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Delhi court convicts Ishtiaque Ali for the abduction and killing of Delhi University student Ayush Nautiyal: Read about the 2018 case

A Delhi Court recently convicted a man named Ishtiaque Ali for the abduction and killing of a Delhi University student in 2018 for a ransom of ₹50 lakh. Additional Sessions Judge (FTC), South-West District Dwarka Courts, New Delhi, Swati Gupta found Ishtiaque Ali guilty of offences committed under Sections 364A, 302 and 201 of the Indian Penal Code, relating to abduction for ransom, murder and causing disappearance of evidence. The court is yet to decide on the sentencing of the convict.

The case relates to the abduction and murder of a 21-year-old B.Com student, Ayush Nautiyal, in March 2018, whose semi-decomposed body was found dumped in a drain in Dwarka Sector-13, Delhi. The postmortem of the body revealed that the victim was killed using a blunt object, which, in this case, was a hammer. Notably, the culprit and the victim were known to each other and were seen hanging out together at a McDonald’s outlet near the crime scene, a day before the victim disappeared.

After examining the evidence adduced and the facts and arguments presented by the prosecution, the court said that the prosecution proved all three charges against Ishtiaque Ali beyond a reasonable doubt. The court noted that Ali abducted Ayush and demanded ₹50 lakh from his father. Even after killing Ayush, Ali made his father believe that his son was alive and would be freed on receiving the ransom amount.

“Blood samples taken from the scene of the crime contain the DNA of the deceased. Burnt laptop remnants of the laptop of deceased were recovered, at the instance of the accused. Clothes of the accused recovered at the instance of the accused are also found to contain DNA matching with the DNA of the deceased…The chain of circumstances is sufficient to prove the charge of S. 302 IPC against the accused,” the court stated.

“Blood sample collected from the Alto car of the deceased bearing no. DL-2CAL-2553 contain the DNA of the deceased. The said Alto car, which was used to dump the body, was also recovered at the instance of the accused,” the court said.

“…it is held that from the circumstances established above, prosecution has proved beyond a reasonable doubt that the accused committed the offences for which he is charged, i.e. Sections 364A/302/201 IPC,” the judge noted in the judgment passed on May 30, 2026, accessed by OpIndia.

The defence countered the prosecution’s case, alleging that there were lapses in the police investigation. However, the court rejected the defence’s allegation, observing that the prosecution only needed to prove the case “beyond a reasonable doubt” and not “beyond all doubts”. The court said that the evidence adduced by the prosecution was enough to prove the guilt of the accused.

“In this regard, it is noteworthy that despite the best efforts of investigating officers, there may sometimes be slight lapses in investigation. However, an accused should not be allowed to go scot free merely on account of some lapses in the investigation. It is settled law that every faulty investigation or padding in evidence cannot, by itself, lead to total demolition of the prosecution’s case if it can otherwise stand ignoring these fallacies. Mere lapses in investigation, if any, cannot be the basis of acquitting the accused when sufficient evidence is available to nail him,” the court stated.

Background of the case

According to the facts of the case, the Nautiyal, who studied at Ram Lal Anand College of the University of Delhi, left his house on March 22, 2018 and never returned. He told his family that he was going to attend a college fest and would return late. He left the house carrying a bag containing his laptop.

Around 7:45 pm, Ayush Nautiyal’s father, Dinesh Chandra, received an SMS sent from his son’s phone telling him to check WhatsApp. When he checked WhatsApp, he saw a photograph showing his son blindfolded with his hands and legs tied. The photo was sent with a message demanding a ₹50 lakh ransom and a warning not to disclose anything to his relatives or the police.

After receiving the messages, the victim’s father informed the police and filed a complaint. Based on his complaint, an FIR was filed at Palam Village police station. The police sprang into action and put the victim’s phone on surveillance and obtained the Call Detail Record (CDR) of his phone number.

While the police were trying to track the victim’s location, his father received another message on his phone on March 24, 2018, asking if he had arranged the ransom amount. When the father replied that he could arrange only ₹10 lakh, the concerned person asked him to arrange ₹50 lakh and gave him a deadline of March 26, 2018. On March 24, 2018, the father negotiated the ransom amount down to ₹12 lakh.

The father of the victim reached the location set by the culprit to drop the ransom amount. Initially, he asked the victim’s father to drop the ransom amount at Uttam Nagar, Najafgarh Nala. Later, he asked him to drop the money in a garbage can near Anupam Restaurant in Munirka, Vasant Vihar, Delhi. Police raiding parties were deployed at both locations; however, no one came to collect the money at either of the locations.

On March 28, 2018, a highly decomposed dead body of a male wrapped in a green polythene bag was recovered from a drainage canal (nala) behind the Metro View Apartments in Sector-13, Dwarka. The father identified the dead body as that of his son, Ayush Nautiyal. The father also identified the spectacles lying near the body as those belonging to his son.

An examination of the CCTV footage of the nearby areas revealed that the victim was spotted at a McDonald’s outlet in Dwarka Sector-14 with a bearded man. The police accessed the Gmail and Facebook accounts of the victim and analysed the photographs. After the examination, the police found that the bearded man accompanying the victim at the McDonald’s outlet was Ishtiaque Ali, Mohan Garden, Uttam Nagar, Delhi.

Upon interrogation by the police, Ali confessed to having killed Ayush Nautiyal and burning his laptop. He said that he met the victim through the Tinder App. The police recovered incriminating material, including the hammer used to kill Ayush, at the direction of Ali. The police also found Ali’s Alto car, parked outside his house, which was used by him to dump Ayush’s body. Ali was tried for the abduction and killing of Ayush and was found guilty by the court.

‘Sanatan safeguarded tribal identity, missionaries are wiping it out’: Ex-Jharkhand CM links conversions to demographic shift, asks, ‘If tribals worship nature, why are there 5,000 churches?’

The discussion around religious conversion, tribal identity, and demographic changes in Jharkhand has once again come into focus after concerns were raised about the rapid changes taking place in several tribal-dominated regions of the state. The issue has gained attention, particularly in border districts, where questions are being raised about the growing influence of Christian missionaries, the increasing number of conversions, and the settlement of illegal infiltrators.

Former Jharkhand Chief Minister Champai Soren has spoken openly on the matter, saying that the issue is not merely political but directly linked to the future of tribal culture, traditions, and identity.

According to him, tribal communities have been given constitutional safeguards, including reservation benefits, to protect their social and cultural identity. He questioned how people who voluntarily convert to Christianity or Islam can continue to enjoy benefits meant for tribal communities when they also receive the protections and facilities available to religious minorities under the Constitution. He argued that this issue needs a serious discussion because it affects the future of Jharkhand’s indigenous communities.

Centuries-old bond between tribals and Sanatan traditions

Champai Soren pointed to the long historical relationship between Jharkhand’s tribal communities and followers of Sanatan Dharma. He said that for thousands of years, nature-worshipping tribal communities and Sanatan followers have lived side by side in the same villages, sharing the same environment and social space. According to him, differences in worship practices never became a reason for conflict between the two communities.

He said tribal customs, traditions, and religious practices survived because they were never forced to abandon their identity. Tribal people continued to worship at places such as Jaherthan, Sarna sites, Deshawli, and Manchi Than, while preserving their own unique rituals and beliefs. He argued that if there had been attempts to erase tribal identity in the past, these traditions would have disappeared long ago.

He further stated that this close relationship can still be seen today. Members of the Sanatani community often visit tribal religious sites with faith and respect, while tribal people participate in festivals celebrated by Sanatan communities. Festivals such as Sarhul and Karma are celebrated together in many villages. Similarly, tribal communities participate in celebrations held by Sanatan families.

Many famous religious sites in Jharkhand are also cited as examples of this shared heritage. Temples such as the Diuri Temple and the Rankini Temple near Ranchi continue to have strong tribal connections. In many cases, the chief priests belong to tribal communities themselves, including Pahans and Mundas, showing how deeply tribal traditions remain connected to these places.

Jharkhand tribal population has fallen to around 26 %

One of the biggest concerns raised by Champai Soren is the gradual decline in the share of the tribal population in Jharkhand. He says the issue is not based on assumptions but on government data.

According to the 2011 Census, Jharkhand has around 86.45 lakh tribal people, accounting for approximately 26.2 % of the state’s total population. Across India, the tribal population stands at about 104.5 million, making up roughly 8.6 % of the country’s population.

Jharkhand is home to 32 recognised tribes. Among the most prominent are the Santhal, Oraon, Munda, Ho, Kol, and Mahli communities. The Santhal community has the largest population, particularly in the Santhal Pargana region.

