “policy of extermination”. Pannun did not describe Khalra merely as a human rights activist who documented alleged illegal cremations. He recast him as an ideological supporter of the Khalistani movement and a defender of Sikh separatism, something the makers and supporters of Satluj have avoided doing.

Pannun claimed that the Indian government used President’s Rule, the Punjab Disturbed Areas Act, the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and TADA to eliminate Khalistani terrorists and their supporters. He further claimed that the entire state administration was under the direct control of Delhi.

The letter further claims that Khalra supported the “Sikh right to self-determination”. It describes those killed during counter-terror operations as “pro-Khalistan Sikhs actively fighting armed forces, their supporters, and their families”.

SFJ has claimed that Khalra documented more than 2,000 illegal cremations in Amritsar district. It then expanded the allegation to an estimated 25,000 enforced disappearances across Punjab. The larger figure in the SFJ campaign is presented as an allegation and not as a court-established number. Notably, the figure of 25,000 has always been an estimate that has repeatedly been presented as a factual statistic.

Pannun also communalised the counter-terror operations. He referred to personnel deployed from central forces and other states as “majoritarian Hindu police officers”. He accused them of acting under orders from the Union government to crush the Khalistani movement.

He deliberately framed the letter in a way that changed the story from a debate over police excesses into a Hindu versus Sikh conflict. It also erased the role of Sikh police officials, Sikh politicians and ordinary Sikh citizens who opposed Khalistani terrorism.

Pannun makes the Khalistan objective clear

Pannun’s accompanying statement left no doubt about the purpose of the campaign. He asked the Sikh diaspora to “defeat India’s narrative” and declared that the mobilisation around Khalra would be used to achieve the “ultimate goal” of the Sikh campaign.

The statement is important because the campaign is not limited to demanding accountability for Khalra’s abduction and murder. It seeks to use his death to promote separatism and challenge India’s sovereignty, 30 years after Khalra was killed.

SFJ wants the Akal Takht to provide religious legitimacy to this political campaign. It wants the title of ‘Qaumi Shaheed’ for Khalra, a mass gathering in Amritsar and global mobilisation through a digital petition.

The organisation is effectively attempting to take control of the narrative created by Satluj. It is using Khalra’s story to project the Khalistani movement as a struggle against “extermination”.

Akal Takht separately calls for Khalra commemoration

As SFJ called for Khalra to be declared a “martyr”, a similar demand was later raised by the Secretariat of Sri Akal Takht Sahib, which appealed to Sikh organisations and devotees to commemorate Khalra on 6th September. The programme mentioned by the Secretariat is scheduled to be held at Gurdwara Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji in Khadoor Sahib. It is being organised with Khalra’s family and the Human Rights Protection Committee. In the appeal, devotees were asked to participate in large numbers and offer prayers.

How ‘Satluj’ brought Khalra back into focus

Satluj, directed by Honey Trehan, is based on the life and death of Jaswant Singh Khalra. The film was originally titled Ghallughara, which means holocaust. It was later renamed ‘Punjab ’95’ before finally being released as Satluj.

The film appeared quietly on ZEE5 on 3rd July. It was removed from the Indian version of the platform within two days, though it remained available internationally. No government order banning the film has been made public.

The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) had earlier sought several changes before clearing it for theatrical release. The makers chose to release the uncut version on an OTT platform. The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MIB) later constituted a three-member committee to examine the matter.

The controversy is not simply about whether police excesses should be depicted. They should be discussed. The problem is that Satluj presented only one side of Punjab’s bloodiest period.

The film portrayed the state as the principal villain. Khalistani terrorists were softened or pushed into the background. The assassination of Chief Minister Beant Singh was framed as an act of “revenge”. The reasons behind the severe police response were not examined at all.

KPS Gill, who led the campaign that eventually broke the back of militancy, was represented through a fictionalised police officer shown as a brutal antagonist. The killings of Hindus, police personnel, government officials and Sikhs who opposed Khalistan did not receive comparable space or even a mere mention.

Amritpal Singh’s party turned the film into political material

After ZEE5 removed the film in India, Akali Dal (Waris Punjab De), the party associated with jailed pro-Khalistani MP Amritpal Singh, began organising public screenings in villages.

Downloaded copies were shown using projectors and large screens in Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Tarn Taran, Moga and other areas. Party leader Rashpal Singh Sosan also shared an old video in which Amritpal Singh praised Khalra.

Diljit Dosanjh had earlier said that people had already downloaded the film. ZEE5 later urged viewers not to support piracy. Despite that appeal, downloaded copies were publicly screened by Amritpal Singh’s party.

The party has not been screening Satluj merely as a film. It is using Diljit’s popularity and Khalra’s story to build a political narrative. The film offered a ready-made account in which separatists could be projected as victims while the Indian state became the sole aggressor.

Pannun’s intervention takes that process further. Amritpal Singh’s party is carrying the film to Punjab’s villages. SFJ is now trying to take the same narrative to the Akal Takht and the global Sikh diaspora.

Khalra’s murder was real, but it cannot justify separatist propaganda

Jaswant Singh Khalra’s work and murder cannot be dismissed. Khalra was a bank employee who examined crematorium records and firewood purchase receipts. His investigation raised serious questions about unidentified bodies cremated during the counter-terror operations.

A CBI investigation confirmed 2,097 such cremations in Amritsar district. Of these, 582 bodies were identified and 278 were partially identified. Khalra was abducted by Punjab Police personnel in September 1995 and killed in custody.

Six police personnel were convicted at the trial stage. The Punjab and Haryana High Court later upheld five convictions and enhanced the sentences to life imprisonment. The Supreme Court upheld those convictions and sentences in 2011.

These facts must be acknowledged. Police excesses occurred. Innocent people were killed. Officers responsible for Khalra’s murder were prosecuted and convicted through the Indian judicial system.

However, accepting these facts does not require accepting Pannun’s claim that the Indian government followed a policy of exterminating Sikhs. It does not turn every person killed or cremated during that period into a Khalistani “freedom fighter”. It certainly does not provide moral legitimacy to the demand for an independent Khalistan.

The Hindu and Sikh victims missing from Pannun’s narrative

Punjab did not become a battlefield because the police suddenly decided to target Sikhs. Khalistani terrorist groups had spent years assassinating politicians, journalists, police officers and civilians. Hindus were separated from Sikhs on buses and trains before being shot.

On 15th June 1991, Khalistani terrorists attacked two passenger trains near Ludhiana. They killed 110 people. Most of the victims were Hindus. In one of the attacks, the terrorists separated Hindu passengers from Sikhs, forced them off the train and shot them beside the railway tracks. Another 49 Hindu passengers were killed in a train massacre in December that year.

In November 1989, Khalistani terrorists entered a hostel at Thapar Engineering College in Patiala and opened fire on students attending a youth festival. Nineteen students were killed. Most of them were Hindus from institutions in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.

Then-Chief Minister of Punjab Beant Singh, himself a Sikh, was assassinated in a suicide bombing in August 1995. Sixteen others were also killed in the suicide bombing by Khalistani terrorists. Yet Satluj presents his murder through the language of revenge rather than showing the full horror of the terrorist attack.

The estimated number of deaths during the Khalistani insurgency stands at around 21,500. Of those, 11,700 were civilians, including 4,500 Hindus. These people rarely appeared in the renewed conversation around Satluj at the beginning. However, social media users are now raising questions such as, “Who will talk about the Hindu victims of Khalistani terrorism?”

Still, there are no viral campaigns to remember the Hindu students killed in their hostel. There are no international petitions for passengers murdered after terrorists checked their religion. There is no campaign to talk about the Abohar Goli Kand of March 1991 or the attack on RSS activists at a shakha in Moga. The police officers and anti-Khalistan Sikhs killed by extremists are also being treated as footnotes.

Who is Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, founder of Sikhs For Justice

Sikhs For Justice (SFJ) is a Khalistani organisation that was declared an unlawful association by the Government of India under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in July 2019. Pannun was designated an individual terrorist under the same law in July 2020.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has described SFJ as a secessionist organisation running the so-called ‘Referendum 2020’ campaign for the creation of Khalistan. The NIA has also said that the outfit attempts to mobilise the Sikh diaspora for illegal separatist activities.

Gurpatwant Singh Pannun has repeatedly issued threats against India, its leaders and its institutions. His campaigns routinely combine online propaganda, rewards, provocative slogans and attempts to exploit religious or political events.

