Home Blog Page 95

As 2025 nears end, here’s how the Assam government conducted demolition drives throughout the year to remove illegal encroachments

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
As 2025 nears end, here’s how the Assam government conducted demolition drives throughout the year to remove illegal encroachments

From vast swathes of land to small plots or houses, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has made it his life mission to reclaim government, forest and community lands, illegally encroached upon. In over a dozen demolition drives, the state government has freed thousands of acres of land from encroachers, who are often illegal Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltrators.

Despite the Islamo-leftist cabal peddling ‘Muslim victimhood’ narratives, the CM Himanta Biswa Sarma-led government’s “bulldozer action” to clear illegal encroachments continues uninterrupted. The Assam government has been undertaking a broader campaign to free public and forest land from illegal occupation.

A series of such drives has taken place across several districts since Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma assumed office in 2021. CM Sarma’s government has maintained it is trying to stop the “demographic invasion” of the state by infiltrators. The Chief Minister has repeatedly stated that these evictions are not communal but are necessary to protect government and forest land from illegal occupation as well as to ensure that the state’s religious demography is not systematically altered.

December: Year 2025 nears its end, but the crackdown against illegal encroachment continues

On 5th December, the 38 bighas of government and forest land encroached by illegal settlers in the Nagaon district was cleared by the local administration in collaboration with the police and the Forest Department. The administration issued prior notice to around 100 families directing them to vacate the land they had illegally encroached on and built houses on. The drive freed forest land under Bhakatgaon in Khatuwal Mouza.

November: Vast swathes of forest land freed from encroachers

In the latter half of November, an anti-encroachment drive was conducted to clear 5,962 bighas (around 2000 acres) of land in Lutumari Forest Reserve in Nagaon district after two days of demolitions by bulldozers. The eviction drive was conducted in Chankhola, Kandapara, Juripar, Bederipar and Majgaon areas of Kachua Lutumari Wildlife Sanctuary under Kampur Forest Regional Office in Nagaon district. 

It was reported that a large number of valuable trees were cut down by smugglers in the forest areas, clearing large areas of land. Later, people from various places arrived and occupied the land. According to officials, around 1,700 Muslim families had encroached upon forest land over the years, gradually establishing clustered settlements and setting up beetle nut orchards and other agricultural farms. The occupiers had built brick houses, and the administration provided electricity and set up schools.

Notably, the eviction drive was carried out in compliance with Supreme Court and High Court directives.

On 9th November, the state government resumed a large-scale eviction drive in the Goalpara district to remove illegal encroachments on forest land. The officials initiated the process of clearing about 1,140 bighas of land, over 376 acres, inside the Dahikata Reserve Forest. The eviction affects nearly 600 families, most of whom belong to the Bangladeshi infiltrators. These operations were carried out peacefully after moving about 70% of the families who were served an eviction notice, while the rest were in the process of vacating the encroached land.

October: Illegal encroachments cleared in Sribhumi

In October this year, the Sribhumi district administration demolished 21 structures across two villages. Most of the demolished structures were residential and commercial buildings built illegally in Shibbari and Ghilaiti villages under Patharkandi constituency. The demolition drive was peacefully carried out in the presence of district officials, police, and paramilitary personnel.

August: Rengma Forest Reserve freed from encroachment

In August, 26 hectares of land were freed from encroachment in the Rengma Reserve Forest area. The Rengma Reserve Forest falls under the Uriamghat area, in Assam’s Golaghat district. It is spread across over 827 acres.

Informing about the encroachment clearance drive, CM Sarma said, “The Hot Pursuit continues! Our bulldozers reached Rengma Reserve Forest yesterday to pursue Part II of the eviction drive to free forest lands from encroachers. The result? 26 Hectares of Forest Land reclaimed — enough to house 65 football fields!! The action will continue.”

July: CM Sarma revealed that land area bigger than Chandigarh freed from encroachment, demolition drives carried out in Goalpara

On 24th July, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma said that the state’s anti-encroachment drive was moving in the proper direction and that with the consistent efforts against the illegal encroachments, the state had recovered 167 sq km of land from the encroachers.

“In the last 3 years, with consistent Govt efforts & cooperation from a large section of society, we have been able to free up 167 sq. Km of land from encroachers, an area larger than the size of Chandigarh city. We are committed to making every inch of land free from encroachers,” Himanta Biswa Sarma  wrote on X.

CM Sarma also stated that 16,776 hectares of land had been cleared in the last three years, including 9,646 hectares of forest land and 7,130 hectares of revenue land. 

Before this, CM Sarma made another important announcement regarding the success of his government’s anti-encroachment campaign as he said that around 1.29 lakh bighas of land in Assam is reported to be occupied by “Bangladeshi infiltrators and doubtful citizens.” He made the shocking disclosures on 21st July during a function commemorating the fourth anniversary of the Multipurpose Agricultural Project at Garukhuti in the Darang district.

On 12th July, an eviction operation took place in the Paikan Reserve Forest located in the Goalpara district. 140 hectares (equivalent to 1038 to 1040 bighas) of forest land had been unlawfully taken over predominantly by Muslims. Tejas Mariswamy, the Divisional Forest Officer of Goalpara, outlined that 1,080 families had built houses in this area.