Champai Soren argues that a comparison of demographic data from the period around Independence and later decades shows a steady decline in the tribal share of Jharkhand’s population. At the same time, he claims that the growth of Christian and Muslim populations in several areas has been much faster. He warns that if the present trend of conversion and infiltration continues, tribal communities may eventually become minorities in regions that have historically been their homeland.

Religious conversion and changes in tribal lifestyle

Tribal communities in Jharkhand have their own distinct way of life. Their customs cover every stage of life, including birth ceremonies, naming rituals, marriage traditions, and funeral practices. Traditional institutions such as the Manjhi Pargana, Naike, Pahan, Manki, Munda, and Padaha Raja play important roles in these social and religious processes.

For generations, tribal families have visited sacred places such as Jahersthan, Sarna Sthal, Deshauli, and Manjhi Than to worship deities like Marang Buru and Singboga. These practices have continued for centuries and form an important part of tribal identity.

Champai Soren says Sanatan traditions never interfered with these practices. However, he believes the arrival of Christian missionaries changed the situation significantly. According to him, conversions led many tribal families away from traditional places of worship. As churches became more common in villages, participation in traditional tribal religious practices declined in several areas.

He expressed concern that if conversions continue at the current pace, many traditional customs and cultural practices could disappear altogether. He said that tribal culture is closely tied to its religious practices, and losing one could eventually weaken the other.

Concern over missionary activities

According to historical records, Christian missionaries began their work in the Chhotanagpur region during the nineteenth century. Champai Soren says missionary activities have had a major impact on tribal society over the last 180 years.

He argues that Christianity and traditional tribal culture follow very different systems of belief. According to him, missionary efforts have gradually weakened traditional tribal faith and reduced participation in age-old customs. He says many Sarna sites and Jahersthans in some villages have become inactive because fewer people visit them for worship.

He further claims that changes have not been limited to religion alone. Language, cultural practices, traditional social structures, and tribal identity have also undergone significant changes in areas where conversions have been widespread.

To support his concerns, he points to examples from several countries in Africa and Latin America. Tribes such as the Samburu in Kenya, the Wai-Wai in Brazil, and the Ayoró community have experienced major cultural transformations after adopting Christianity. He believes similar changes are taking place in parts of India and warns that tribal communities could gradually lose their traditional identity if this trend continues.

Reservation benefits and minority status debate

Another issue raised by Champai Soren concerns reservation benefits.

He notes that Christians enjoy minority status under Article 30 of the Constitution and are entitled to run minority educational institutions and access various protections available to minorities. However, he questions whether tribal individuals who have converted to Christianity should continue receiving reservation benefits that were created to safeguard tribal communities and their traditional way of life.

According to him, people who voluntarily convert should rely on the benefits available to minorities rather than claiming tribal reservation benefits as well. He argues that this debate is important because reservations were designed to protect tribal identity and representation, including reserved seats in elections.

Questions over land used for churches and mosques

The discussion has also expanded to the issue of land ownership.

Jharkhand’s tribal areas are protected under laws such as the CNT Act and SPT Act, which restrict the transfer of tribal land to non-tribals. Champai Soren has questioned how thousands of churches and mosques have been constructed in tribal regions despite these restrictions.

He argues that if tribal land cannot legally be transferred, there should be transparency regarding how land was obtained for these structures. According to him, this issue deserves a detailed investigation to determine whether any illegal land transfers took place and whether administrative officials played any role in allowing such transfers.

He has demanded a high-level and impartial inquiry into the matter, saying that the public deserves clear answers about how protected tribal land came to be used for minority religious institutions.

How missionary activities expanded in Jharkhand

Historical records show that Christian missionary work in Jharkhand began in 1845 when four German missionaries associated with Reverend Father Gossner arrived in Ranchi. Their activities focused on education, healthcare, and social welfare, and they worked primarily among tribal communities such as the Munda and Oraon.

Later, Anglican SPG missionaries entered the Chhotanagpur region in 1869, while Jesuit Catholic missionaries arrived in 1868. Missionary activities expanded further after the arrival of Father Constant Lievens in 1885.

One significant event often mentioned in discussions on conversion took place in 1873, when 28 members of six Munda families were baptised in Khuntapani, now part of the West Singhbhum district. A stone plaque commemorating the event still exists, and an annual gathering is held there every November.

Similar concerns in Chhattisgarh

The debate is not limited to Jharkhand. Similar concerns are being raised in neighbouring Chhattisgarh.

Madku Island in Mungeli district hosts a large Christian fair every year, a tradition that has continued since 1909. Likewise, Kharkona village in Jashpur district has a memorial marking the baptism of 56 individuals in 1906. Annual events continue to be held there as well.

Over the years, the Christian population in some districts of Chhattisgarh has grown substantially. Critics of conversion activities argue that these demographic changes demonstrate the long-term impact of missionary work in tribal regions.

Missionary activities during the COVID-19 period

The debate over religious conversion gained further attention after statements made in 2021 by David Reeves, CEO of the missionary organisation Unfolding Word. According to statements attributed to him, large-scale outreach efforts were conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic through mobile phones and WhatsApp groups.

He reportedly said that churches were assigned responsibility for prayer meetings in multiple villages and that many new churches were established during this period. These claims became part of a wider debate over the methods used by missionary organisations to expand their reach in tribal regions.

Another organisation frequently discussed in this context is the Joshua Project, founded in 1995. The organisation maintains data on thousands of caste and tribal groups in India. Critics claim that its activities have contributed to conversion efforts in states such as Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Madhya Pradesh.

According to reports cited by those raising concerns, the number of churches in these states has increased significantly over the last decade. They argue that such expansion has taken place even in regions where land ownership and transfers are tightly regulated.

From Christian conversion to Muslim infiltration concerns

Santhal Pargana, one of Jharkhand’s most important tribal regions, is often mentioned in discussions about demographic change. The area has long been associated with missionary activity, but in recent years, concerns have also been raised about the settlement of Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslims.

Critics claim that the region has witnessed changes in demographics, increasing numbers of mosques and madrasas, and the gradual decline of traditional tribal religious sites. They argue that infiltrators settle in villages, establish social connections, and gradually expand their presence.

Supporters of stronger action say these developments are affecting tribal land ownership, employment opportunities, and social structures. They believe the issue requires close monitoring by government agencies.

Protecting tribal identity remains the core issue

The central government has already taken certain steps aimed at preserving tribal traditions. Tribal communities were kept outside the scope of the Uniform Civil Code in several policy discussions, and similar exemptions were also provided in Assam. These measures were intended to protect tribal customs, traditions, and personal laws.

However, Champai Soren argues that legal protections alone will not be enough if tribal communities continue to lose their cultural and religious identity. According to him, the larger challenge is ensuring that tribal traditions survive on the ground and are not preserved only in official documents.

He says the issue goes beyond party politics and vote-bank calculations. In his view, it is fundamentally about preserving the legacy of iconic tribal leaders such as Bhagwan Birsa Munda, Sidhu-Kanhu, Potho Ho, Veer Tana Bhagat, and Veer Telanga Kharia.

According to him, the future of Jharkhand’s tribal identity depends on whether the younger generation continues to follow the cultural and spiritual traditions passed down by their ancestors. He believes that if those traditions disappear, the unique identity that has defined Jharkhand’s tribal communities for centuries could gradually fade away as well.

By raising these concerns, Champai Soren has once again brought national attention to the questions of religious conversion, demographic change, land rights, and the preservation of tribal culture in Jharkhand, issues that are likely to remain at the centre of public debate in the years ahead.

Gujarat launches Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 following Deputy CM Harsh Sanghavi’s midnight cybercrime review: Read how the crackdown will work

As cyber fraud and online scams continue to rise across Gujarat, the state government has launched a major crackdown aimed at dismantling the financial networks that help cyber criminals operate. The Gujarat government has now rolled out “Operation Mule Hunt 2.0”, a statewide campaign designed to identify suspicious bank accounts used in cyber fraud and track down the criminal networks behind them.

The decision was taken after a high-level review meeting chaired by Gujarat’s Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghavi. Following the meeting, police across the state were directed to launch an aggressive operation against cyber criminals and individuals involved in facilitating digital fraud.

All the top police officers, including the state’s Director General of Police (DGP) Dr K.L.N. Rao, were present in this meeting. Apart from this, all the state’s Police Commissioners (CPs), Range IGs (IGs), DIGs and District Police Chiefs (SPs) joined the video conference live late at night and presented the current security situation in their respective areas as well as cyber crime cases.

What is Operation Mule Hunt?

The main agenda of this entire operation is to strengthen digital security and eliminate the entire network of the cyber mafia. The main objective of this campaign is to trace suspicious banking accounts used for cyber fraud and dismantle the international criminal chain operating behind it.