His involvement makes the appropriation of Khalra particularly dangerous. Pannun is not seeking an honest examination of police conduct. He has already stated that his objective is an independent Khalistan. Khalra’s death is useful to him only as a tool to delegitimise India and recruit support for separatism.

Campaign launched ahead of PM Modi’s visit and Punjab elections

The campaign has also emerged at a politically sensitive time. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to visit Punjab on 17th July to inaugurate the redeveloped Jalandhar Cantt railway station. The project has been completed at an estimated cost of ₹125 crore.

Ahead of the visit, SFJ released a video purportedly filmed at Firozpur Cantt railway station. The footage showed “Khalistan Zindabad” and “Modi Murdabad” written on coaches of a Delhi-bound train.

On one side, SFJ is invoking Khalra and asking the Akal Takht to lead a mass gathering. On the other, it is promoting anti-India and anti-Modi slogans on public property. Both activities serve the same larger objective. They seek visibility, confrontation and political polarisation.

Punjab is also heading towards Assembly elections in 2027. Political parties have already begun positioning themselves for the contest. Pro-Khalistani groups will have an interest in keeping questions of militancy, prisoners, alleged state oppression and Sikh victimhood at the centre of public discussion.

Satluj has provided them with emotionally powerful material. Amritpal Singh’s party has taken it to villages. Gurdwaras across states are promoting and screening the film. Pannun is attempting to internationalise it and obtain religious legitimacy from the Akal Takht.

Pannun’s campaign exposes the real danger of the one-sided narrative

The issue is not whether Khalra should be remembered. Nor is it whether police officers who committed crimes should be punished. India’s courts have already convicted officers not only for Khalra’s abduction and murder but also in similar cases, such as that of Baljit Singh, a Sikh who was picked up and later killed by Punjab Police personnel.

The issue is whether Khalra’s story should be surrendered to a designated terrorist who openly wants to break India.

Pannun’s letter exposed the danger of presenting Punjab’s militancy years through only one set of victims. Once the killings committed by Khalistani terrorists are removed, terrorism can be repackaged as resistance. Once Hindu and anti-Khalistan Sikh victims disappear, the state can be presented as an occupying force.

That is precisely the narrative Pannun wants. His own statement connects the campaign directly to an independent Khalistan.

The controversy around Satluj has therefore moved beyond cinema. The film is now being used for village-level political mobilisation, diaspora propaganda and an attempt to reignite separatist propaganda in Punjab, particularly ahead of the Assembly elections.

Failed eKYC, income ceiling, CAG audit and more: Why Maharashtra dropped 92 lakh Ladki Bahin beneficiaries

Jinit Jain
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Failed eKYC, income ceiling, CAG audit and more: Why Maharashtra dropped 92 lakh Ladki Bahin beneficiaries

In one of the biggest beneficiary verification drives undertaken by any state government, Maharashtra has removed more than 92 lakh beneficiaries from its flagship Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, reducing the scheme’s coverage by nearly 38 per cent.

The large-scale deletion follows a statewide verification exercise that found lakhs of beneficiaries either failed to complete mandatory verification or did not meet the eligibility criteria laid down under the scheme. The exercise also carries significant financial implications.

While the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) recently flagged Rs 3,541 crore in excess expenditure and deficiencies in the scheme’s financial management during 2024-25, the removal of more than 92 lakh beneficiaries is expected to reduce the government’s annual liability by over Rs 16,500 crore, assuming each deleted beneficiary would otherwise have continued receiving the monthly assistance of Rs 1,500.

Here is a closer look at what happened, why it happened, and what it means for Maharashtra’s finances.

What is the Ladki Bahin Yojana?

Approved in June 2024 ahead of the Maharashtra Assembly elections, the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana was introduced as one of the Mahayuti government’s flagship welfare programmes aimed at improving the financial independence of women.

Under the scheme, eligible women between 21 and 65 years of age belonging to families with an annual income below Rs 2.5 lakh receive Rs 1,500 every month through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT). However, government employees, income tax payers and beneficiaries of certain other welfare schemes are excluded from receiving benefits.

The programme expanded rapidly after its launch, with budgetary allocations and supplementary provisions exceeding Rs 60,000 crore. At its peak, the scheme covered around 2.43 crore women. Following the verification exercise, however, the beneficiary count has fallen to nearly 1.5 crore.

Why did Maharashtra remove more than 92 lakh beneficiaries?

The verification exercise, which began in September 2025, was intended to weed out ineligible beneficiaries and ensure that only genuine recipients continued receiving financial assistance. The findings revealed that the overwhelming majority of deletions were not because beneficiaries were found guilty of fraud, but because they failed to complete the government’s mandatory electronic Know Your Customer (eKYC) verification process.

In fact, nearly 62 lakh beneficiaries, accounting for almost 67 per cent of all deletions, were removed solely because they did not complete eKYC.

The remaining beneficiaries were found to be ineligible for a variety of reasons. Around 16 lakh women belonged to families whose annual income exceeded the scheme’s prescribed ceiling of Rs 2.5 lakh. Another 4.42 lakh beneficiaries disclosed during verification that they or a family member were government employees, making them ineligible under the scheme.

The exercise also found that approximately 3.6 lakh women were already receiving benefits under the Sanjay Gandhi Niradhar Yojana, while nearly 2.5 lakh cases involved more than two members of the same family receiving benefits simultaneously, contrary to the scheme’s rules.

Additionally, nearly 1.8 lakh beneficiaries were found to be above the upper age limit of 65 years, while another 1.7 lakh cases were flagged during district-level verification. The exercise also uncovered around 29,000 men and nearly 8,000 government employees who had received benefits despite being ineligible.

Why did the eKYC exercise happen so late?

Responding to the findings, Maharashtra Women and Child Development Minister Aditi Tatkare said the government could not begin the eKYC exercise immediately after launching the scheme because Maharashtra went into Assembly elections soon afterwards and the Model Code of Conduct came into force.

According to Tatkare, the scheme was launched in June 2024, while the first two instalments were released together in August 2024. Before the verification exercise could begin, the state entered the election period, delaying the implementation of mandatory authentication. The government eventually initiated the eKYC drive in August 2025 after the new government assumed office.

She maintained that beneficiaries were repeatedly informed that payments would stop if eKYC was not completed and said multiple opportunities, including extensions until December 31, 2025, were provided to complete the process.

Tatkare also rejected suggestions that the government arbitrarily removed beneficiaries, saying that everyone who had registered and was otherwise eligible continued receiving payments until the mandatory verification process was completed.

Created with AI using government data

How much money had already been paid to those who were removed?

Officials associated with the verification exercise estimate that beneficiaries who were eventually removed had collectively received around Rs 14,000 crore before their payments were discontinued.

On average, each beneficiary whose payments were stopped had received assistance for nearly 10 months. However, there was no uniform cut-off date because beneficiaries were identified at different stages during the verification exercise. Some continued receiving benefits longer than others before their eligibility was reassessed.

What exactly did the CAG report say?

Around the same time that the verification exercise was underway, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) raised serious concerns regarding the financial management of the Ladki Bahin scheme.

In its State Finances Audit Report 2024-25, the CAG found that the Women and Child Development Department spent Rs 33,237.24 crore despite having an authorised budget of only Rs 29,693.09 crore, resulting in an excess expenditure of Rs 3,541.16 crore. The audit noted that no specific justification had been provided for the overspending.

The CAG also observed that Rs 15,586 crore had been transferred into Virtual Personal Deposit Accounts (VPDAs)between January and March 2025 even though there was no immediate requirement for the funds. It described this practice as a serious financial irregularity because money had effectively been withdrawn from the treasury without corresponding expenditure requirements.

Overall, the audit concluded that the implementation of the scheme suffered from significant deficiencies in budget estimation, expenditure control and financial management, and recommended that the government undertake more realistic assessments of beneficiary numbers while budgeting for large Direct Benefit Transfer schemes.

How do the beneficiary deletions relate to the CAG’s findings?

Although the verification exercise and the CAG audit are often discussed together, they deal with different issues.

The CAG’s figure of Rs 3,541 crore refers to past expenditure during the 2024-25 financial year that exceeded the authorised budget. That finding concerns how the scheme was financed and managed, not whether individual beneficiaries were eligible.

The deletion of more than 92 lakh beneficiaries, on the other hand, primarily affects the government’s future expenditure. Since every beneficiary receives Rs 1,500 every month, removing 92 lakh beneficiaries reduces the government’s annual payout obligation by approximately:

92 lakh × Rs 1,500 × 12 months = Rs 16,560 crore annually.