The majority of these individuals were Muslims who had migrated from adjacent regions or Bangladesh. A total of 36 bulldozers were utilized during the action, and the region was divided into 6 distinct blocks. Nearly 2,500 to 2,700 structures, including houses and shops, were dismantled. Over 1,000 police officers and forest guards were deployed for security purposes.

In this drive, however, a Muslim mob attacked the police team, resulting in a violent exchange between the police and rioters. Resultantly, one person was killed, and several others were injured.

On 8th July, the Assam government conducted a mega eviction drive in Dhubri district to clear over 1,150 acres of government land encroached by Bengali Muslims. Displacing around 1400 families, the eviction drive took place in three places in the district, and it turned violent in the Chapar area. 

On 3rd July,  an eviction drive was conducted by the state government in 3 places in Lakhimpur district. Over 300 houses belonging to Muslim families were demolished days after notices were issued to the people living in the Village Grazing Reserve areas in the district.

June: ‘Dhaka Patti’ illegally built by suspected Bangladeshi national demolished amidst protests by Muslims

On 3rd June, the Jorhat District Administration in Assam carried out a demolition drive to remove encroachment on government land at Kabristan Road. A team of the Jorhat District Administration, accompanied by police and CRPF personnel, reached the area to take down illegal residential and commercial structures in the area. However, the demolition drive faced massive protests by local Muslims who came out in support of a person named Azad Choudhary, whose illegal properties were among the properties demolished by the Jorhat Municipality Board.

Choudhary had reportedly named the area where illegal structures belonging to him were located as ‘Dhaka Patti’, after the capital of Bangladesh.

The BJP government in Assam is clearing encroachments from the Vaishnavite monasteries called Satras, which were founded by Assamese saint-scholar Srimanta Sankardeva and his disciples in the 15th and 16th centuries. On 13th June, this year, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma informed that 15,288.52 bighas of Satra lands remain illegally occupied across 29 districts of the State.

He highlighted massive encroachment in districts such as Bongaigaon, Majuli, Dibrugarh, Nagaon, Bajali, Kamrup, Lakhimpur and Dhubri.

Over the years, the Himanta Biswa Sarma-led government has been consistently taking action to free Vaishnavite monastery lands from illegal encroachments.

These are among the many anti-encroachment drives undertaken this year. The bulldozer action taken by the Sarma government demonstrates a bold, paramount and decisive assertion of the rule of law in Assam. The continued demolition drives also reflects CM Himanta Biswa Sarma’s resolve to clear Assam of any sort of illegal land grabbing and encroachment, and attempts at altering the demographic-religious composition of the state. Assam has long been plagued by illegal immigration of Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslims, who systematically grab land, erect houses, and threaten the state’s indigenous culture, ecology and security.

Anatomy of the IndiGo monopoly: How UPA’s lost decade, failure of competitors and a lack of aviation reforms paved way for the current mess

Divyansh Tiwari
-
0
Anatomy of the IndiGo monopoly: How UPA’s lost decade, failure of competitors and a lack of aviation reforms paved way for the current mess

The “too big to fail” airline in India is currently experiencing its worst crisis to date. After failing to prepare for more stringent Flight Duty Time Limit (FDTL) regulations for pilots, IndiGo cancelled over 1,000 flights in a matter of days during the first week of December 2025. This led to chaos at airports, outrage on social media, and a government intervention that temporarily reversed the new fatigue regulations. This incident has shown how reliant India’s aviation sector has become on a single low-cost carrier and how risky it is when that carrier falters, with IndiGo currently holding about 65% of the country’s domestic market.

It is crucial to understand how IndiGo became dominant and how the broader policy environment particularly between 2004 and 2014 gradually cleared the competitive field around it in order to comprehend why the current mess matters. Simply put, IndiGo’s astute strategy helped it rise, but many of its competitors fell due to UPA era policy blunders.

How IndiGo built a fortress: Strategy, fleet choices and discipline

(i) An audacious start

Rahul Bhatia of InterGlobe Enterprises and aviation veteran Rakesh Gangwal established IndiGo in 2006. Prior to its first commercial flight, the airline startled the industry at the 2005 Paris Air Show by placing an order for 100 Airbus A320 aircraft, which at the time was unprecedented for a startup with no prior operational experience. On August 4, 2006, it made its debut on the Delhi-Mumbai route with a small fleet of A320s, but it was obvious that IndiGo was not going to be a boutique airline. From the beginning, it desired scale. The airline’s recent NDTV article highlights how this early mega order gave lessors, manufacturers, and airports confidence, enabling IndiGo to negotiate advantageous pricing and delivery windows.

All 100 of the 2005 order’s aircraft (the final one was delivered in 2014) were delivered in less than ten years, and IndiGo had already scheduled its subsequent waves of capacity with orders for 250 A320neo-family aircraft in 2014 and 180 aircraft in 2011. In a high fuel cost climate, this aggressive forward ordering ensured a pipeline of new, fuel-efficient aircraft well into the 2020s and locked in manufacturer-level discounts.