In cybercrime investigations, a ‘Mule Account’ is a bank account used by cybercriminals to transfer their illicit funds. Cybercriminals usually rent bank accounts of poor, unknown or greedy people by offering them commissions. Crores of rupees earned through fraud, phishing, hacking, gambling or drugs are transferred to these accounts.

The person who holds this account is known as a ‘money mule’. With the help of these accounts, cyber criminals use multiple transactions of money to transfer from one account to numerous others in a very short period of time. The main purpose behind this scam is to hide the identity of the real mastermind, so that when the investigating agencies reach the account holder, no direct charges can be filed against the real criminals.

According to officials, breaking this network is one of the most effective ways to reduce large-scale cybercrime.

Success of Operation Mule Hunt 1.0

The state government has decided to intensify the campaign after the success of the first phase, known as Operation Mule Hunt 1.0.

The Gujarat Police had achieved unprecedented success in the first phase of the earlier operation to break this dangerous network, namely ‘Operation Mule Hunt 1.0’. In this first phase of the operation, conducted by the Cyber ​​Centre of Excellence (CCOE) of Gujarat Police, strict action was taken against mule accounts, and a total of ₹2289 crore worth of cyber fraud was unearthed in different cases.

If we look at the major achievements of Operation Mule Hunt 1.0, the police registered a total of 565 FIRs and arrested 638 cyber criminals in a short period of time. Apart from this, direct action was taken against 913 active mule accounts, and a total of 4052 crimes were identified across the country, out of which 491 crimes were solved in the state of Gujarat alone.

The first phase of the operation also saw changes in banking transactions. There was a direct reduction of 75% in cheque withdrawals from mule accounts by cybercriminals. Statistically, monthly cheque withdrawals fell from ₹126 crore to just ₹25 crore, which represents a huge reduction of 80% in this black business.

In addition, the number of first-layer mule accounts, i.e. where cyber fraud money is deposited first, decreased by 30% from August to December. Also, due to strict police watch, there was a huge decrease of 66% in suspicious cash withdrawals from ATMs between September and December.

Statewide offensive begins from 2nd June

Following the results of the first phase, the Gujarat government has now launched Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 on a much larger scale from Tuesday, 2nd June. 

Under this campaign, clear orders have been given to the police department to carry out ‘Mule Account Surgical Strike’ in all the districts of the state.

Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghvi has recently started a series of marathon meetings with District Superintendents of Police (SPs) at his office at Swarnim Complex-1. In the last 13 hours, a face-to-face meeting was held with a total of 19 district police chiefs to review the district-wise police performance in areas such as law and order, crime control and cybercrime.

Focus on tracking masterminds

The government says its current strategy is not limited to identifying suspicious accounts. Authorities are now trying to trace the entire chain of people involved in cyber fraud, including those who knowingly or unknowingly provide their bank accounts for illegal transactions.

Officials aim to track every account receiving cybercrime proceeds and identify the masterminds controlling the networks. Investigators are also examining possible interstate and international links connected to these operations.

The administration believes that targeting the financial infrastructure of cyber criminals will significantly weaken their ability to carry out large-scale scams.

AI technology to strengthen monitoring

To make the operation more effective, authorities are increasingly relying on artificial intelligence and digital monitoring systems.

Under guidance from the Reserve Bank of India, the Indian Digital Payment Intelligence Corporation (IDPIC) is introducing an AI-based risk-scoring mechanism. Under this system, financial transactions will be classified into low-risk, medium-risk and high-risk categories.

A central registry called mulehunter.ai has also been created to help banks share information about suspicious accounts and improve coordination in detecting fraud.

Officials believe that technology-driven monitoring will help identify suspicious transactions much faster than traditional methods.

Cybersecurity now linked to national security

The growing threat of cybercrime has become a matter of concern at the highest levels of government. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has repeatedly urged citizens to remain alert against digital fraud, including scams involving so-called “digital arrests” and other online deception techniques.

India’s rapid digital expansion has made cybersecurity an increasingly important issue. Over the last decade, internet users in the country have reportedly increased from around 25 crore to more than 100 crore. More than two lakh gram panchayats have also been connected through the BharatNet programme.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has previously stated that cybersecurity is no longer only an economic issue but has become directly linked to national security.

Against this backdrop, Gujarat’s Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 is being seen as a major effort to strengthen both financial and digital security. Officials believe that the combination of aggressive policing, advanced technology and coordination with banks could make it increasingly difficult for cyber criminals to launder money through mule accounts.

However, the awareness of common citizens is equally essential in this digital revolution. People should be aware and stay away from temptations; do not rent out their bank accounts and immediately take refuge in 1930 or cybercrime.gov.in in case of any fraud; only then will the anti-cybercrime campaign gain momentum, and the government and administration will get a lot of help in curbing such crimes.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Gujarati.)

Burqa, hijab are very freeing identity markers, Sita is tired of patriarchy: The Hindu journalist Lavanya Narayanan attacks IPL ceremony, peddles anti-Hindu rhetoric

Lavanya Lakshmi Narayanan, the Deputy Team Lead of Sportstar under “The Hindu” Group, has sparked outrage after she expressed her disapproval of popular singer Kailash Kher’s “Babam Bam” performance during the IPL (Indian Premier League) finale on 31st May (Sunday). The beautiful tribute to Lord Shiva was enhanced by religious symbolism created using drones.

The magical performance captivated the hearts of the ecstatic audience, but it did not sit well with Narayanan, who asserted that it was an attempt to blend religion with sports. Hence, she took to social media to remark, “Keep religion out of sport.”

“Private event. Private money. Indeed,” she taunted after Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Goa also praised the celebration.

However, the journalist’s anti-Hindu mindset was soon exposed when her earlier tweets praising Islamic practices during similar international sports events gained widespread attention on social media. “Mashallah” was her reply to a post stating that players from the Turkish football team broke their fast (Roza) in the middle of their match in Ankara.

Lavanya quoted a Pakistani “Eid special” broadcast featuring cricketer Imam-ul-Haq, to convey her greetings on the Muslim festival.

Not only does she express her anger regarding any actions linked to Hinduism while simultaneously praising Muslim practices, but as a part of the Islamo-leftist ecosystem, she also denigrates the former under the pretext of “patriarchy” to mask her disdain for the faith. In a notably derogatory statement, she claimed that the face of Goddess Sita reflected that she was “so done with this patriarchy-pavitrta shit,” while reacting to a religious post on Diwali.

How is it possible for a left loony to refrain from showing their animosity toward Hinduism on an important occasion to hurt Hindus? They cannot, and thus, Lavanya also demonstrated her demented ideology.

Hindus are patriarchal, but burqa and niqab are “very freeing”

As a true liberal, Lavanya was unsettled by “Jai Shri Ram.” Hence, she denounced the young men who raised the Hindu slogan in protest and indirectly supported Muskan Zainab, associated with the banned Popular Front of India (PFI), which fuelled the hijab controversy in Karnataka. Muskan gained notoriety after a strategically captured video of her shouting “Allahu Akbar” went viral during the incident, which happened at PES College of Arts, Science and Commerce in Mandya.

“If religious markers go, shouldn’t they all? Don’t see any such sanctions for the others,” she asked after a netizen emphasised that educational institutions have a uniform to maintain discipline alongside an equal environment for students and should remain devoid of any religious symbols. She shrewdly neglected the fact that the Muslim pupils desired special privileges to tout their Islamic outfits, unlike their Hindu peers.

Lavanya likewise disregarded the rising number of instances where Hindu students have been asked to take off their sacred symbols, including janeu, kalava, tilak and mangalsutra, among other things, prior to being allowed access to schools or examination centres.

Lavanya then described hijab and burqa as “very freeing” and an “identity marker” for many Muslim women after insisting that her views do not hold weight since she is not part of the religion. When confronted about her unreasonable comment, she aggressively defended, “We speak of patriarchy in Islam like it doesn’t exist in other religious systems of belief, especially Hinduism. If we’re setting out to reform and empower, why not start with the majority?”

he shamelessly praised the Islamic veil, which has been responsible for the murder and oppression of numerous girls and women in different Muslim countries. She invoked patriarchy to attack Ramayana and Lord Ram, but failed to recognise it in the desperate cries of the real victims.

A simple recommendation from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to learn the effective utilisation of time through the skilful management exhibited by mothers was also characterised as “a lesson about the very essence of patriarchy” from him.

Lavanya used a similar argument to support Congress MLA Vinesh Phogat after she reached the 50-kilogram freestyle final at the 2024 Paris Olympics. “What a big middle finger to life and patriarchy’s shithousery,” she wrote while sharing her column. Phogat was later disqualified as she was over the permissible weight limit.

Lavanya accused, “At her lowest point, the powerful, like vultures, picked on her. Her nature, naturally confident and outspoken, was used against her. They prodded and nudged at her, confident that her career was all but done. They insulted her. They insulted her coach, Hungary’s Woller Akos, who had left his wife and young child to come and work with the Indian and accused him of being money-minded,” in her article.