In other words, the verification exercise potentially saves the government more than Rs 16,500 crore every year, provided the beneficiary count remains unchanged.

This means the two figures should not be treated as directly comparable. The Rs 3,541 crore represents excess expenditure that had already taken place and cannot be reversed by deleting beneficiaries later. The Rs 16,560 crore, by contrast, represents the government’s estimated annual savings going forward because it no longer has to make monthly transfers to those who have been removed.

However, the beneficiary verification does address one of the broader concerns raised by the CAG that future budgets should be based on a more realistic estimate of eligible beneficiaries rather than inflated enrolment figures.

Outrage over Rudrabhishek Puja in train saloon coach: The ill-informed public vs private space debate and truth about ‘safety hazard’ argument

Shraddha Pandey
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Outrage over Rudrabhishek Puja in train saloon coach: The ill-informed public vs private space debate and truth about ‘safety hazard’ argument

“Namaz inside a train is intolerable; transforming a train cabin into a honeymoon suite goes against culture, but doing Rudrabhishek inside a VIP Saloon Coach is perfectly fine.” Leftists have found a new issue to outrage over, cry ‘Hindu majoritarianism’, and target the ruling dispensation.

On 12th July, a video went viral online, showing a Rudrabhishek puja being performed inside a moving train saloon coach. The 32-second video shows pandits seated on the floor of a booked private VIP saloon coach, conducting puja rituals alongside others. It shows a proper Rudrabhishek puja setting with utensils for offering, a shivling, flowers, and an echo of devotional chants.

The video, however, irked many on social media. Soon after, an outrage erupted with claims of safety, fire hazards, questions over allowing religious rituals on trains, and comparisons of incidents like Muslims offering namaz inside a train or a recent ‘honeymoon coach’ decoration case.

In this vein, one self-declared ‘Ambedkarite’ wrote on X (formerly Twitter), “Emotions get hurt when someone offers namaz in a train… When a honeymoon surprise is given in a train cabin, culture is suddenly in danger, and the TTE gets suspended… But when a full-blown Rudrabhishek and puja-path is conducted inside a running train by calling in priests with all the pomp and show in an Indian Railways VIP Saloon Coach, where do all the rules, regulations, and the objections from the entire society disappear to? It is being claimed that this video features officials and staff of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath ji performing this religious ritual inside a train during an official or VIP journey… The question is not about any religion or mode of worship—the question is about the double standards in rules…”

He also shot several questions about the safety of co-passengers, if public transport can be used for religious purposes, if Muslims are not allowed to offer namaz, why Hindus are allowed to do Rudrabhishek, etc. Somehow, Yadav even invoked the Constitution.

“The question is not about any religion or mode of worship—the question is about the double standards in rules… Is it right, from the perspective of co-passengers’ safety or the train’s security, to keep liquids, large metal vessels, and ritual materials like this inside a moving train??? Can public transport (Public Transport) or a government saloon coach be openly used like this for personal religious rituals??? Why isn’t the law equal for everyone??? If the railways take immediate action on any act by the common public, why do the railway manuals change for VIPs or their staff??? In the eyes of the Constitution and the law, every citizen and every religion should be equal. If rules are strict in one place, accountability must be enforced in the other as well… What is your opinion on this hypocrisy? Should such events be allowed in VIP coaches???” he asked.

Meanwhile, Alt News’s Islamist propagandist Mohammed Zubair tagged the Minister for Railways and the Railway Ministry’s official handles to question if the performance of Rudrabhishek inside a moving train was allowed.

“Hello @AshwiniVaishnaw, was this approved by @RailMinIndia? If so, What is the procedure?” he asked.

In response to Zubair’s post, Northern Railway issued a clarification. It said that the Rudrabhishek puja ceremony was not performed in a regular passenger coach, but in a privately chartered saloon coach booked commercially via IRCTC. The booking was made on 8th July 2026, with an advance payment of Rs 3,08,580. The saloon coach was attached to train number 12926, Pashchim Express, for a journey from New Delhi to Mumbai on 10th July 2026.

“The Saloon Car was booked by IRCTC on 08.07.26. The party made an advance payment of Rs 3,08,580 as commercial booking. The Saloon Car was to be attached in Train No. 12926 Paschim Express on a one-way journey from New Delhi (NDLS) to Mumbai (BDTS) on 10.07.2026. NR issued Notification of commercial run of the Saloon on 10.07.2026 subject to operational feasibility,” the Northern Railway said.

It further emphasised that passenger safety, punctuality, and security were maintained throughout, with no injuries or operational issues reported.

“The primary roles and responsibilities of ensuring punctuality, safety, security, and convenience of the passengers lies with Railways without any compromise. In this incident, none got injured. Priest seen performing abhishek is being performed in saloon car booked by party,” the Northern Railway stated.

What are the features of a saloon coach, and why the outrage over Rudrabhishek-on-train is largely misplaced

While Islamo-leftists have somehow inserted their own Muslim victimhood agenda in the issue, many others raised genuine concerns about passenger safety as lighting of diyas, which is usually a requisite in Hindu puja rituals, could be a serious fire hazard.

However, those outraging a ignorantly conflating a private chartered space with public space. A saloon coach is a fully private and paid-for facility, functioning like a luxurious moving 1 BHK apartment on wheels. The Indian Railway Catering and Tourism Corporation (IRCTC) charters saloon coaches for exclusive use by families or groups.

Customers are provided an entire coach, typically with 2 AC bedrooms, attached baths, a lounge or dining area, and a kitchenette, where a trained railway cook and cooking materials are provided at an additional cost.

A saloon coach is not a shared public coach or even a regular coupe. It is like an expensive rented hotel suite, wherein full control lies with the customer for a specific time period.

However, ‘full control’ does not mean the booking party has the right to jeopardise the safety of other passengers in the train.

Personal activities, including religious rituals, are permissible in such private paid spaces only as long as they cause no damage to railway property, or pose risk to the safety of co-passengers, and make any impositions on others.

Coming to whether performing Rudrabhishek inside a moving train, even if done in a paid private space, is a safety hazard or not, it is important to understand what Rudrabhishek is and how it is different from the conventional puja rituals involving lighting of diyas, incense sticks, etc.

The Rudrabhishek ritual centres on “abhishek”, which here means an auspicious bath for Rudra or Lord Shiva. Devotees bathe a Shivling with milk, Gangajal, honey, curd, Bilva leaves, rose water, and flowers, while chanting Rudram-Chamkam mantras from Yajurveda. Rudrabhishek is essentially a Vedic purification and worship ritual dedicated to Mahadev.

While a deep or diya or oil/ghee lamp is common in Hindu puja rituals for aarti, it is not essential to the core of Rudrabhishek. Though not restricted, open flame is not a compulsory part of Rudrabhishek. In addition, performance of Havan, which requires building a fire, is also not a part of Rudrabhishek.

In fact, in situations where full-fledged performance of elaborate rituals is not feasible, Hindu karma-kand guidelines have the concept of Manas Puja, which refers to inner or mental worship, involving devotees expressing devotion and making their offerings without physical props. Thus, the presence of Agni in any form is not essential in a Rudrabhishek puja.

Even the viral video does not show any lighted diyas or open flame. The Ministry of Railways also confirmed there was no report of any fire incident, smoke or hazard.

The IRCTC provides at least two train saloon coach attendants, including one AC attendant and one saloon attendant, to ensure a comfortable journey for the customers.

These attendants are well-informed about safety protocols and, in case passengers end up doing something that could be deemed a safety hazard, the attendants do stop passengers from doing such things.

In the present case, the attendants must have been aware that the passengers in the saloon coach were performing Rudrabhishek and had they lit an open flame that could’ve been risky, the attendants would have stopped them. In case the passengers refused to follow the instructions, the attendants would have informed their superiors for necessary intervention.

Many online have compared Rudrabhishek in a paid private saloon coach with unauthorised honeymoon decoration in a regular AC coupe. Unlike in the present case involving a fully chartered exclusive saloon coach wherein the hirer arranges everything internally, in the ‘honeymoon decoration’ case, an external private decorator entered a shared First AC coach in Nandigram Express without authorisation, decorated berths, in a blatant violation of security protocol in non-private space, thus warranting action.

Islamo-leftists are alleging double standards and crying hoarse that the authorities follow different rules when Muslims offer namaz on train, and different rules when Hindus perform puja. However, often driven by an Islamist itch to assert religious dominance, Muslims usually offer namaz in general or sleeper coaches, which essentially are shared public spaces, by blocking movement and affecting the space of co-passengers. Their case of creating a nuisance in a public space is in no way comparable to people booking a private saloon coach and doing puja without violating safety protocols.