(ii) Single type fleet and sale and leaseback

IndiGo adopted a strict low cost approach from the beginning, with a single class cabin, a highly standardized layout, and a single aircraft model (A320/A321, with ATRs added considerably later for regional routes). This “single type” option of simplified training, shared spare parts, unified maintenance procedures, and an interchangeable pilot pool is frequently cited in academic and business case studies as a key cost benefit. Its unrelenting employment of sale and leaseback was as significant. Usually, IndiGo would take brand new aircraft, sell them to lessors fast, and then lease them back for about six years.

This produced upfront revenue from the sale, ensured that the fleet stayed relatively young (aircraft being cycled out every few years), and converted significant capital expenditure into predictable operational leases. 

This is a key component of IndiGo’s balance sheet strength, according to business studies of the company’s finances. Planes were continuously replaced, which kept maintenance costs low and reliability strong while freeing up cash that could be reinvested in expansion rather than being locked in metal. IndiGo’s uniform, youthful fleet became a silent structural advantage in a market where many competitors flew older, fuel-hungry, and maintenance-intensive aircraft.

(iii) Ruthless cost discipline and the ‘on time’ brand

The traditional low-cost carrier (LCC) business model used by IndiGo includes point-to-point routes, dense seating, paid meals, short turnaround times, and high daily aircraft utilisation. Quick turnaround times and high utilisation (many rotations per day per aircraft), lean staffing (fewer people per aircraft than many competitors), and a strong emphasis on punctuality and basic hygiene rather than frills are all frequently noted in strategy canvases and airline case studies.

Punctuality was transformed into brand positioning rather than merely an internal metric. Reuters recently highlighted a well-known IndiGo commercial from 2011 that made the literal guarantee that “every time we fly, we will ensure you will land on time,” pointing out the irony of on-time performance plummeting to 3.7% during the 2025 crisis. By 2014, IndiGo had transported more than 80 million people since its founding, had inducted its 100th aircraft, and was running more than 500 daily flights to 36 domestic and foreign destinations. Price conscious middle class travelers who prioritized punctuality over a complimentary hot supper were drawn to its dependability and ease of use.

(iv) Revenue management and ancillaries

IndiGo made significant internal investments in revenue management, including dynamic pricing grids that fill seats starting with the lowest fare buckets, In order to reduce distribution costs, it made extensive use of ancillaries, such as paid meals, seat selection, additional baggage, priority boarding, and a strong direct-sales focus through its website and app.

In a market where headline fares were frequently maintained artificially low due to competition and customer expectations, academic research on IndiGo’s pricing indicates that supplementary services and strict yield management were essential to sustaining profitability. Compared to full service carriers or smaller LCCs, the airline was able to maintain price wars for a far longer period of time since it maintained one of the lowest cost bases in India. When competitors reduced fares, IndiGo could match them without suffering as much. 

(v) Aggressive network build out

India’s domestic aviation sector grew quickly between 2006 and 2014, nearly exclusively during the UPA years, thanks to increased aspirations and GDP development. Instead than pursuing glamorous routes, IndiGo used this expansion to increase frequency on high-density metro and tier-II lines, like as Delhi–Mumbai, Delhi–Bengaluru, Mumbai–Hyderabad, and so on, while progressively adding secondary cities like Jaipur, Nagpur, and Coimbatore. IndiGo was able to take a disproportionate amount of the incremental passenger growth by consistently increasing capacity on routes with structurally strong demand. Without the brand confusion that afflicted some competitors that wavered between “premium” and “budget,” it provided what business travelers desired (frequency and reliability) and what pleasure travelers desired (cheap fares). 

In conclusion, neither an accident nor a simple policy contribution contributed to IndiGo’s success. It was based on a tough-minded low cost strategy, a limited operational focus, and a purposefully conservative financial sheet. However, this is just half of the tale. The other half is that, despite IndiGo’s ascent, many other Indian airlines declined, and the 2004-2014 policy climate did little to sustain them.

A Market that emptied out: 2004-2014, Bankruptcies, and the UPA policy backdrop

(i) High taxes, High charges, weak reforms

Indian aviation was undergoing change when the UPA government took office in 2004. Private carriers like Jet Airways, Air Sahara, and the recently established low cost operators were quickly gaining market share, but public sector operators Indian Airlines and Air India continued to dominate. However, policy failed to adapt to this new competitive environment. Between 2004 and 2014, three structural problems emerged: 

First, punitive aviation turbine fuel (ATF) taxation: States in India have traditionally levied value-added tax (VAT) on ATF, with rates ranging from about 4% to as much as 30%. Ajit Singh, the Civil Aviation Minister at the time, stated clearly in 2013 that “a major reason for airlines’ losses is the high cost of ATF,” which is caused by both “very high VAT imposed by state governments” and worldwide base pricing. According to industry associations, ATF is around 70% more expensive than in competing hubs and accounts for 40% of Indian carriers’ operating expenses, which directly reduces profitability.

Second, growing airport fees following privatization: The UPA government proceeded with the modernization and privatization of airports in Delhi and Mumbai through joint ventures, followed by greenfield private airports in Hyderabad and Bengaluru. Airlines and passenger organizations frequently complained that the regulatory formula permitted extremely high airport fees and user development fees at these hubs, making them among the most expensive in the area, even as infrastructure improved. 