She declared that the achievement came even after the entire system opposed the wrestler and her coach, which starkly contradicts the truth. However, Phogat has had a troubling history with the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) owing to her conduct.

Last month, she was prohibited from competing in the National Open Ranking Tournament in Gonda because she, “committed acts and omissions which are seriously prejudicial to the discipline, image, reputation and interests of WFI, the Indian wrestling fraternity and the nation, and which constitute violations of the WFI constitution, the UWW (United World Wrestling) International wrestling rules and the National Anti-Doping Rules 2021.”

She had even demanded direct entry into major global events like the Asian Games and the Olympics without taking part in the national selection trials in 2023. The Indian Olympic Association (IOA) even went as far as to offer an exemption to her and five others, which ignited criticism. As expected, Lavanaya conveniently ignored the crucial decision taken to facilitate the wrestlers and promoted her agenda.

Furthermore, the excessive glorification of Woller, who is simply carrying out a job for which he is receiving remuneration and not extending a favour to any “Indian” is equally troubling and indicates the inferiority complex commonly found in members of this cabal, where foreigners are placed on a pedestal to undermine India.

Lavanya pointed to the protests organised by wrestlers against the then WFI president Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh to illustrate a dramatic image, claiming that Phogat fought at Jantar Mantar instead of on a synthetic mat and slept under a Neem tree. She, of course, did not mention how the central government regularly held discussions with the agitators to address their concerns.

Interestingly, Phogat had stated, “We thought we were such big players that people would believe us, but they started to ask for proof,” in an interview at the time, inciting public backlash. Singh has been acquitted of sexual harassment accusations in one case by a Delhi court, while similar proceedings against him are underway in other cases. The guilty must be dealt with in the strictest manner, but the author has clearly exploited the sensitive matter to advance her narrative.

Conclusion

Just as other leftist liberals, Lavanya also tried to play victim after her earlier posts drew attention, highlighting her double standards. The whole point of the criticism is that India in its current geopolitical form is, or was, envisioned on secularism. How are people evading that very simple point like the plague? It’s one thing for players or teams to indulge and a whole other thing for it to come from a league’s organiser,” she insisted while trying to deflect attention from her original submission that religion should not be associated with sports after her duplicity was revealed.

She even retweeted Pakistani accounts and other leftists promoting the distorted claim. Meanwhile, her statements revealed the predatory nature of Indian secularism, which necessitates a total severance and subjugation of the Hindu faith, ensuring it remains invisible in any public domain. Otherwise, the “secular” reputation of the nation would be compromised.

It would indeed not be astonishing if this journalist were also found defending polygamy permitted under Muslim personal law, outlining that it enables women to share their household responsibilities along with their husbands. After all, there seems to be no limit to the malicious propaganda of this vile group, which exists solely to tarnish Hinduism while venerating even the most reprehensible customs of other religions. Their singular focus is on the agenda, not on objectivity. It is evident that their perverted objection to patriarchy serves merely as a means to the same end.

Mahabharata as ‘Book of War’, Yama as a king: How Indo-Iranian exhibition ‘Shared Epic Worlds’ mistakes cultural parallels for philosophical equivalence

In the Delhi summer heat and a toned-down evening, a team of Young Thinkers Forum Delhi visited an exhibition, “Shared Epic Worlds: The Shahnameh, the Mahabharata, and the Indo-Persian Imagination”. Curated by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture, the Noor International Microfilm Centre, and the Iran Culture House, New Delhi, the outdoor exhibit displays reproductions of exquisite manuscripts mounted on industrial scaffolding.

While the initiative is a visually striking and praiseworthy attempt to map the literary, artistic, and cultural connections between Iran and India, a critical examination of the presented panels reveals significant scholarly gaps. What could have been a profound exploration of philosophical dialogue often devolves into comparative simplifications, revealing a curatorial bias that occasionally misrepresents Bharatiya epistemology.

The trap of superficial equivalencies

A recurring curatorial choice throughout the exhibition is to draw direct parallels between concepts and figures that do not necessarily share the same philosophical bedrock. The panels frequently juxtapose elements like the celestial birds Garuda and the Simurgh, the heroic journeys of Arjuna and Rustam, and the life-giving remedies of Sanjivani and Nush-Daru.

While these comparisons create an accessible narrative framework, they risk creating false equivalencies. The most concerning example of this is the exhibition’s interpretation of Yama alongside the Iranian king Yima/Jamshid. The panel describes Jamshid as an “ideal king whose reign is remembered as an age of abundance, peace, and freedom from disease”. It then conceptually links him to the Vedic Yama, attributing their distinct meanings to an “ancient shared heritage”.

However, in Bharatiya philosophical and spiritual traditions, Yama is not a historical, benevolent human king providing for his people. He is primarily revered as the God of Death and the cosmic regulator of dharma related to mortality. Presenting Yama in a comparative framework with a political, human ruler, without sufficient contextual explanation of his profound metaphysical role in the Indian knowledge system, misrepresents and dilutes a complex philosophical concept.

The Maktab Khana and the devaluation of dharma

The exhibition notes that the formal fusion of these cultures peaked during the Mughal Empire, particularly when Emperor Akbar established the Maktab Khana (House of Translation) at Fatehpur Sikri around 1574. A centrepiece of this era is the Razmnama (The Book of War), the Persian translation of the Mahabharata. The exhibition praises this as an exercise in “imperial inclusion” and a “broader vision of intellectual dialogue”, prominently featuring a folio where Hindu and Muslim scholars are seated together, translating the Sanskrit epic.

While the collaborative effort between Hindu Brahmins and Muslim scholars is historically significant, the exhibition fails to critique the fundamental premise of this translation project. The Persian title Razmnama, literally ‘Book of War’, is deeply misleading. As the traditional Bharatiya saying goes: “What is found here may be found elsewhere; what is not found here is nowhere.”

The Mahabharata is not merely a manual of warfare; its central theme is the exploration of Dharma, encompassing duty, righteousness, cosmic order, and ethics. It houses the Bhagavad Gita, delivering profound spiritual teachings and philosophies on justice and spiritual liberation. Naming the epic solely from the perspective of ‘war’ strips it of its civilizational essence, suggesting the Mughal court may have been primarily interested in extracting martial strategy and statecraft rather than genuinely engaging with its spiritual depth. While the Shahnameh performed a vital cultural function in codifying statecraft for the Persianate world, the Mahabharata and Ramayana rely fundamentally on spirituality, a distinction the exhibition overlooks.

A Persian-centric narrative imbalance

Across the exhibition panels, a substantial portion of the narrative focuses predominantly on the Iranian and Persian legacy. Panels detailing Safavid courtly art, Persian romances like Bijan and Manijeh, the trial of Siyavash, the birth of Rostam, and the Persian origins of Polo (Chogan) dominate the visual space.

Even when exploring Indian epics, the lens is filtered almost exclusively through Persian and Mughal patronage. The exhibit highlights the Jahangiri Shahnama, noting the collaborative visual interpretation by Hindu and Muslim painters like Banwari, Bola, Bhagwati, and Qasim. The magnificent “Court of Ravana” panel, commissioned by the Mughal courtier Bir Singh Deo around 1605, is celebrated precisely because it reimagines the Ramayana through a “sophisticated fusion” where the demons of Lanka are styled strikingly like Safavid divs. Furthermore, an entire panel is dedicated to the royal seals of Babur, Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan on a single Shahnama manuscript.

While these artworks are masterpieces of Indo-Islamic fusion, the exhibition heavily tilts toward showcasing Persian soft power. It functions less as a balanced civilizational dialogue and more as a chronicle of how Persian aesthetics and literature influenced Indian courts, offering minimal insight into the profound originality and continuity of Bharatiya civilisation itself.

Conclusion

The “Shared Epic Worlds” exhibition is an inspiring visual endeavour, and institutions like the Noor International Microfilm Centre must be commended for their monumental work in preserving and digitising nearly 33 million Indo-Persian archival documents.

However, if the objective is to genuinely strengthen Indo-Iranian cultural understanding, future exhibitions must transcend superficial comparative mythology and the elite confines of royal courts. Cultural integration must emerge from a genuine respect for differing philosophical traditions rather than the shaping of selective, heavily Persian-centric narratives. A true exploration of these shared worlds must balance the material statecraft of the Shahnameh with the spiritual Dharma of the Mahabharata, honouring the deep, parallel roots that connect both civilisations beyond the borders of empires.

(Anshika Agrawal is a core member, and Aditya Trivedi is the Coordinator of Young Thinkers Forum Delhi)

(Note: The insights regarding architecture, music, and linguistics draw on independent historical research discussed previously, extending beyond the exhibition’s provided texts.)