On the question of whether the Indian Railways guidelines explicitly allow religious ceremonies inside a privately booked saloon coach, the authorities neither explicitly permit nor ban religious events. Since a saloon coach is exclusively reserved for a passenger group, it is treated as a private space throughout the journey it is paid for. In such a private space, the IRCTC ensures that despite paid freedoms, passengers cannot damage railway property, cause public nuisance or interfere with train operations.

While many found the clarification issued by the Northern Railway too technical and disappointing, the department did not heed the agenda-driven outrage simply because there were no apparent safety protocol violations or breach of other rules in the present case.

Lucknow-Kanpur Expressway in UP to be inaugurated: All you need to know about the country’s first barrier-free expressway

Aditi
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Lucknow-Kanpur Expressway in UP to be inaugurated: All you need to know about the country’s first barrier-free expressway

In a fresh addition to the state’s infrastructural achievements, the Yogi Adityanath government in Uttar Pradesh is set to inaugurate the Lucknow-Kanpur Expressway on 13th July. The 63-kilometre-long landmark infrastructural project built with an expenditure of ₹4,700 crore will be inaugurated by Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Union Road Transport and Highways Minister Nitin Gadkari, and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath.

The expressway will significantly improve connectivity between the two major cities of the state and considerably reduce the distance as the travel time. At present, the travel time between Lucknow and Kanpur is between 2.5 and 3 hours. After the expressway becomes operational, the journey between the two cities will take 35 to 45 minutes, which will save people a considerable amount of time. The expressway has been designated as National Expressway-6.

Image via Bhaskar

Advanced technology used in its construction

The advanced 3D AMG technology was used in the construction of the expressway, about 30% of whose total length is elevated. An Advanced Traffic Management System (ATMS) has been installed on the expressway to issue challans (fines) to those exceeding the speed limit; the system will instantly transmit details for enforcement action. It has 63 high-resolution CCTV cameras and 16 Video Incident Detection Systems (VIDS). The entire stretch of the expressway will be under CCTV surveillance. In case an accident takes place on the expressway, assistance will arrive within 15 minutes.

The expressway is fitted with Intelligent Traffic Management Systems (ITMS), including PTZ (pan-tilt-zoom) cameras, speed radars, emergency call boxes, variable message signs and incident detection systems. Two control rooms have been set up on the expressway at the 27th km and the 35th km for round-the-clock surveillance.

Barrier-free journey

Vehicles running on the expressway will have to follow a speed limit of 120 km per hour. The expressway, which will be the country’s first barrier-free expressway, will link Shaheed Path in Lucknow to Chakeri in Kanpur. Vehicles will be able to pass without conventional toll barriers, which will contribute to reducing delays and improving traffic movement.

The project uses a technology called Multi-Lane Free Flow (MLFF) tolling system, which allows vehicles to pass through toll points without physical barriers, helping ensure smoother and faster travel. This tolling system combines Automatic Number Plate Recognition (ANPR) cameras and FASTag-based Electronic Toll Collection technology. 

High-speed cameras installed above the road automatically scan a vehicle’s number plate as it passes through the toll point. At the same time, sensors detect the FASTag fixed on the vehicle’s windshield. The toll amount is then automatically deducted from the linked FASTag account without requiring the vehicle to stop. If there is not sufficient balance in the FASTag account, the user will receive an Electronic Notice (E-Notice) for payment of the toll fee.

The system requires very little human involvement. By allowing uninterrupted movement of vehicles, the system is expected to reduce travel time, improve fuel efficiency, cut vehicle emissions near toll plazas, reduce congestion, and improve overall highway operations.

Two-wheelers will not be allowed on the expressway. To maintain ecological balance, the state forest department has proposed planting around 46,000 trees along the expressway.

Lucknow-Kanpur expressway (Image via Bhaskar)

Improved connectivity and smooth travel

The route of the expressway is such that it will connect three different expressways, hugely benefiting residents of several other districts in Uttar Pradesh. It has been linked to the Lucknow Outer Ring Road, which will enable vehicles coming from Kanpur to head directly towards Rae Bareli, Sitapur, Hardoi, and Sultanpur without entering the city. Service lanes have also been built for smooth entry and exit to the Ring Road.

The project includes four major bridges, 25 minor bridges, four flyovers, 11 pedestrian underpasses, and 13 underpasses for light vehicles. Currently, there are six lanes on the expressway, which will soon be expanded to eight lanes. This is an effective alternative to the 94-km-long old NH-27, which experiences heavy congestion. It has a total of five toll plazas, but the toll connecting to the Outer Ring Road will not be taxed. Currently, only four toll plazas will charge a fixed fee based on vehicle types.

Higher fares but improved travel experience

There will be two fare structures for state transport (roadways) buses travelling to Kanpur. While the fare for buses using the existing National Highway is ₹137, passengers on buses using the expressway may have to pay up to ₹150. The difference in fares is due to higher toll charges. The toll for a single bus journey on the expressway is ₹935 (with a return trip on the same day costing ₹1,405), whereas the toll for buses using the National Highway is ₹95. To ensure passenger convenience, fuel stations, restaurants, parking areas and trauma centres are being developed along the expressway.

Who was Lindsey Graham? The US senator who wanted 500% tariffs on India over Russian oil 

Shriti Sagar
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Who was Lindsey Graham? The US senator who wanted 500% tariffs on India over Russian oil 

United States Senator and one of US President Donald Trump’s closest allies in Washington, Lindsey Graham, passed away on Saturday, 11th July, following a sudden illness. He was 71. The senior Republican lawmaker from South Carolina suffered chest pain and went into cardiac arrest shortly after returning from Kyiv, where he had concluded his tenth visit to Ukraine during the ongoing conflict. Emergency services responded to the home, and his office later confirmed the passing.⁠

A brief statement said, “On the evening of Saturday, July 11, U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham passed away from a brief and sudden illness. Senator Graham’s family appreciates prayers at this time and asks for privacy during this incredibly difficult period.”

Unlike Trump, who often described Russian President Vladimir Putin as a “dear friend” and advocated negotiations, Graham cultivated an image as one of Washington’s strongest Russia hawks. He consistently backed military and financial support for Ukraine and repeatedly pressed successive US administrations to impose tougher sanctions on Moscow and on countries continuing to trade with Russia.

The news of Graham’s death came only days after Iranian hardliners publicly threatened him with death. During a funeral ceremony in Tehran attended by supporters of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, posters displayed images of Graham alongside Donald Trump and other American leaders, with red targets placed over their faces. The message accompanying the posters read, “Sooner or later, your heads will roll.”

Graham had responded to the threat on social media on 6th July with characteristic defiance, posting an image of the placard and writing: “At least they used a good photo of me. Judge me by my enemies.”

Just days before his death, Graham travelled to Kyiv to reaffirm his support for Ukraine. He was among a bipartisan group of senators that reached an agreement with the Trump administration to move forward with legislation aimed at imposing tougher economic penalties on Russia and countries helping sustain Moscow’s war economy.

Speaking in Kyiv after his tenth wartime visit to Ukraine, Graham declared: “We’ve reached an agreement with the White House on a version of the Russian sanctions bill that they will support. It means it’s going to become law.”

The legislation, known as the Sanctioning Russia Act, was intended to allow the United States to target countries helping Russia bypass Western sanctions and strengthen Washington’s negotiating leverage against Moscow. 

Who was Lindsey Graham?

Born on 9th July, 1955, in Central, South Carolina, Lindsey Olin Graham built a political career shaped by law, military service and foreign policy activism.

After studying law, Graham joined the United States Air Force in 1982 as part of the Judge Advocate General’s Corps. Between 1982 and 1988, he served as both a defence attorney and chief prosecutor while stationed in Europe. Even after entering politics, he continued serving in the Air Force Reserve and eventually rose to the rank of colonel.

In 2014, Graham received the Bronze Star Medal for meritorious service. Although he never saw direct combat, his military background helped establish his image as a strong advocate for defence spending and an interventionist American foreign policy.

His political journey began in South Carolina’s state legislature, where he served in the House of Representatives from 1993 to 1995. He later represented South Carolina’s 3rd congressional district in the US House of Representatives from 1995 until 2003.

In 2002, Graham successfully contested for the United States Senate and quickly emerged as one of the Republican Party’s most prominent voices on national security issues. He was re-elected in 2008, 2014 and 2020, becoming one of the South’s longest-serving and most recognisable Republican senators.