Third, sluggish structural reform and complicated regulations: Due to the sector’s operation under several overlapping administrations (DGCA, AAI, Ministry of Civil Aviation), there were delays and a complicated compliance regime. The Indian aviation industry was described as “high tax” and “hostile to investment” in studies conducted in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Foreign direct investment regulations were only gradually liberalized, and bankruptcy and exit procedures were difficult.

To break even in such a setting, airlines required extremely tight cost structures and financial discipline. IndiGo possessed both. Many others did not, and they suffered as a result. 

(ii) The roll call of failures, 2004-14

A wave of domestic carriers shut down, merged, or essentially vanished as commercial competitors between 2004 and 2014, which coincided with UPA I and II. Although every airline made its own internal errors, they were all exacerbated by high fuel taxes, costly airports, and a lax regulatory framework, which made recovery much more difficult.

Air Deccan/ Simplify Deccan (ceased as a standalone brand 2008)

Air Deccan, India’s first real low cost carrier, was founded in 2003 by Captain G.R. Gopinath and catered to middle class and rail travellers with tickets that were up to 50% less than those of full-service airlines. In an era of skyrocketing petrol costs and high ATF taxes, it struggled with low profits despite pioneering no frills flying and growing quickly. Vijay Mallya’s Kingfisher Airlines successfully “rescued” a severely losing Deccan in 2007, rebranding it as Simplifly Deccan before it was completely absorbed and vanished as a distinct low-cost rival by 2008. 

To put it another way, the first low cost carrier (LCC) that genuinely democratized flying for the average Indian was unable to withstand the regulatory and cost environment as a result, IndiGo lost a possible long-term competitor in the low-cost market.

Kingfisher Airlines and Kingfisher Red

The most striking casualty of the time was Kingfisher, a showy full service airline that debuted in 2005. It was left with a mixed fleet and an unclear dual-brand strategy (luxury Kingfisher vs. low cost Kingfisher Red) as a result of the merger with Air Deccan. Chronic losses, 100%+ cost to income ratios, and fuel costs which at times apparently accounted for an unusual portion of total expenses are all highlighted in case studies of its failure, which are further exacerbated by high borrowing rates and rupee depreciation.

Despite the seriousness of Mallya’s strategic mistakes, the macroenvironment provided little buffer. Once losses increased, there was virtually little chance of recovery due to high airport fees and ATF taxes. In October 2012, Kingfisher ceased operations, its license was suspended, and banks and staff were left with billions in unpaid debts. A major full service rival and its low cost subsidiary were destroyed in a chaotic collapse caused by the UPA government’s failure to provide a framework for quick resolution or significantly reduce cost pressures. 

Paramount Airways

Paramount Airways, founded in 2005 and targeting premium business travelers in southern India using Embraer planes, suspended operations in 2010 due to protracted legal issues with lessors and financial strain. According to industry opinion, Paramount was unable to overcome the combined difficulties of high input costs and regulatory obstacles despite its specialized positioning. At a time when IndiGo was gradually expanding into Tier-II markets, its departure significantly diminished competition for regional connectivity.

MDLR Airlines

Based in Gurgaon and specializing in North Indian routes, MDLR Airlines began operations in 2007 but closed before the end of 2009. Poor load factors, managerial flaws, and most importantly a failure to maintain operations when oil prices and ATF costs skyrocketed are highlighted in reports from that time period. According to reports, DGCA officials advised MDLR (and Paramount) to cease flights due to noncompliance with operational and safety standards, illustrating how financially vulnerable carriers found it difficult to maintain compliance in an expensive environment.

Indus Air

Promoted by Mohan Meakins, Indus Air began scheduled service in December 2006 and ceased operations in early 2007, just three or four months later. The suspension was attributed by government sources to growing losses and a legal dispute over terminated lease agreements for its tiny fleet of two aircraft. The fragility of smaller entrants in the mid-2000s environment is exemplified by Indus Air’s failure to survive even one season.

Air Sahara/Jetlite and JetKonnect

Although not legally bankrupt between 2004 and 2014, Jet Airways’ low-cost experiments had the effect of eliminating substantial budget competition. Launched in 1993, Air Sahara was purchased by Jet in 2007 and relaunched as JetLite, a discount carrier designed to rival IndiGo and SpiceJet. As a result of JetLite’s merger with JetKonnect in March 2012, Jet declared that JetLite would “cease to operate separately,” recognizing its incapacity to manage several sustainable brands.

In 2014, Jet returned to a single full-service brand due to persistent losses and poor profitability, and within a few years, JetKonnect itself was discontinued. As a result, by the conclusion of the UPA period, a significant portion of private low cost capacity that could have counterbalanced IndiGo’s growth had either been severely diluted or removed from the market.

When combined, at least six domestic passenger carriers Air Deccan/Simplifly Deccan, Kingfisher and Kingfisher Red, Paramount Airways, MDLR Airlines, Indus Air, and the JetLite/JetKonnect value brands went bankrupt, closed, or vanished as significant rivals between about 2004 and 2014. High airport fees, a harsh fuel tax system, and a lack of prompt structural reform all contributed to management errors in nearly every instance.