First electricity was cut in Raidhanpar, then a pre-planned attack on Hindus took place: Fresh FIR by power company confirms facts highlighted in Opindia ground report

The attack on Hindus in Raidhanpar village of Kutch on the night of 29th May is now taking a new turn after a fresh FIR filed by the power department confirmed that electricity supply to the area was deliberately disrupted around the same time the violence took place.

While many media reports initially portrayed the incident as a clash between two groups, OpIndia had earlier reported that the attack appeared to be planned and that the power supply had been cut before the violence started. The latest FIR has now brought official confirmation that the power line was tampered with, causing a blackout in several villages.

The complaint has been filed by PGVCL (Paschim Gujarat Vij Company Limited) at Madhapar Police Station. According to the complaint, some unknown persons intentionally interfered with an electricity line, leading to a power outage in five villages, including Raidhanpar. The timing of the power disruption matches the period during which the attack was taking place, making it an important part of the ongoing investigation.

FIR says power line was tampered with

According to the complaint filed by PGVCL officials, the 11 KV power line located between Raidhanpar and Nana Varnora villages was tampered with on the night of 29th May, 2026. The disruption reportedly took place between 10:30 pm and 11:15 pm.

As a result, electricity supply was interrupted in five villages connected to the KVNT-1 feeder of the Raidhanpar sub-station. These villages included Raidhanpar, Nana Varnora, Gadpadar, Traya and Paya. Residents of all five villages experienced a power outage for nearly 15 minutes.

The complaint states that PGVCL staff received information about the outage and immediately began efforts to restore electricity. However, when routine checks did not reveal any fault in the system, the staff started inspecting the line physically. During the inspection, officials found signs that the power line between Raidhanpar and Varnora had been deliberately disturbed using some external object.

Officials stated in the complaint that the disruption was not caused by a technical fault but was the result of human intervention. After identifying the problem, the electricity supply was restored through an alternative arrangement and a formal complaint was later filed with the police.

Third FIR registered in the Raidhanpar Case

The latest complaint by the electricity department has become the third FIR linked to the Raidhanpar violence.

Earlier FIRs were registered regarding the attack on Hindu villagers, stone pelting, and attempts to ram people with a vehicle. Another FIR was also registered against four Muslim youths for allegedly pelting stones at police personnel who had reached the spot to control the situation.

Now, with the electricity department filing a separate complaint regarding the disruption of power supply, investigators have another important angle to examine in the case.

What happened in Raidhanpar on 29th May?

The violence took place in Raidhanpar village of Bhuj taluka in Kutch district on the night of 29th May, 2026.

According to a complaint filed by local resident Darshan Baradia, the trouble started after a dispute involving the village priest and some Muslim men from the nearby village of Varnora. Following the initial argument, the group left the area but later returned with more people.

The complaint says that one of the accused, identified as Razak Siddique Mer, tried to drive a Bolero vehicle at high speed toward villagers. After that, more people arrived in several vehicles. The Muslim mob was reportedly carrying sticks, pipes and stones.

Soon afterwards, darkness spread across the village as the electricity supply stopped. The attackers then began pelting stones and assaulting villagers.

Several people were injured during the incident, including Darshan Baradia and Rajesh Chavda. The FIR states that Rajesh Chavda suffered serious injuries near his eye.

Police personnel also rushed to the village after receiving information about the violence. However, police vehicles also came under attack during the unrest. Following the incident, Madhapar Police registered a case against 23 named accused and several unidentified persons under different serious sections of the law.

PGVCL officer explains how the outage was detected

The complaint filed by V. K. Suvera, Deputy Engineer of PGVCL’s Bhuj Rural Sub-Division, has provided important details about the power outage.

Speaking to OpIndia, Suvera said that around 10:30 pm, officials at the sub-station received complaints that electricity had gone out in five villages, including Raidhanpar. Initially, attempts were made to restore supply directly from the sub-station by switching the system off and on again. However, power did not return.

Following this, linemen and technical staff were sent to inspect the network. During their investigation, they found that an external object had been thrown onto the power line between Varnora and Raidhanpar, affecting the electricity supply.

Suvera said there was nothing suspicious visible at the location when staff reached there, but it was clear that someone had deliberately interfered with the line. He also confirmed that the blackout occurred during the same period when the attack in Raidhanpar was taking place.

The police are now investigating the matter further.

OpIndia had earlier reported about the blackout

Soon after the incident, OpIndia had reported from the ground that electricity in the area had been cut before the attack began. According to the report, local residents and Hindu organisations had claimed that the attackers first ensured that the village was plunged into darkness before carrying out stone pelting and assaults.

At that time, these claims were based on eyewitness accounts and statements from local residents. Now, the FIR filed by the PGVCL deputy engineer has provided documentary support to those claims.

The complaint officially records that the 11 KV power line was tampered with and that power supply to five villages was disrupted during the same period in which violence was taking place in Raidhanpar.

Investigation Continues

The timing mentioned in the power department’s FIR closely matches the period during which Hindu villagers and police personnel were attacked in Raidhanpar. This has made the power outage an important part of the investigation.

With three separate FIRs now registered in connection with the incident, one related to the attack on villagers, another concerning attacks on police personnel, and the latest regarding the disruption of electricity supply, the investigation has expanded significantly.

Police are continuing to examine all aspects of the case, including the circumstances surrounding the power outage and its connection to the violence that unfolded in Raidhanpar on the night of 29th May.

Meet Talisman: The electronic warfare system that can protect India’s most important fighter jet

India is moving towards integrating the advanced Talisman Airborne Defence Suite (ADS) onto its Su-30 MKI fighter fleet, a development that could significantly enhance the survivability of the Indian Air Force’s frontline combat aircraft against modern missiles and threats.
The move comes amid the broader Super Sukhoi modernisation programme and follows the reported operational deployment of the system on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fleet. With over 260 Su-30MKIs in service, the integration could be one of the IAF’s largest electronic warfare upgrades. If it is successfully integrated, the Talisman Airborne system can provide an extra layer of protection for air defence networks and missile systems, underscoring the growing importance of electronic warfare in modern aerial combat. Let’s examine the Talisman Airborne system and how it will help India.  

What is the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite?

At its core, the Talisman Airborne Defence suite (ADS) is an electronic warfare (EW) system designed to protect fighter aircraft from enemy radars and threat missiles. It is developed by the Belarusian defence company Defence Initiative (DI). The system is intended to enhance aircraft survivability in contested airspace by detecting, analysing, and countering hostile electronic emissions before they can be used to track or engage the aircraft. In simple terms, Talisman acts like an electronic shield for a fighter jet. Instead of physically destroying an incoming threat, it uses electronic signals to confuse enemy radars and missile guidance systems, making it harder for them to track, detect or hit the aircraft. One key feature of the system is that it operates automatically. Unlike traditional defensive systems, which often require pilot intervention. Talisman is designed to function automatically; it allows the pilot to remain focused on flying and combat operations while the system manages electronic countermeasures in the background.

According to reports, Talisman can detect hostile radar signals, generate electronic countermeasures against multiple threats, and even help protect nearby friendly aircraft flying in formation. The system is designed to counter both radar-guided and infrared-guided missile threats.
The reported integration of Talisman onto the Indian Air Force’s Su-30MKI fleet highlights the growing importance of electronic warfare in modern combat, where defeating enemy sensors and missiles is as important as carrying advanced weapons.

Why is india integrating talisman on the Su-30MKI?

The importance of the reported Talisman integration lies in the aircraft chosen to receive it. The Su-30MKI is the backbone of the Indian Air Force, with more than 260 aircraft currently in service. It was developed jointly by Russia’s Sukhoi and India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL); the fighter performs a wide range of missions, including air superiority operations, long-range strike missions, and maritime roles.

It also serves as the primary platform for carrying the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile. It is one of the IAF’s most important combat assets. As a result, improving the survivability of the Su-30MKI has direct implications for India’s overall air combat capability. The integration of the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite could provide the aircraft with an additional layer of protection against increasingly sophisticated radar networks and missile systems. By helping pilots operate more effectively in contested environments, the system could improve the aircraft’s ability to survive and complete missions during high-intensity conflicts.

The move is also significant because it forms part of the Indian Air Force’s broader effort to modernise the Su-30MKI fleet under the Super Sukhoi programme. As modern warfare becomes increasingly dependent on electronic warfare capabilities, systems such as Talisman are expected to play a crucial role in enhancing the effectiveness and survivability of frontline combat aircraft.