Listed as ‘Terrorist and Extremist’ by Russia in 2024

Graham’s aggressive rhetoric against Russia and his unwavering support for Ukraine led to an extraordinary development in 2024 when Russian authorities added him to the country’s official list of “terrorists and extremists.” The designation was issued by Russia’s state financial monitoring agency, Rosfinmonitoring, whose blacklist allows authorities to freeze financial assets and bank accounts linked to individuals or organisations considered extremist threats.

The move was largely symbolic in Graham’s case, but it highlighted the extent of tensions between the senator and the Kremlin. Responding to the decision, Graham mocked the announcement on social media, writing sarcastically: “There goes all my rubles!”

The senator had earlier been the subject of a Russian arrest warrant after making strongly worded remarks against Moscow during a visit to Kyiv. Russian officials accused him of spreading “Russophobic statements” and escalating anti-Russian sentiment. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov had remarked at the time: “It’s difficult to imagine a greater shame for a country than having such senators.”

Graham dismissed the criticism and told Reuters that he would “wear the arrest warrant issued by Putin’s corrupt and immoral government as a badge of honour.” He repeatedly called for Russia to be designated a state sponsor of terrorism and argued that 2024 would be “a bad year for Putin’s Russia” because of increased Western military assistance to Ukraine.

Known for his Anti-India remarks

Senator Graham frequently targeted New Delhi for its independent foreign policy, highlighting his anti-India stance through severe economic threats. He was known for the criticism of New Delhi’s energy relationship with Russia.

Over the past several years, Graham has emerged as one of the strongest advocates of imposing economic penalties on countries purchasing Russian crude oil. India, alongside China and Brazil, frequently featured in his public criticism.

During an interview with Fox News in July, 2025, Graham warned that the Trump administration could impose severe economic penalties on countries continuing to purchase Russian energy. “Trump is going to impose tariffs on people that buy Russian oil, China, India and Brazil,” Graham said.

He added: “If you keep buying cheap Russian oil to allow this war to continue, we’re going to tear up the hell out of you, and we’re going to crush your economy.” Graham argued that India, China and Brazil collectively accounted for nearly 80% of Russia’s oil exports and accused them of indirectly financing the war in Ukraine.

“What you are doing is blood money,” he said, adding that Putin “is not going to stop until somebody makes him stop.”

Graham had earlier proposed a highly punitive bill calling for 500% tariffs on goods from countries continuing to trade with Russia, including India and China. During an interview with Fox News, Graham issued a harsh ultimatum, stating, “Trump is going to impose tariffs on people that buy Russian oil – China, India, and Brazil… Here’s what I would tell China, India and Brazil: If you keep buying cheap Russian oil to allow this war to continue, we’re going to tear up the hell out of you, and we’re going to crush your economy.” He claimed that these three nations account for roughly 80% of Russia’s crude exports, which actively keep “Putin’s war machine going.” 

In another statement that sparked criticism in India, Graham reacted to reports of a deadly Russian strike on Kyiv by directly linking the attack to countries purchasing Russian crude.

Writing on social media, he stated: “India, China, Brazil and others who prop up Putin’s war machine by buying cheap Russian oil: How do you feel right now that your purchases have resulted in innocent civilians, including children, being killed?”

He had further added, “India is experiencing the cost of supporting Putin. To the rest, you will soon too.”

On another occasion, Graham openly declared that the objective of sanctions should be to target Russia‘s customers rather than Russia alone. “Without oil and gas revenue, Russia collapses,” he said during an interview with NBC. “The whole goal is to crush its customers, India, China and Brazil.”

The remarks generated criticism in India, where policymakers have repeatedly argued that energy security and national interests guide New Delhi’s purchasing decisions.

Beyond India: A Senator frequently surrounded by controversy

Apart from giving highly aggressive anti-India remarks, there were several other major controversies surrounding Lindsey Graham throughout his career. As a close ally of Donald Trump, the South Carolina senator frequently made headlines for his provocative statements on a range of global issues. 

In February, he claimed that India had reduced its purchases of Russian oil “dramatically” and argued that the tariffs imposed by Trump on New Delhi served as a “good example” of how aggressive policy measures could successfully influence a country’s actions. 

Earlier in January, Graham revealed that Trump had “greenlit” a piece of legislation the senator had personally worked on for months, known as the Graham-Blumenthal sanctions bill. This legislation sought to allow the U.S. President to impose astronomical tariffs of up to 500% on countries, including India, that continued to buy Russian oil. 

“The bill will allow President Trump to punish countries who buy cheap Russian oil fueling Putin’s war machine,” Graham said while defending the proposal.

His comments regarding Iran attracted even greater attention.

Graham’s rhetoric was equally incendiary regarding West Asia. In an interview on Fox News’ ‘Sunday Morning Futures’, Graham praised Trump for standing with “the people over the ayatollah” and went on to describe the Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as “the modern-day Hitler,” a “religious Nazi,” and a “horrible person.” During the broadcast, he openly advocated for targeted assassinations, stating, “It’s time for him to go. The people want him to go. If I were you, Mr President, I would kill the leadership that is killing the people. You’ve got to end this.” 

The remarks triggered widespread debate over whether a sitting US senator should openly advocate the assassination of a foreign leader.

Another controversy erupted when Graham dismissed concerns raised by European leaders over Donald Trump’s comments regarding Greenland. Speaking during the Munich Security Conference, he remarked: “Who gives a s*** who owns Greenland? I don’t.”

When asked about concerns among America’s European allies, Graham responded: “If you’re nervous, have a beer, go see a doctor.”

In another diplomatic controversy, Graham criticised Pakistan’s attempts to present itself as a mediator in tensions involving Iran and the United States. “It has been apparent to me for quite a while that Pakistan as a mediator is more than problematic,” he wrote on social media.

He further argued that Pakistan’s historical position on Israel and allegations regarding Iranian military aircraft made Islamabad an unsuitable intermediary, comments that generated significant debate in diplomatic circles.

Midnight court hearing for Yakub Memon and Teesta Setalvad but none for cancer patient who died waiting despite 57 listings: The story of two Indias

Aditi
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Midnight court hearing for Yakub Memon and Teesta Setalvad but none for cancer patient who died waiting despite 57 listings: The story of two Indias

A heartbreaking incident has come to light where a woman suffering from breast cancer passed away, 57 listings later, awaiting a verdict on her request to lower the price of a highly expensive life-saving drug. The woman had approached the Kerala High Court in June 2022, requesting access to life-saving breast cancer medicines named Ribociclib and Abemaciclib, which cost around ₹1.5 lakh a month. Ribociclib costs about ₹78,468.75 per month, and Abemaciclib, which is sold at ₹47,752 to ₹95,504 per month. The cost of the drugs was beyond what a woman or any ordinary person in India could afford. Therefore, she had approached the Kerala High Court through a petition seeking its intervention to make the drugs accessible at lower and more affordable prices.

In her petition, she had requested a government-use license under Section 100 of the Patent Act, which would have facilitated the local production of a generic version of the drug and could have enabled access to the drug at affordable prices. Notably, generic versions of medicines are 90%-95% cheaper than those of the originator. The government refused to issue a government-use license for the drugs, stating that breast cancer did not constitute a matter of national urgency. In such a situation, a timely decision of the court could have been crucial in saving a precious life.

The drugs remain inaccessible to many patients due to high costs and patent protection, which prevents other manufacturers from producing or selling the medicine at lower prices without the consent of the patent holders. The matter was repeatedly listed before the High Court, as many as 57 times and adjourned 40 times and placed before 8 different judges. It was listed on January 21, 2023, for an exclusive final hearing, but the hearing was postponed because of a roster change. The patient passed away in September 2022, awaiting the verdict on her request.

Justice delayed and a life lost

Following her death, the High Court, on September 16, 2022, decided to continue hearing the matter as a suo motu case under the title ‘In Re Exorbitant Pricing of Life Saving Patented Medicines.’ The matter is scheduled for hearing on 15th July before a Bench of Justice Harishankar V Menon. Before the next hearing of the matter, a letter was addressed by the co-conveners of the Working Group on Access to Medicines and Treatment, Jyotsana Singh and KM Gopakumar, to the Kerala High Court Chief Justice Soumen Sen, flagging the delays in the judicial proceedings. The letter has also been sent to President Droupadi Murmu and the Chief Justice of India Surya Kant.