How that environment unintentionally created space for IndiGo

Although IndiGo did not advocate for the demise of its competitors, it certainly profited from the void left by UPA era policy decisions.

First, only the airline with the lowest cost per available seat kilometer (CASK) could continuously expand without bleeding in a high cost environment. IndiGo was able to withstand fuel price increases that destroyed more complicated carriers like Kingfisher and Air Deccan because to its single type fleet, sale and leaseback business strategy, and strict cost control.

Second, airlines with weaker balance sheets reduced capacity or shut down completely as airports were privatized and fees increased. In contrast, IndiGo secured slots at important metro areas just as they were becoming scarce assets, especially in Delhi and Mumbai, by using its stronger cash position, which was partially due to sale-and-leaseback cash inflows and disciplined operations.

Third, the absence of a contemporary bankruptcy or turnaround structure for airlines meant that once a carrier began to falter, it just fell apart, its assets and slots were not seamlessly transferred to a new rival. Instead of inspiring new competitors, this strengthened established players like IndiGo. Even though more than 20 airlines had collapsed since liberalisation, policy studies from the mid-2010s found that India’s aviation regulations were reluctant to address withdrawal and restructuring.

Ultimately, UPA governments acknowledged the ATF issue, but they were unable or unwilling to implement a comprehensive national solution, such as putting jet fuel under a standard indirect tax system, leaving airlines vulnerable to state VATs at up to 30%. Only carriers with IndiGo-style cost discipline and negotiation power with lessors were able to survive thanks to this framework, which unfairly penalised weaker carriers.

From this perspective, IndiGo’s dominance by 2014 was not only a tale of one airline’s genius but also of a decade in which the competition was essentially eliminated by UPA-era governmental lethargy.

From poster child to systemic risk

Together, IndiGo and the Tata-led Air India group accounted for more than 90% of India’s domestic market by 2024-2025, with IndiGo holding over 65%. Because of the same lean, high-utilisation approach that previously allowed it to undercut competitors, any disruptions to engines, personnel availability, or regulatory changes have an impact on the entire system.

An example from a textbook is the current crisis. Stricter FDTL regulations for pilots went into effect in November 2025, lowering the allowed number of flying hours and raising the required rest period. Despite being aware of these standards for a long time, IndiGo was unable to recruit and staff a sufficient number of pilots, which resulted in a severe pilot shortage and widespread network cancellations once the regulations went into effect.

Over 2,000 flights were called off over the course of a few days, and on-time performance fell to about 3-4%, drawing parallels with Southwest Airlines’ notorious US collapse in 2022. The government intervened in response to popular outrage and worries about the potential economic consequences. It issued show cause warnings, temporarily suspended the new FDTL regulations for a few months, and even considered redistributing slots if IndiGo was unable to stabilise operations.

From a policy standpoint, it is noteworthy that while the market structure has altered, the same trend of “policy reacting late” persists. A high cost environment and inadequate changes silently eliminated several carriers between 2004 and 2014, with IndiGo emerging victorious. IndiGo is now a “too big to fail” company as a result of that earlier hollowing out. When it fails, tens of thousands of passengers become stranded, and the government feels forced to violate its own safety-driven regulations in order to keep the system operating.

It is reasonable to argue that the core of this disaster is IndiGo’s internal miscalculations, especially with regard to crew planning and rostering. However, tracing how we got to the point where one airline’s error could paralyze the network is as fair and politically significant. This vulnerability stems from the decade in which UPA regimes silently buried a long list of domestic carriers by failing to take effective action against ATF taxation, airport charges, and structural reform. 

Conclusion

A fair evaluation of IndiGo’s narrative must simultaneously acknowledge two facts.

On the one hand, IndiGo is undeniably one of India’s most capable private sector success stories, a disciplined low-cost carrier that made a significant wager on a single family of aircraft, implemented a cunning sale and leaseback strategy, developed a culture of simplicity and punctuality, and employed sophisticated revenue management to maintain profitability in a notoriously challenging industry. Its rise cannot be attributed to luck or policy favouritism.

On the other hand, between 2004 and 2014, the broader environment played an important enabling role, not by actively supporting IndiGo, but by failing to keep its competitors alive. Airlines that lacked IndiGo’s cost discipline were squeezed by high and dispersed ATF taxes, costly privatized airports, a sluggish regulatory and bankruptcy framework, and little early investment reform. As a result, IndiGo had an increasingly uncontested runway due to the departure of local carriers such as Air Deccan, Kingfisher and Kingfisher Red, Paramount, MDLR, Indus Air, and Jet’s low cost brands. 

From raving over Pathaan’s bikini-clad ISI fantasy to slandering Dhurandhar’s brutal truth: Why The Wire can’t handle reality on screen

Jinit Jain
-
0
From raving over Pathaan’s bikini-clad ISI fantasy to slandering Dhurandhar’s brutal truth: Why The Wire can’t handle reality on screen

There are a few certainties in the Indian media. One of them is that The Wire will twist itself into pretzels to shield Pakistan’s image from any cinematic portrayal that isn’t infused with candlelight vigils and Aman Ki Asha ballads. Another is that if a movie happens to tell the truth about Pakistan-sponsored terror without couching it in Bollywood-style syncretic hugs, The Wire will be baying for its blood quicker than one can say “covert operation.”