Talisman is already operational on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fleet

The reported Su-30MKI integration is not the first time India has used the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite. According to defence reports, the system is already operational on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fighter fleet. The MiG-29K serves as the Navy’s carrier-based fighter aircraft and operates from INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant. These aircraft are expected to operate in complex threat environments where enemy radars and missile systems pose a significant challenge. The deployment of Talisman on the MiG-29K fleet suggests that Indian military planners already have some experience with the system. This could help ease the integration of the suite into the much larger Su-30MKI fleet.

Tejas and jaguar could be next

According to reports, the Indian Air Force is also examining the possibility of extending similar electronic warfare capabilities to other aircraft platforms. For that, the feasibility studies are reportedly underway for the Tejas Mk1A and the Jaguar fleet. While no formal decision has been announced, such a move would allow the IAF to strengthen electronic warfare capabilities across multiple aircraft types rather than limiting them to the Su-30MKI. If implemented, it would represent a broader effort to improve the survivability and combat effectiveness of India’s fighter fleet in increasingly contested airspaces.

The bigger picture

The integration of Talisman reflects a larger trend in modern warfare. Today’s fighter faces threats not only from enemy aircraft but also from advanced radar systems, long-range surface-to-air missiles and sophisticated air defence networks.
As countries continue to invest in more capable air defence systems, electronic warfare has become an increasingly important part of air combat. Modern militaries are focusing not only on acquiring better aircraft and weapons but also on improving their ability to evade detection and defeat enemy sensors. Against this backdrop, the reported induction of Talisman on the Su-30MKI fleet is another step in India’s efforts to increase the survivability of its frontline aircraft and prepare for future combat scenarios.

India looking to increase indigenous participation

While Talisman was originally developed by the Belarusian company Defence Initiative (DI), India has also been working to increase domestic participation in electronic warfare technologies. In 2022, Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) signed an agreement with Defence Initiative to cooperate on the Airborne Defence Suite. According to reports, India is also developing indigenous airborne electronic warfare systems for future fighter aircraft. Such efforts aim to reduce dependence on imports while strengthening domestic defence manufacturing capabilities. BEL will be the prime contractor and will be supported by DI with ToT (Manufacturing and Maintenance) for the supply of an advanced EW suite for helicopters under the ‘Make in India’ category.

Conclusion

The reported integration of the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite on the Su-30MKI fleet marks another step in India’s efforts to strengthen the survivability of its frontline combat aircraft. With electronic warfare becoming increasingly important in modern conflicts, systems capable of disrupting enemy radars and missile guidance networks are emerging as critical force multipliers. While official details regarding the integration timeline remain limited, the move signals the Indian Air Force’s continued focus on enhancing the capabilities of its largest fighter fleet under the broader Super Sukhoi modernisation programme.

Dark web networks, Narco mafias and a generation at risk: Kerala launches ‘Operation Toofan’. Here’s how the drug crisis spiralled

Kerala’s new government has adopted a multifaceted approach to combat drug trafficking, which has grown to be a serious threat to the state. On 2nd June (Tuesday), home minister Ramesh Chennithala announced “Operation Toofan: The Narco Hunt,” which is a statewide effort to fight the rising drug crisis and dismantle drug trafficking rings. It is one of South India’s biggest anti-drug drive.

He described the program as “a systemic, borderless policy offensive designed to serve as a national benchmark in the eradication of synthetic drug networks.” He explained the rationale behind the name and explained that it was picked because a traditional cleanup was insufficient and a “legislative and operational storm” is required to completely eliminate the firmly ingrained syndicate.

Chennithala asserted that the authorities are going to implement a model of total neutrality in accordance with this objective and state borders, social standing or political clout would not protect traffickers. “Coordinated via interstate protocols with neighboring DGPs (Director-General of Police) and powered by an advanced Cyber Wing targeting dark web networks, this operation introduces a rigorous law enforcement model,” he added.

Chennithala declared, “The structural blueprint is finalised. As schools reopen and the new academic year commences on 1st June, Operation Toofan goes into full effect to guarantee secure campuses and a protected future. Kerala Police set to action.” The project would be formally launched at the Government Higher Secondary School for Girls at Cotton Hill in Thiruvananthapuram.

The Kerala Police, which will spearhead the operation, also posted about it on 28th May remarking, “Through a people’s resistance where the public, schools, and families join hands with us, we can ensure peace in our homes and a fearless atmosphere on our streets,” to obliterate the mounting epidemic.

Police earlier executed large-scale raids throughout the Thiruvananthapuram city. The action, which was organised jointly with the Thiruvananthapuram Corporation, resulted in the confiscation of prohibited tobacco supplies from stores. Five sacks of tobacco goods were recovered alongside several illegal bunk shops and roadside booths used for such unlawful activities were taken down under the Medical College police limits.

The latest effort occurred after Kerala Police undertook multiple targeted law enforcement campaigns. In an attempt to improve public safety as well as law and order across the state, it held 1,663 people earlier this year under “Operation Round Up,” including habitual criminals and absconding perpetrators.

The proposed crackdown on drugs

The drive would involve coordination with agencies of central government, police and enforcement from other South Indian states to address the issue of interstate drug rings. A watchful eye would be kept on drug users, traffickers, suppliers and promoters. The mission combines innovative investigative methods and technology-driven surveillance to confront the rapid expansion of synthetic drugs. There would be a special focus on shielding kids from drug networks.

The police intend to shut down the supply chain through monitoring social media groups that mainly engage in the sale of synthetic medicines and by tracking suspicious financial activities. Drone-assisted smart patrols will be implemented in high-risk regions, and wastewater analysis could be introduced in residential areas and educational institutions to detect drug-consumption hotspots.

According to the home department, the campaign would also involve tougher measures against drug mafias, including as the seizure of assets connected to such networks and anti-drug awareness programs through a unique curriculum in schools. Additionally, the aim is to strengthen community-led resistance to substance abuse. Community participation activities would be used to identify hot spots at the grassroots level.

It is anticipated that networks encouraging youngsters to consume drugs would be targeted with special measures. Officials conveyed that surveillance would be improved to prevent the distribution of chemical and synthetic opioids along with hybrid cannabis. Strict measures on the sale of tobacco products close to schools as well as the usage and distribution of drugs in places like upscale hotels and DJ events are part of the move.

A digitally enabled system would be set-up to enable the prompt reporting of drug-related incidents. The introduction of WhatsApp chatbots and mobile applications would allow people to anonymously exchange information on drug use and trafficking.

Moreover, authorities stressed that violations under the NDPS (Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances) carry harsh punishments. The death sentence could be applied when synthetic drugs are found in commercial quantities. Large-scale cannabis smuggling might end up in a 20-year prison sentence, while cannabis cultivation could entail a 10-year behind bars.

Drug use attracts a one-year jail term. The PIT-NDPS (Prevention of Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances) Act’s preventative detention provisions permit the custody of repeat offenders without charge or trial for a maximum of two years. The average penalty is doubled for a convict over another drug infraction after serving a previous term.

Meanwhile, Kerala police aim to employ a little-used legal clause in the NDPS Act to keep first-time drug users to not turn criminals. They want to grant legal immunity to individuals caught in possession of small amounts of narcotic substances if they voluntarily seek treatment at approved de-addiction units.

According to police chief Ravada A. Chandrasekhar, they are looking into the application of Section 64A of the NDPS Act, which provides exemption from prosecution to addicts who choose medical treatment, reported The New Indian Express. District police heads have been instructed to consider the possibility of legitimately rehabilitating first-time offenders under this provision.

The immunity applies solely to cases concerning minor amounts of drugs that are covered by bail. Treatment at a de-addiction facility approved by the government is essential for those desiring the concession. The protection would expire and prosecution might start if the patient discontinues treatment midway or commits fresh offences.

Drug-related incidents reported across the state

On 30th May (Saturday), major amounts of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, such as methaqualone, methamphetamine, and hashish oil, meant for illicit distribution and trafficking were intercepted in Kochi, Malappuram and Thiruvananthapuram. by the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI)’s Cochin Unit under “Operation Chakravyuh.”

More than 24 kilograms of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances were uncovered. 5 people have been arrested under the NDPS, including key members of the trafficking network. The contraband was identified in various modes of smuggling, comprising outbound export goods, concealment in courier consignments and passenger baggage at airports.

On 17th April, a person from Malappuram district, was nabbed after arriving at Calicut International Airport from Muscat. Officers from the DRI Cochin Zonal Unit’s Calicut Regional Division and Kannur Regional Team apprehended the passenger based on specific intelligence.

They acquired two packets totalling 1974 grams that contained crystal methamphetamine. The drugs were hidden in food packages in his checked-in luggage. Their estimated worth was 1.58 crores in the black market. On 2nd March, the agency confiscated 1.931 kilogram of crystal methamphetamine from a local of Palakkad at Calicut International Airport.

DRI’s Cochin Zonal Unit likewsie arrested 21 people in connection with various NDPS crimes and retrieved narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances worth about ₹70.76 crore in Kerala during the previous fiscal year.