“The one who started this fight is no more. This fact shows how costly a delay can be, especially when it comes to life-saving drugs,” the letter stated, highlighting how the patient died awaiting relief from the court. It points out how the delays in deciding cases involving access to essential medicines deprive patients of their fundamental right to health and life under Article 21 of the Constitution of India.

“Hon’ble Chief Justice, the issue at hand goes beyond individual suffering and addresses the collective health and dignity of women in India. Breast cancer disproportionately impacts women’s health, and access to life-saving medicines is essential for reducing preventable deaths. Delays in adjudicating cases involving access to essential medicines deprive patients of their fundamental right to health and life under Article 21 of the Constitution of India, which has repeatedly been underlined by the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India,” the letter stated. It further urged the Chief Justice to take administrative steps to ensure an early and uninterrupted final hearing of the matter.

During the four months of her life, since June 2022, the matter was listed 57 times before the Kerala High Court, but the judicial procedures outlasted the patient’s life. She was not asking for a privilege or special treatment. She was only asking for access to life-saving drugs that could have prolonged her life. She endured years of the painful disease and judicial proceedings, and finally lost the battle for her life.

She died in the early stage of cancer, even before hearing the final verdict on her petition. She left the world, hoping that the judiciary would give her a new lease of life by making the crucial drugs accessible. A timely court verdict allowing her access to the medicine was a crucial factor in upholding her right to life. However, the court proceedings moved with their own peculiar, leisurely pace, and she succumbed not just to her deadly disease but to the tiring, testing and prolonged court proceedings, where procedural compliances often override human life.

Some matters are more urgent than others

This is not the only case where court proceedings have outlasted the lives of litigants. The Indian judiciary is known for its vast backlog of cases, slow pace of proceedings and often differential treatment of litigants, due to which court cases often pass from litigants to their successors or legal representatives. The present case brings attention to the cases where the Indian judiciary has shown exceptional and unprecedented vigilance in hearing cases for protecting the ‘rights’ of even a convicted terrorist.

On July 30, 2015, the Supreme Court of India, in an unprecedented and exceptional gesture, gave a midnight hearing to the plea of 1993 Mumbai serial blasts convict Yakub Memon, who sought the postponement of his hanging by 14 days. A Bench of Justice Dipak Misra, Justice Prafulla C Pant and Justice Amitava Roy heard Memon’s plea at 3 a.m. on July 30, 2015, the same day he was to be executed. Notably, Memon’s mercy petition was rejected by the President of India a year before. In a similar gesture, the Supreme Court formed a 3-judge Bench and held a hearing at 9:15 pm on July 1, 2023, to grant interim bail to controversial activist Teesta Setalvad.

While the Supreme Court’s unusual gestures in giving urgent hearings in the abovementioned cases demonstrated how the Indian judiciary is capable of timely disposing of matters it considers ‘urgent’, it also drew widespread criticism for giving differential treatment to certain people, including a convicted terrorist. Regarding the two cases, it was argued that these were matters of ‘life and death’ and ‘personal liberty’, which is why the urgent hearings were warranted. However, such urgency has since rarely been displayed by the Indian courts, even though they routinely deal with matters concerning the fundamental rights of people.

The present case of the cancer patient was no less ‘urgent’ than the cases of Yakub Memon and Teesta Setalvad. Her life was at stake and was eventually lost amid the procedural complexities of the judicial system. However, she did not get an urgent hearing because perhaps it takes more than just a ‘life and death situation’ or a threat to personal liberties to attract the Indian courts’ rare attention.

Bangladeshi diplomat showed Jammu and Kashmir in Pakistan, Pooja Jha stopped the presentation to raise objection: Know who India’s outspoken young diplomat is

विवेकानंद मिश्र
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Bangladeshi diplomat showed Jammu and Kashmir in Pakistan, Pooja Jha stopped the presentation to raise objection: Know who India’s outspoken young diplomat is

India never compromises with its sovereignty and integrity; this fact has been proven once again. During a high-profile foreign policy seminar held in Bangladesh capital Dhaka, there was a sharp debate and commotion. During the event, India’s integral part, Jammu and Kashmir, was shown as a part of Pakistan on a map. This was immediately caught by a young diplomat from the Indian High Commission present there.

As soon as this wrong map flashed on the screen, Second Secretary at the Indian High Commission in Dhaka, Pooja Kumari Jha, without a moment’s delay, stopped the programme midway and registered a strong objection to it with full assertiveness. In clear and stern words, she conveyed a message to the world that the whole of Jammu and Kashmir is an integral and inalienable part of India.

Seminar’s topic and the beginning of the controversy

This entire incident is from an international seminar organised by the ‘Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies’ (BIISS) in Dhaka. The topic of this seminar was extremely important: “Restoring Trust and Reimagining Regional Unity: Ways to Revive SAARC.”

This important programme had diplomats from several countries, big professors, educationists, and experts on foreign affairs present. As the chief guest, Bangladesh’s State Minister for Foreign Affairs Shama Obaid was also present on the stage.

During this, former High Commissioner of Bangladesh to India and senior diplomat Ahmed Tariq Karim was giving his presentation on the stage. As soon as a slide of South Asia’s map appeared in his presentation, Jammu and Kashmir was shown as a part of Pakistan in it.

Interrupting mid-presentation: Sharp debate between Indian diplomat and former ambassador

On this, Indian diplomat Pooja Kumari Jha directly got angry at the organisers. She interrupted Ahmed Tariq and said that this is factually completely wrong.

Pooja Kumari Jha said, “Sir, the map of India shown here is wrong. Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and I think the map shown here is not correct. This is against India’s sovereignty.”

Seeing the stern and clear stance of the Indian diplomat, there was commotion among the seminar organisers. Taking control of the situation and giving clarification, former ambassador Tariq A Karim gave an explanation from the stage.

He said that this map was used only for ‘symbolic and representational purposes’ and it was not intended to show or hurt the actual boundaries or political claims of any country.

However, the Indian diplomat was not satisfied with this answer and remained completely firm on her stance. Pooja Jha replied again, “I understand your point sir, but Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and it has been shown incorrectly here. Therefore, I just wanted to draw attention to this matter and register my objection.”

After this, Ambassador Karim asked her if she was from India. In response, she gave her full introduction and said that she is an officer of the Indian High Commission. After this, Tariq Karim also seemed to agree with her and said, “Your point has been noted,” and after that, he continued his presentation further.

Who is Pooja Kumari Jha?

After this incident, everyone wants to know who this young officer is who so outspokenly put forward India’s side on the international stage. Pooja Kumari Jha is a 2022 batch Indian Foreign Service (IFS) officer.

She became a part of this prestigious service at the mere age of 25. Currently, she is posted as Second Secretary (Political and Information) at the Indian High Commission in Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Before her first posting in Dhaka, her diplomatic training took place in Taiwan. Pooja Jha originally hails from Purnahiya village in Sitamarhi district of Bihar. However, her family lives in Delhi.

She had secured All India Rank (AIR) 82 in the UPSC Civil Services Examination of 2021 in her very first attempt, after which she got the option of the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) for serving the country.

Father had said – Don’t dream big

Coming from an ordinary middle-class family, Pooja’s journey has been extremely inspiring. When she cleared UPSC, in an interview she had shared her struggles, “In the place and society I come from, even dreaming of clearing this prestigious examination is considered a very big thing.”

Their father has been working as a mere ‘office helper’ in a private company in Gurugram for the past nearly 40 years, and their mother is a homemaker. Pooja had said that when she dreamed big, her father would often say to her in a joking or fearful tone, “You can become anything except a Bollywood actor, an astronomer, and an IAS officer.”

Because he felt that reaching such big positions was impossible for a poor family like theirs. Pooja is the second youngest among her siblings and the fifth daughter of her parents. After her, there is a younger brother.

Pooja said, “My family’s desire for a son was fulfilled with the birth of my younger brother. In the community I come from, a lot of importance is given to the birth of a son. There is no celebration on the birth of a girl, while there is a lot of fanfare on the birth of a boy. This thinking was so deep that it took me several years to fight it and change people’s mentality.”

This environment of social inequality bound Pooja and her sisters together very strongly. The sisters used to have long conversations among themselves about this discrimination, and this created a resolve in Pooja to bring change in society and create a distinct identity for herself.

Studied to get her rights

Pooja said that due to the poor economic condition of the family, all the siblings were taken out of private schools and put into government and Delhi Municipal Corporation (MCD) schools. Despite limited resources, better performance in studies was expected from them.