Enter Aditya Dhar’s Dhurandhar: a larger-than-life spy thriller that unapologetically merges fact and fiction, drawing from real covert missions, local gangs in Lyari in Karachi, crime syndicates tied to the ISI, and the horrors India has suffered through Pakistan’s policy of “bleeding India with a thousand cuts.” The film holds up a mirror to a State apparatus across the border whose existence revolves around jihad, proxy warfare, and terror networks, a mirror The Wire simply cannot stand to look into.

So what does The Wire do? It rants. It sulks. It screams propaganda. In a spectacularly self-discrediting review titled “‘Dhurandhar’: Aditya Dhar’s Spy Saga Is as Subtle as a Troll,” The Wire’s Tatsam Mukherjee throws the kind of tantrum one might expect from a Pakistan foreign office spokesperson who has stumbled into a press screening of the film by mistake.

Well, gone are the days when filmmakers had the ‘creative liberty’ to make movies to their liking. Today, as The Wire keeps fearmongering about shrinking space for dissent, filmmakers who don’t toe the left-wing agenda find themselves at the proverbial firing line of those very portals who don’t miss a second in trampling upon the rights of filmmakers and maligning their art as a “tool of political propaganda.”

According to The Wire, the sheer act of exposing brutal Pakistani terrorism, the real, documented kind, is now “rage-bait,” “bloodlust,” “venom,” and even “recruitment.” If anything, Dhurandhar sins by being too honest.

Apparently, filmmaking is only noble when it includes Bollywood superstars gyrating in bikinis, spouting lines about universal humanity while whitewashing ISI officers into misunderstood heartbreak victims. The Wire’s review standards are painfully predictable: if Pakistan is shown as the villain, that becomes “dangerous ultra-nationalism”; but if Pakistanis dance with Indian agents in scenic European locations, that suddenly becomes “capacious universalism.” Who knew moral compasses came with a Made-in-Lahore sticker?

The Wire’s published fawning essays on spy fiction Pathaan

When truth becomes “trolling”

Let’s examine the specific “crimes” the film commits that hurt The Wire’s ideological bones. It portrays ISI officers invoking Islamic extremism. It dares to remind Indians of 26/11, with real transcripts. It exposes the Pakistan underworld–ISI–terror nexus. It acknowledges, correctly, that bureaucratic rot held India back before 2014, when national security was treated as an inconvenient responsibility. It shows Pakistan laughing while Mumbai burns.

To The Wire, this is a knife being twisted into unsuspecting audiences. Perhaps because somewhere beneath their manufactured intellectual disgust, they know everything shown is true, and truth is lethal for propaganda. Their Orwellian prescription is now simple: even speaking the truth must be maligned as troll behaviour.

Because if facts strengthen national resolve and weaken decades-long narrative manipulation, they suddenly become too dangerous for public consumption. Pakistan’s record of terrorism is considered “incitement,” but an ISI officer salsa dancing with Shah Rukh Khan in Pathaan is apparently “healing.” The contrast cannot be more revealing.

The Wire and its hypocrisy: Pathaan edition

Now contrast this hysteria with The Wire’s orgasmic meltdown over Pathaan in 2023. That movie told viewers before the opening credits rolled to leave logic, and possibly their self-awareness, at the door. It depicted an ISI agent in a bikini dancing with an Indian spy named after an Afghan ethnic tribe. It treated geopolitics like a subplot in a Valentine’s Day music video while crimes against humanity were reduced to motivational backstories.

Another article gushing over Pathaan, which shows an Indian agent (SRK) romancing and dancing with bikini-clad ISI agent (Deepika Padukone)

And yet, The Wire found deep philosophy in this circus. The absurdity was described as a feature, not a bug. The film was said to provide relief from the supposed Sturm und Drang of living in India under Modi. It was hailed as embracing the wider world with a smile. Another article even equated the film to Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra. According to The Wire, Pathaan exhibited a large-hearted universalism that transcended political divides.

So showing the truth about Pakistan equals hate and bloodlust, but peddling unrealistic bonhomie and portraying ISI agents as glamorous models equals healing hearts and solidarity. The inconsistency exposes a truth: ideological alignment, not cinematic merit, is the benchmark they review by.

Why Dhurandhar threatens The Wire’s manufactured reality

Dhurandhar is not a fairy tale. It does not adhere to Bollywood’s “friendship solves terrorism” rulebook. It doesn’t preach that we must forgive mass-murdering terrorists for the sake of good vibes. It shows Pakistan as a belligerent neighbour that has unleashed havoc through terror, because that is Pakistan’s reality.

It reveals the horrors inflicted upon Indian soldiers, like that endured by Captain Saurabh Kalia ahead of the Kargil war in 1999, when Pakistani army captured Captain Kalia and tortured him to death. Days later when his body was returned, they highlighted the brutality Captain Kalia had suffered at the hands of his Pakistani captors. But this is not problematic; depicting it on the large screen for public consumption becomes a problem for The Wire.

Most dangerously for The Wire, it punctures their favourite propaganda line, that Pakistan is simply reacting to Indian sins, that terrorism is a misunderstood geopolitical consequence, and that India should always keep turning the other cheek. For decades, this lie powered editorial careers in Lutyens Delhi. It created foreign fellowships and candlelight vigils, and moral superiority sermons.