On 2nd April, 36-year-old Mohammed Haneefa P, a resident of Poolappoyil in Mukkam and 45-year-old Reihanath of Beypore were taken into custody by the authorities. The former was in possession of 517 grams of MDMA (3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine). 2.286 kilograms of MDMA were located during a subsequent raid at a home he had rented in Poolappoyil where he had been conducting business for the previous six months.

According to insiders, Haneefa is considered to be one of the state’s main drug dealers, frequently obtaining MDMA from Bengaluru and Delhi. A currency counting machine, several digital scales and packing supplies necessary for narcotics distribution were found during the action.

Drug epidemic grips Kerala

The operation takes place at a critical juncture as the state experiences a drastic spike in drug-related instances and synthetic drugs become more prevalent in educational institutions. The drug cartels function through highly encrypted social media platforms and online networks. They entice students with free samples, trigger addiction and then take advantage of them as local distributors and couriers.

The number of cases registered under the NDPS Act surged sharply from 27,530 in 2024 to 36,314 in 2025. The pattern is indicative of a broader issue the state has been encountering lately. With 30,697 cases reported in 2023, Kerala had the highest tally of NDPS cases in the nation, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB).

Similarly, the grand scale of illegal products that crosses borders has turned out to be a challenge for both the Excise Department and the Kerala Police. Over the past ten years, drugs valued at ₹554.57 crores have been captured but it is believed to be just a tiny fraction of the figure successfully trafficked into the state.

More than 48,371 cases have been reported, comprising over 50,000 youths and students. The primary supply chains, manufacturing laboratories, bulk suppliers and interstate transit networks have remained largely unaffected by enforcement actions which have predominantly accomplished only peripheral arrests.

“The drug menace in Kerala is now becoming extremely serious. It’s an issue I have raised in Parliament, and I have not had a satisfactory response from the authorities. We need to have a war on drugs in Kerala. We need a very serious consciousness-raising effort which unites all religions and political parties. We need the state government to collaborate with the Central government to identify the sources of supply,” expressed senior Congress leader and Thiruvananthapuram Lok Sabha MP Shashi Tharoor, last year.

Kerala Governor Arif Mohammed Khan echoed similar sentiments in 2022. and charged, “Kerala is replacing Punjab as the capital of drugs.” The state recorded 27,700 drug-related cases in 2024, three times more than Punjab’s slightly over 9,000 incidents. Kerala is reporting 78 cases per lakh inhabitants considering its population.

All of its 14 districts are reportedly impacted. Half of the thirty homicides that were reported in the state during the first two months of 2025 had a connection to drug abuse. Kerala has regularly dominated the list of NDPS Act cases during the last three years, according to data presented in the Rajya Sabha on 12th March 2025. The number documented by the state climbed from 26,918 in 2022 to 30,715 in 2023 and 27,701 in 2024.

Cannabis, commonly referred to as ganja, is frequently dubbed as a mild drug in local communities there. Ground reports, however, indicated that it has evolved into a doorway to more serious addiction. Many adolescent addicts disclosed that their addiction began with casual ganja smoking in school, which quickly progressed to harmful substances such as MDMA, cocaine and marijuana.

Kerala’s drug problem did not emerge suddenly. The state is extremely susceptible due to an array of interrelated variables. Kerala’s 590-kilometre coastline meets the Arabian Sea. It makes international trade easier, but it also serves as a tempting entry point for drugs. Traffickers have also grown bolder in their exploitation of the international maritime channels near Kerala’s coast.

Its close proximity to other transportation hubs, like Chennai and Bengaluru, has led to the creation of overland supply lines for illegal goods as drug syndicates try to drive the state’s youth into severe drug addiction. Hence, “Operation Toofan” hopes to destroy the roots of such networks and aims to liberate the state from the suffocating hold of the drugs.

After 8 lion cub deaths in Gir, swift government intervention brings situation under control: Here is the whole story and what wildlife experts say

The Gujarat government has said that the situation surrounding the recent deaths of lion cubs in and around the Gir forest is now under control. The deaths had raised concerns among wildlife experts and conservationists, as the cubs were suspected to have been affected by a possible Babesia infection. 

After reviewing the situation, Gujarat Forest Minister Arjun Modhwadia said that the Forest Department acted quickly and has been closely monitoring the health of lions in the region. According to him, no new lion deaths linked to infection have been reported in the last three days, and the situation is currently stable. He also appealed to residents and livestock owners in the Gir region to cooperate in efforts to protect the lions.

Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel had also taken note of the matter earlier and held a review meeting to assess the situation.

How the incident started

During the past week, several lion cub deaths were reported from different parts of the Gir, including the Gir Gadhada area in Gir-Somnath district and the Babra Kot area of Amreli district.

The Forest Department initially suspected that the deaths could be linked to Babesia infection. Following the reports, special surveillance was launched in sensitive areas, including Gir East and Gir West, to monitor lion populations closely.

Officials said a total of 8 lion cub deaths were recorded. As a precaution, authorities focused on lions living within a radius of about 10 kilometres from the affected areas. Around 22 lions were quarantined, and senior forest officials were sent to the locations to oversee the response.

Samples collected from the dead cubs were sent to the Gujarat Biotechnology Research Centre (GBRC) for testing. However, the final laboratory report is still awaited, and the exact cause of death has not yet been officially confirmed.

What is Babesia?

Babesia is a protozoan parasite that spreads through ticks. It attacks the red blood cells of animals and is often compared to malaria because of the way it affects the body.

Animals infected with Babesia may suffer from fever, anaemia, weakness, tiredness and other health problems.

While Babesia remains the main focus of the investigation, some early reports had also mentioned the possibility of other infections, including Canine Distemper Virus (CDV). However, forest officials are currently examining Babesia as the primary suspected cause.

Measures taken by the forest department

To stop any possible spread of infection, the Forest Department launched a large-scale de-ticking drive across the affected areas of Gir.

Teams of veterinarians and frontline forest staff have been continuously monitoring the health of lions. The Lion Hospital at Sasan was also placed on high alert.

Rescue vehicles, cages, traps, tranquillizer guns and other emergency equipment were kept ready to ensure quick treatment if any lion showed signs of illness. Emergency protocols were also activated at the hospital.

Experts says no emergency at present, but concern is necessary for the future

Wildlife scientist Yadavendradev V. Jhala said that Babesia is not a new disease in Gir and has existed for years among cattle, wild animals and lions at low levels. According to him, nature generally maintains a balance between such diseases and animal populations.

He said that a few deaths among a lion population of nearly 1,000 should not be viewed as an immediate crisis. However, he cautioned that diseases such as rabies or Canine Distemper Virus (CDV) could pose a much bigger threat in the future, especially because they are often spread by stray dogs.

Jhala also stressed the need to establish separate and unrelated populations of Asiatic lions outside Gir. He said keeping the entire population concentrated in one region increases the risk to the species if a major disease outbreak or natural disaster occurs.

Gujarat remains the only home of the Asiatic lions

According to the 2025 lion census, Gujarat is home to 891 Asiatic lions. The Gir forest and surrounding areas remain the world’s only natural habitat for the species.

Because of the importance of this population, forest officials and wildlife experts continue to closely monitor the health of lions and remain alert to any signs of disease in the region.

As NIA opens its first Hamas terror probe in the Pahalgam attack, the forgotten story of how the Gaza-based terror group funded Islamist networks in India

For years, a section of India’s political and media establishment attempted to portray Hamas as a distant Middle Eastern actor whose activities had little relevance to India’s internal security landscape. Whenever concerns were raised about growing ideological, financial and operational linkages between global Islamist organisations and radical networks in India, such warnings were routinely dismissed as alarmism.

The latest development in the investigation into the Pahalgam terror attack, however, indicates that Indian security agencies are no longer willing to view Hamas merely through the prism of the Israel-Palestine conflict.

In a significant revelation, the National Investigation Agency (NIA), while filing its chargesheet in the Pahalgam terror attack case, stated that further investigation is underway to establish links between Pakistan-backed terror outfits and Hamas. The agency specifically noted that it is probing connections between Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), its proxy The Resistance Front (TRF), Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), Al Qaeda affiliates, Hamas and other global terrorist organisations.

This is arguably the first time India’s premier anti-terror agency has formally brought Hamas within the ambit of a major terror investigation and signalled its intention to examine possible operational, ideological and financial linkages between the Gaza-based terrorist organisation and Pakistan-backed jihadist networks targeting India.

The development assumes even greater significance because evidence of Hamas-linked radicalisation and funding networks in India is not entirely new. In fact, available literature, intelligence assessments and testimonies of former Islamist operatives suggest that Hamas had already established links with radical organisations operating in India decades ago.