For Pooja, studies became the means to get respect in society and at home. She said, “Whenever I scored well in school or exams, my parents would be very happy. Those were the days when I would get more love and attention than my brother. I would just get busy trying to do better to get those moments of love and happiness from my parents.” Today, because of that same determination and struggle, she has emerged as a fighter.

Bangladeshi minister advocated for deeper regional cooperation

Amid this controversy, addressing the seminar, the chief guest and Bangladesh’s State Minister for Foreign Affairs Shama Obaid emphasised the importance of deeper regional cooperation in South Asia. Speaking about the current state of the SAARC organisation, she said that we need to bridge the gap between its potential and actual performance.

Referring to the steps to revive the organisation, she said, “The SAARC organisation needs better functioning capacity, more economic strength, more effective practical methods, and a strong follow-up culture to take the work forward.”

She also indicated that in the coming months, Bangladesh is considering taking some concrete steps to increase mutual trust among SAARC countries, which may include talks with SAARC country ambassadors present in Dhaka and contacting the SAARC Secretariat located in Kathmandu.

India’s stand on sovereignty has always been clear

This is not the first time that Indian diplomats have immediately challenged wrong presentations or controversial maps against India on the international stage. The Government of India’s stand on this matter has always been absolutely clear and firm that the whole of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh is an inseparable and inalienable part of India.

Recently too, during the debate on the annual report of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), when Pakistan raised the issue of Jammu and Kashmir, India’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations, P. Harish, used the ‘Right to Reply’ and gave a fitting reply to Pakistan.

This is English translation of the original article published in Hindi

A nine-year-old girl was driven to kill herself: How a posh school in Jaipur failed her?

Aditi
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A nine-year-old girl was driven to kill herself: How a posh school in Jaipur failed her?

A disturbing CCTV footage showing the moments that led to the tragic death of a nine-year-old girl, Amaira Meena, in Jaipur’s Neerja Modi School, has reignited the debate around bullying and children’s safety in schools. About eight months ago, on November 1, 2025, Amaira, studying in the 4th standard in Neerja Modi School, Jaipur, died after jumping off the building of her school.

A CCTV video of the events that transpired before the tragic death of Amaira has been released by her family. The video shows Amaira’s activities right from the time she enters her classroom till her horrifying jump from the fourth floor of her school building. The visuals show her being bullied and mocked by her classmates, and the two teachers in the classroom failing to intervene. She approached the teacher multiple times before walking out of the class and taking the drastic step.

Amaira stood up to bullying and pleaded for help

In the visuals from inside her classroom, Amair is seen happily greeting and chatting with a classmate. She later attended a dance class in which she participated with full enthusiasm. However, some time later, after she returns to her classroom, the situation begins to change inside the classroom. One of her classmates shows her something written on a digital slate, and her expression changes after seeing it.

She holds her head with her hands and looks stressed. Soon, several other classmates see the digital slate and start mocking her. At this point, Amaira is seen sitting quietly in her seat, as her classmates mock and laugh at her.

Lack of sensitivity and accountability on the part of the teacher

Later, she rises from her seat and approaches the teacher in the classroom, apparently explaining the entire situation to her and requesting her intervention. The teacher listens to her but doesn’t seem to do anything. Amaira then returns to her seat and sits quietly. Subsequently, a few other students approached the teacher and spoke to her, probably about the same thing that Amaira was stressed about. The teacher then utters something to Amaira, whose body language looks defensive and stressed. She can be seen trying to explain something to the teacher.

From what appears in the visuals, the teacher speaks to Amaira in a harsh manner, pointing a finger towards her, after which Amaira meekly nods and goes back to her desk. Some time later, the teacher can be seen saying something to the students in the class, which triggers a reaction of shock from Amaira. She can be seen holding her head with a hand, opening her eyes and mouth wide, as if something spoken either by the teacher or any students deeply disturbed her.

Later on, there seems to be an altercation taking place between Amaira and a classmate. In the moments preceding her departure from the classroom, Amaira rose from her seat, went to the teacher, and an exchange took place between the two, prompting Amaira to rush out of the classroom.

Amaira’s unanswered calls for help

The CCTV visuals show Amaira running through the corridors in the giant school building uninterrupted. She climbs up the stairs, panting and breathing heavily, and no one seems to notice why a child is running around the building. On her way up to the fourth floor of the building, she passed by a couple of floor attendants and school teachers, but no one stopped and asked her why she was not inside her classroom and where she was heading.

Amaira then reaches the staircase on the fourth floor of the school building, climbs on the railing, and jumps to her death. A nine-year-old child faced bullying in her classroom, was shown apathy by her teacher, ran around in her school building, panicked and distressed, and finally ended her life in a posh school in the capital city of Rajasthan, without anyone as much as noticing.

CCTV video supporting Amaira’s claims of bullying

While the incident has shattered her parents as well as the entire country, it has also exposed the poor implementation of child safety and anti-bullying measures even in elite schools in the country. The CCTV footage supports her parents’ allegations that Amaira faced bullying in the school. Amaira’s parents do not see their child’s death as a plain case of negligence. They have raised several concerns, including bullying, lack of accountability on the part of the school authorities, and infrastructural flaws in the school.

Speaking to the media, her parents said that they faced a very hard time during the eight months following the death of their child. They said that the school authorities shunned their responsibility, and the investigation officer filed a closure report in the case, claiming that there was no ‘criminal angle’ in the case. The parents ran from pillar to post demanding a fair investigation into Amaira’s death and justice for her.

Eventually, a writ petition filed before the Rajasthan High Court by Amaira’s parents led to the reopening of the investigation, the changing of three investigating officers and finally the filing of the chargesheet in the case. The teacher and the school principal have been named as accused in the case.

While the law will take its course, Amaira’s parents, as well as the entire nation, have been left with many unanswered questions after the tragic incident. Even eight months after Amaira’s death, her parents do not know what transpired inside the classroom that prompted Amaira to take the extreme step.

What are the measures in place to prevent bullying?

The incident has raised questions regarding the safety of children in school premises and the accountability of school authorities. The issue of children’s safety in schools has been addressed both nationally and globally. There are different sets of guidelines issued by the Ministry of Education, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights and the CBSE to ensure the safety and well-being of children within school premises. UNESCO has also laid down a framework for preventing bullying and violence in schools.

National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) guidelines (2023-24) for preventing bullying and cyberbullying of children in schools. The guidelines lay down clear procedures for reporting, documentation, inquiry, and follow-up and provide for setting up an Anti-Bullying Committee (comprising the head of school, teachers, counsellor, parents, students). They emphasise measures like counselling, restorative approaches, proportional disciplinary measures, and sensitisation programmes for students, staff, and parents for preventing and addressing cases of bullying.

In addition to that, there is a 2021 manual on the Safety and Security of Children in Schools prepared by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR). The manual broader norms on physical, emotional, and digital safety of children and covers infrastructure safety, staff conduct, transportation, and procedures to prevent abuse and neglect. The manual mandates risk assessment of school premises and transport, codes of conduct for staff and volunteers, lays down mechanisms for reporting abuse, harassment, or safety violations and integration of safety drills and child protection education into school routines.

The Ministry of Education’s Department of School Education & Literacy (MoE) has also issued “Guidelines on School Safety and Security”, focusing on comprehensive safety planning in schools. These guidelines stress institutional responsibilities, safety audits, and compliance with child protection norms. A CBSE circular titled “Prevention of Bullying and Ragging in Schools (2015) mandates anti-bullying policies and committees, with graded disciplinary responses.

UNESCO describes school bullying as a violation of children’s rights to education, health and well‑being, and leads the main global normative and monitoring initiatives. Its guidelines to prevent bullying and violence in schools centre on evidence-based policy guidance to states, teacher support tools, and regular global status reporting on school violence and bullying.

While sufficient measures are in place in terms of national and international guidelines and frameworks to prevent and address bullying and ensure children’s safety within the school premises, the challenge remains regarding their implementation by schools. For incidents like Amaira’s death to stop, exemplary action must be taken against defaulting schools, which neglect children’s safety and treat education merely as a profit-making business.

Viral video of Meerut SSP Avinash Pandey slapping protestors: Read what happened and how a 2-month-old murder case is being politicised in UP

Shriti Sagar
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Viral video of Meerut SSP Avinash Pandey slapping protestors: Read what happened and how a 2-month-old murder case is being politicised in UP

A 30-second video showing Meerut Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Avinash Pandey slapping a protester during a demonstration over the murder of a Dalit student has triggered outrage on social media and renewed political debate in Uttar Pradesh.