A film like Dhurandhar destroys that mythology in minutes. That is why the review is so angry.

The real accusation: It helps nationalists convince people

In a revealing line, The Wire condemns the movie not for lacking craft but for influencing viewers. According to them, Dhurandhar doesn’t want to merely tell a story; it wants to recruit. But who exactly is being recruited? Ordinary Indians? And what treasonous ideology are they being recruited into? The radical belief that their country deserves to defend itself?

Horrifying, indeed.

The Wire wants Indians disconnected from national pride, military courage and geopolitical realism. It wants audiences to remain stuck in a fantasy world where hugging Pakistani spies heals global wounds, and terrorists can be redeemed through a flashback montage involving childhood trauma.

Aditya Dhar has committed two unforgivable sins in their eyes. He made patriotism cool again. And he made Pakistan irredeemable in the eyes of the audience using facts rather than fantasy.

The Wire recognises persuasion as power. Their monopoly over narrative persuasion is crumbling, and they are terrified.

Hypocrisy: The Wire’s only consistent ideology

Whenever a movie aligns with their worldview, even if it is irrational and physics-defying, they write long essays praising it as a cultural revolution. But the moment a film asserts India’s need for national security, or depicts Pakistan truthfully, or portrays Modi-era decisiveness as a historical shift, they scream “propaganda.”

There is no consistency other than the ideological one. The Wire does not review cinema, it reviews adherence to its ideology. Logic is optional. Consistency is unnecessary. Patriotism is sinful. Their editorial heart beats in sync with Rawalpindi.

When art exposes propaganda, propagandists cry “Propaganda!”

The Wire recoils like a vampire flashed with sunlight whenever Hindus are depicted as victims of Islamist terror, or when Pakistan’s state-sponsored barbarism is shown without euphemisms. These are narratives that contradict the carefully crafted equivalence they have built over decades; the false idea that India and Pakistan are morally identical.

For years, they fed India a fantasy that Pakistan is misunderstood and that terrorism is merely a reaction to injustice. Meanwhile, Parliament was attacked. Mumbai was burned. Soldiers were mutilated. Innocents were bombed in marketplaces and on trains. Kashmir Pandits were uprooted. But portraying any of this is now considered “hate.” The moral absurdity is breathtaking.

The Wire’s fear: A new cultural confidence

Dhurandhar is a powerful symbol of the collapse of their influence. Indian audiences today understand Pakistan’s reality. They no longer feel guilty about national pride. Cinema is shifting from apologetic narratives to geopolitical truth.

The Wire’s anger is an obituary for an ecosystem losing its hold over India’s cultural consciousness. This moment has nothing to do with cinema and everything to do with power. Institutions losing power panic. They lash out. They moralise. They hope the public still suffers from the amnesia they cultivated for years.

That time is over.

When facts frighten more than bad plots: The Wire’s disdain of ‘jingoist’ movies

A critical review of Dhurandhar would have been absolutely fair. But attacking its politics while celebrating Pathaan for abandoning politics entirely reveals breathtaking hypocrisy. This is ideological dishonesty dressed up as film criticism.

The Wire doesn’t hate Dhurandhar because it is flawed; they hate it because it is convincing. It questions narratives they spent decades manufacturing. It shows terrorists as terrorists, Pakistan as Pakistan, and India as India. It rebuilds memory where they worked tirelessly to induce forgetfulness.

If truth on screen is propaganda, then propaganda has finally become a public service.

Let The Wire scream. Let them issue intellectual fatwas. Let them defend bikini-clad ISI agents until the last anti-national brain cell collapses. The audience has spoken. They are choosing reality over hallucination.

Dhurandhar isn’t just a movie. It is a cultural correction, a cinematic reminder that India has endured enough lies, enough whitewashing, enough guilt-tripping. Indians are ready to storm into hostile houses and kill the last lie hiding inside.

That, more than anything, is what truly terrifies The Wire.

When filmmakers creatively blend fact with fiction to tell a compelling story grounded in reality, left-wing propagandists suddenly transform into hyperventilating gatekeepers of morality. This is what we saw after the release of ‘The Kashmir Files’, ‘The Kerala Story’, and more recently, ‘Baramulla’. 

When a plot challenges their narrative, their game becomes predictable: nitpick, invent imaginary dangers, and scream “creeping jingoism!”, “propaganda!”, “rewriting history” from every rooftop. While doing so, they fail to explain how depicting truth as it is could be propaganda. How is portraying Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, who was murdered in broad daylight in Kashmir, a masterpiece in propaganda artistry? 

Were their sufferings a figment of Hindutva imagination? While the Left would like to declare it indeed is, they are far too weak to attempt such audacity. So they instead resort to the same old tropes: branding inconvenient truths as “hate speech,” “lazy”, or some of them lazily put it as “badly made propaganda movie.” 

In doing so, they expose their own duplicity, where exposing religious extremism becomes “spreading communal poison,” while those who commit such barbarity receive a free cultural pass in the name of sensitivity and nuance. The filmmaker is attacked for exercising his creative liberty while the perpetrator is painted as a victim of a ‘Hindutva director’ wanting desperately to please the incumbent political leadership. 