The NIA’s probe may therefore be uncovering not an entirely new phenomenon, but a network whose roots stretch back several decades.

The SIMI-Hamas connection that many forgot

One of the most significant examples of Hamas-linked influence in India emerges from the history of the banned Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). 

SIMI was established in 1977 as the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami-Hind (JIH), itself the Indian counterpart of Jamaat-e-Islami, founded by Islamist ideologue Abul Ala Maududi. Initially created to energise student activism within the broader Islamist movement, SIMI gradually evolved into a far more radical organisation.

Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)

According to academic research cited in the Journal of Defence Studies, SIMI increasingly embraced positions that even Jamaat-e-Islami-Hind found difficult to defend. The relationship between the two organisations deteriorated sharply after disagreements over Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s visit to India in 1981. While JIH viewed Arafat positively, SIMI activists denounced him as a Western puppet and greeted him with black flags.

This hostility toward Arafat becomes particularly important when viewed through the Hamas lens.

Hamas and Arafat’s Fatah movement were bitter rivals. Hamas rejected the relatively pragmatic Palestinian nationalism represented by Fatah and instead promoted a transnational Islamist project rooted in the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood. SIMI’s hostility toward Arafat mirrored Hamas’s own ideological orientation and reflected the broader Islamist currents that were influencing radical groups across the world.

The split between SIMI and JIH was not merely organisational. It reflected a deeper ideological shift toward a more militant and transnational vision of political Islam.

Why SIMI’s ideology resembled Hamas

Perhaps the most striking aspect of the SIMI-Hamas relationship was not financial assistance or organisational contact but ideological convergence.

Research on SIMI documented that the organisation openly rejected secularism, democracy and nationalism, describing them as anti-Islamic concepts. It advocated the restoration of the Khalifat or Islamic Caliphate, emphasised the supremacy of the global Muslim Ummah and endorsed armed jihad as a legitimate means of establishing Islamic dominance. 

Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)

The similarities with Hamas are difficult to ignore.

Like Hamas, SIMI viewed religious identity as superior to national identity. Like Hamas, it rejected secular political frameworks. Like Hamas, it regarded the establishment of an Islamic order as a religious obligation. And like Hamas, it viewed armed struggle as an acceptable instrument for achieving ideological objectives.

While Hamas sought to replace Israel with an Islamist state, SIMI increasingly articulated visions of an Islamic political order within India.

This ideological overlap created natural avenues for cooperation, networking and mutual support.

The Hamas founder who addressed a SIMI conference

Evidence of direct interaction between Hamas and SIMI emerged publicly in October 1999.

During the Ikhwan Conference organised by SIMI in Kanpur, which reportedly attracted more than 20,000 participants, speeches were delivered by several Islamist leaders. Among them was Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, the founder of Hamas, who addressed the gathering through a telephonic message. 

Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)

The event also featured figures linked to Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and other Islamist networks.

The symbolism of the conference was revealing.

This was not an isolated local gathering. It was an event that connected radical Islamist actors across multiple countries through a shared ideological framework. It demonstrated that SIMI was not operating as a purely domestic organisation concerned with local grievances. Instead, it increasingly saw itself as part of a broader global Islamist movement.

The conference became notorious for extremist slogans glorifying Al Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden. It illustrated how global jihadist narratives were being integrated into Indian radical networks years before the emergence of the Islamic State or the global war on terror framework that followed 9/11.

The presence of Hamas founder Sheikh Yassin in such a forum underscores that contacts between Hamas and Indian Islamist networks were neither accidental nor insignificant.

Former SIMI leader revealed Hamas funding

The most explosive aspect of the SIMI-Hamas relationship concerns funding.

According to disclosures made by Salim Sajid, a former financial secretary of SIMI who later turned against the organisation, Hamas was among the key sources of financial support for SIMI. 

Journal of Defence Studies (The Students Islamic Movement of India: The Story So Far – Anshuman Behera)

His testimony indicated that SIMI was receiving funds from multiple international Islamist entities, including Hamas, Bangladesh-based Islami Chhatra Shibir, Saudi Arabia’s Jamayyatul Ansar and several organisations operating in the Gulf region.

These revelations are especially significant because funding networks often reveal deeper organisational relationships than public ideological statements.

Money is rarely transferred without expectations, influence or strategic objectives.

If Hamas was indeed helping finance SIMI, it would indicate that the Palestinian terror outfit viewed India as a theatre worthy of ideological investment and organisational expansion.

More importantly, such funding would demonstrate that Hamas’s activities extended far beyond the Israel-Palestine conflict and included participation in a wider ecosystem of transnational Islamist mobilisation.

Security agencies had already documented Hamas links

The testimony of former SIMI members was not the only source pointing toward Hamas connections.

Security agency investigations repeatedly identified links between SIMI and various extremist organisations across South Asia and the Middle East, including Hamas. 

These findings reinforced concerns that SIMI was embedded within a broader international network of Islamist organisations sharing ideological goals, training methodologies and funding channels.

The common thread connecting these organisations was not nationality or ethnicity.

It was ideology.

Whether operating in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia, Palestine or India, these groups subscribed to versions of political Islam that viewed secular democracy as illegitimate, prioritised religious identity above national identity and sought the eventual establishment of Islamic political authority.

This ideological commonality helped create a transnational ecosystem where resources, propaganda, finances and personnel could move across borders.

From SIMI to Indian Mujahideen and beyond

The story becomes even more troubling when one examines what happened after SIMI was banned in 2001.

The organisation did not simply disappear.

Several investigations and intelligence reports suggested that many former SIMI operatives migrated into other radical organisations, including Indian Mujahideen and later networks associated with the Popular Front of India (PFI). 

Security agencies repeatedly warned that SIMI cadres were attempting to reorganise under new names and front organisations.

This pattern is hardly unique.

Terrorist organisations and extremist movements routinely create successor organisations, front groups and proxy entities to evade legal restrictions while preserving ideological continuity.

Lashkar-e-Taiba created charitable fronts. Jaish-e-Mohammed operated through multiple aliases. Islamist networks across the world have repeatedly adopted similar tactics.

The concern for Indian investigators is whether international relationships built during the SIMI era survived these organisational transformations.

If Hamas had relationships with SIMI networks in the past, did those connections vanish after the ban, or did they simply migrate into successor organisations and informal radical ecosystems?

This is precisely the type of question the NIA’s current investigation may now be attempting to answer.

Why the Pahalgam investigation matters

The NIA’s reference to Hamas comes amid growing concerns about cooperation between Pakistan-backed terror groups and global jihadist organisations.

Security officials have reportedly observed increasing interactions between Hamas and Pakistan-based groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed. The possibility that tactical methods, propaganda strategies and operational knowledge are being shared between these organisations cannot be dismissed lightly.

The October 7 Hamas attack on Israel demonstrated a level of planning, coordination and psychological warfare that attracted attention from terrorist organisations worldwide.

If elements of those tactics are being studied, adapted or shared among Pakistan-backed groups operating against India, the implications for Indian national security are profound.

The Pahalgam investigation is therefore not merely about identifying individual attackers.

It is about understanding whether a broader architecture of global jihadist cooperation is emerging, one that links Gaza, Pakistan and Kashmir through ideological affinity, operational collaboration and financial networks.

The uncomfortable reality

For years, many commentators attempted to compartmentalise terrorism.

Hamas was treated as a Palestinian issue. Lashkar-e-Taiba was viewed as a Pakistan problem. SIMI was described as a domestic radical organisation. PFI was often portrayed as merely a controversial socio-political movement.

The evidence accumulated over decades suggests a more complicated reality.

Extremist organisations frequently differ in language, geography and immediate political objectives. Yet many remain connected through shared ideological frameworks, common funding channels and overlapping organisational networks.

The history of Hamas’s association with SIMI serves as a reminder that terrorism rarely respects national boundaries. Organisations separated by thousands of kilometres can still collaborate when united by a common ideological vision.

As the NIA expands its probe into possible Hamas linkages in the Pahalgam terror attack, investigators may well uncover relationships that did not emerge overnight but were built over decades through networks that connected radical actors across South Asia and the Middle East.

The significance of the investigation lies precisely here. It is not merely about whether Hamas had a role in one particular attack. It is about determining whether India is confronting an increasingly interconnected ecosystem of Islamist extremism where local terror groups, Pakistan-backed proxies and global jihadist organisations function as different nodes of the same ideological network.

The story of Hamas funding SIMI, the participation of Hamas founder Sheikh Ahmed Yassin in SIMI’s events, the documented financial links exposed by former insiders, and the continuing migration of radical cadres into successor organisations suggest that the questions now being asked by the NIA are long overdue.

What the agency ultimately uncovers could reshape India’s understanding of how global jihadist movements have operated within the country for decades.