The video, which went viral on Wednesday, 8th July, shows the SSP walking towards sloganeering protesters and slapping several of them before proceeding towards a police van parked nearby. He is then seen opening the van’s door and beating someone sitting inside before shutting the door and walking away.

In the footage, Pandey can be seen scolding and removing protesters gathered on the street and then slapping a person who was already inside the police vehicle. Reports suggest that the people seen in the video were among the protesters who had gathered to demand justice in the murder case of 20-year-old Lalita Gautam in Meerut. 

The visuals quickly spread across social media platforms, leading to widespread criticism and demands for action against the SSP. Opposition leaders, Dalit activists and several social media users accused the police of suppressing voices demanding justice for a Dalit victim.

However, amid the growing outrage, SSP Avinash Pandey defended the police action and claimed that the protesters had turned violent and attacked police personnel during the demonstration.

SSP Avinash Pandey defends police action, says evidence supports every step

In a statement, Meerut Police said the crowd was repeatedly asked to disperse as it did not have permission to protest at the site, but the demonstration turned violent.

Police stated that one of the protesters, Ravi Gautam, threatened to immolate himself, while others blocked traffic at the Commissionerate crossing for hours, attempted to force open the gate of the District Magistrate’s office, and tried to enter the premises.

Responding to the controversy, Meerut SSP Avinash Pandey issued a video message on Friday, 10th July, in which he defended the police response and said every action taken by the police was based on evidence available to investigators. He added that the investigation and police action on the murder case have been thorough, arrests have been made and the victim family had expressed satisfaction at the police investigation. However, some vested interest groups have been trying to disrupt law and order by politicising the case and instigating the general public.

Pandey said the Constitution begins with the words “We, the People of India” and does not discriminate based on caste, religion or community. He appealed to both supporters and critics of the police to maintain peace and avoid attempts to disturb law and order.

According to the SSP, police action was directed only against individuals involved in criminal activities, and sufficient evidence existed to support every step taken by the administration. “The police have evidence against people who came from outside to spoil the atmosphere or make unnecessary statements regarding the case,” Pandey said in his video message.

He further warned that anyone attempting to undermine the dignity of the police uniform or disrupt public order would face strict legal action under the Constitution and the law. Referring to people making personal remarks against him on social media, Pandey said efforts would first be made to “counsel” such individuals. However, he added that legal action would be taken if anyone crossed legal boundaries or attempted to incite violence.

Pandey further said that anyone having doubts regarding the police investigation could approach the police and examine the video evidence collected during the probe.

Meanwhile, the SSP also disclosed the criminal history of some individuals involved in the protest. According to him, Ravi Gautam has 4 criminal cases registered against him in Ghaziabad and Gautam Buddha Nagar districts.

Meerut Police described the disturbance during the protest as a “well-planned conspiracy” and claimed that some people were trying to deliberately escalate tensions.

On 8th July, police arrested Ravi Gautam and seven others in connection with the violence at the Collectorate protest. Those arrested include Ankit Kumar of Garhmukteshwar, Arvind Kumar of Noida, Hrithik Kumar of Meerut, Navneet Kumar of Moradabad, Himanshu Siddharth of Meerut and Lavi alias Shavi of Parikshitgarh.

Police also registered a case against around 50 people, including 13 named accused. The named individuals include Ravi Gautam, Sushil Gautam, Himanshu Sisodia, Sagar Lisadi, Lavi Pradhan, Bijendra Gautam, Hrithik Jatav, Mohit Jatav, Hemant Pradhan, Sanjay, Vijendra Sood, Digvijay Bhati and Ajay Kumar.

According to police, investigations involving CCTV footage, videos, audio recordings and social media posts suggest that certain elements were attempting to provoke the crowd and intensify the protest.

Police have identified Ravi Gautam and Digvijay Bhati as the conspirators behind the unrest. Bhati, a resident of Amroha, faces nine criminal cases and has already been externed from the district, police said.

What is Lalita Gautam murder case?

The protest that led to the controversy revolves around the murder of Lalita Gautam, a 20-year-old BA student from Meerut. Lalita lived with her family in Ganga Enclave under the TP Nagar police station area of Meerut and was studying in the final year of her graduation.

On 15th May 2026, she left home to appear for an examination but did not return by evening. After searching for her themselves, the family lodged a missing person’s complaint at TP Nagar police station on 16th May. Police began investigating the case and examined CCTV footage from the surrounding areas. During the investigation, Lalita was seen in CCTV footage leaving with a young man named Ankush, a resident of Kalyanpur village.

Soon after, police detained Ankush for questioning. According to investigators, Ankush eventually confessed to the crime and said that he had committed the murder. Police stated that Lalita and Ankush had been in a relationship for nearly three years and were together on the day she disappeared.

According to the media reports, Ankush saw photographs and chats with another man on Lalita’s mobile phone, which led to an argument between the two. Investigators claim that during the altercation, Ankush strangled Lalita to death and later dumped her body in a sugarcane field near Upasia village in Meerut’s Rohta area.

Lalita’s body was later recovered from the field in a mutilated condition.

Police subsequently arrested Ankush and sent him to jail. Two other individuals, Nishant and Ankit, were also arrested for helping destroy evidence after the crime. According to police officials, Lalita’s family was initially satisfied with the investigation and the arrests made in the case.

Police say murder was solved quickly, and protest was organised by outsiders.

Speaking about the controversy surrounding the protests, SSP Pandey said the murder took place on 16th May, and the main accused was arrested within 24 hours.

“The woman was murdered on May 16, and the killer was arrested within 24 hours. Those who helped him after the murder have also been arrested,” the SSP said.

He stated that CCTV footage clearly showed the victim leaving with the main accused on a motorcycle on the day she went missing and maintained that the police investigation had been evidence-based from the beginning. Pandey also said that Ravi Gautam and Digvijay Bhati, both from outside Meerut, organised the protest in an attempt to cause disruption in law and order and gather political support.

According to police, Ravi Gautam, a resident of Surajpur in Gautam Buddh Nagar, has four criminal cases registered against him, including two murder cases. Digvijay Bhati, who belongs to Amroha, faces nine criminal cases in Meerut and Amroha, including cases under the SC-ST Act. Police said proceedings had already been initiated to extern him from Amroha under the Goonda Act.

Meerut Police identified Digvijay Bhati, Ravi Gautam, Sushil Gautam and Himanshu Siddharth as key figures who incited the crowd to turn violent.

Police claim that while several accused were arrested, Digvijay managed to escape from the protest site.

An FIR was registered at Civil Lines police station against 13 named individuals and between 25 and 50 unidentified persons on charges including unlawful assembly without permission, blocking public roads, obstructing government work, attacking police personnel and spreading misleading content on social media.

Police have also said that caste-based messages and misleading social media posts were circulated to provoke anger against the administration. Officials said CCTV footage, videos and online posts are being analysed to identify additional suspects.

Opposition attacks government as politics erupts over a viral video

The viral video of SSP Avinash Pandey slapping protesters soon became a political issue in Uttar Pradesh, with opposition parties accusing the BJP government of “suppressing Dalit voices”, even though the murder case had already been solved and the police had taken action. 

Samajwadi Party chief and Leader of the Opposition Akhilesh Yadav strongly criticised the police action and directly targeted Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath over the incident. “When the head of the state publicly exemplifies insensitivity toward the mother of a deceased, it’s pointless to expect anything from his police. It’s utterly condemnable,” Akhilesh Yadav said.

The Congress party also shared the video on their Instagram account and questioned the BJP government’s claims regarding women’s safety and Dalit welfare. Their post did not mention the traffic disruption and protest at a a non-designated place.

Azad Samaj Party chief Chandrashekhar Azad also entered the debate and announced that he would meet Lalita Gautam’s family in Meerut.

In a video statement, Azad said, “My people will respond to this with their votes, and they will do so gently that you will be hit so hard that the scars will be visible from afar.”

Rashtriya Janata Dal spokesperson Priyanka Bharti also criticised the administration, arguing that both the victim and those demanding justice belonged to the Dalit community. “Until Dalits, backward classes and tribal communities are represented according to their population, such SSPs will continue to come, and the deprived will continue to suffer this double injustice,” she said.

The recent controversy clearly shows that it is an attempt by political groups to turn a criminal case into a larger caste issue.

Meanwhile, police continue to maintain that the murder case had already been solved, the accused had been arrested, and the subsequent protest was exploited by certain individuals to create unrest and political confrontation.

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