If showing Pakistan-sponsored terror or national security threats is automatically labelled propaganda, then audiences should never feel guilty for enjoying what these critics dismiss as jingoism, because perhaps patriotism simply rattles their echo chambers. And that is what truly unsettles these self-anointed critics at portals like The Wire: their desperation forces them to gush over the fantastical escapism of Pathaan, but the moment a film like Dhurandhar holds up the mirror of truth, their discomfort spills into disdain. The masses’ loving realism frightens them far more than bad plots ever will.

At this point, The Wire isn’t afraid of the roaring success of Dhurandhar. It is of the precedent that Aditya Dhar’s movie has set and what it augurs for future: movies shedding the Left’s intellectual dishonesty and showing the price Indians have paid and are still paying contending with implacable enemies, both festering within and lurking across the border.

Salman Rushdie, who lost his eye to Islamic radicalism, expresses concern about ‘Hindu nationalism’ in India: Read why his virtue signalling is misplaced

Anurag
-
0
Salman Rushdie, who lost his eye to Islamic radicalism, expresses concern about ‘Hindu nationalism’ in India: Read why his virtue signalling is misplaced

On 5th December, Bloomberg published its interview with author Salman Rushdie conducted by British presenter Mishal Husain. Interestingly, Mishal, who has family roots in Pakistan, has family ties to Rushdie and it was explicitly acknowledged in their conversation. Husain’s mother and Rushdie were first cousins, making the interaction a blend of journalistic inquiry and intra-family reminiscence.

The interview covered Rushdie’s recovery after the 2022 stabbing, his writing, his memories of Bombay (now Mumbai), and his reflections on free speech. Yet, when the subject shifted towards India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his responses began to echo a familiar script shaped not by recent engagements (the ban on his book The Satanic Verses has been lifted under the Modi government) or first-hand experience. His views, which he openly admitted, were the impressions given to him by his “journalist friends” in India. It is these second-hand interpretations, and the ideological leanings that come with them, that now appear to underpin his concerns about the world’s largest democracy.

Rushdie’s views on India shaped by selectively informed ‘journalist friends’

In the interview, Rushdie stated that he feels “very worried” about India today. However, this concern was not rooted in personal observation. It was based on the “information” he received from his journalist friends based in India. This admission is crucial, because it reveals that his commentary is built upon the very ecosystem that has spent a decade constructing a narrative of democratic decline in India.

These are the voices that have shouted “press freedom crisis” and “free speech under threat” at every turn, even as India’s media remains among the most vibrant, adversarial and politically diverse landscapes in the world. Interestingly, the journalist friends of Rushdie who told him freedom of speech of journalists is under threat continue to speak against PM Modi consistently without much legal backlash from the government, and they have been doing it since he took charge as the Prime Minister of the country.

Drawing solely from the conversations with his friends, Rushdie claimed that journalists, writers, professors and intellectuals face “attacks on freedom” in India. He suggested that the Indian state wishes to “rewrite history” to cast Hindus as inherently virtuous and Muslims as inherently villainous. He even compared the present era to Indira Gandhi’s Emergency, a period of actual dictatorship involving mass arrests, censorship and suspension of civil liberties.

His framing of India into this pre-decided mould reflects less about the country and more about the narrow ideological lens through which his sources view it. The ease with which he repeated these talking points, despite not having visited India in years, showed how detached such intellectual critiques have become from the lived reality of ordinary Indians.

Why his claim of ‘attacks on journalists’ falls apart upon basic scrutiny

The notion that India’s press is under siege is one of the most carefully manufactured narratives of the past decade. Rushdie adopted the line of thought which is entirely based on left-liberal activist-journalists who have internationalised their personal legal troubles. It exposed how misinformation, which was once laundered through the Lutyens media circle, has emerged as unquestioned truth.

In the Indian context, the face of this narrative has often been the likes of Rana Ayyub, who has repeatedly described herself as being “targeted” for her writings. However, she was never actually attacked by the government agencies for what she wrote. She came under scrutiny and faced legal troubles because of alleged financial impropriety, including misappropriation of funds raised in the name of COVID-19 relief and charity.

The action taken by the government agencies against her was detailed and procedural, not ideological. She was not targeted because of what she wrote but because of what she did with the money she had collected to “help the poor”.

Not to forget, when Rushdie was attacked by an Islamist in 2022, Rana Ayyub had condemned it. However, after facing backlash from her fellow Islamists, she “corrected her mistake” and deleted the post from social media platform.

Rushdie’s adoption of this line, which is entirely based on activist-journalists who have internationalised their personal legal troubles, exposes how misinformation spreads. Yet the myth of a persecuted journalist persists because it suits the political appetites of those who weaponise victimhood.

Another example that comes to mind is the case of Siddique Kappan that has been repeatedly cited by international media as a “journalist jailed for doing his job”. The reality, established in court documents and investigation reports, is significantly different. PFI-linked Kappan was detained while travelling to Hathras during a highly sensitive period, allegedly to provoke unrest. The charges involved conspiracy and terror-related activities, not journalism. Courts examined the matter extensively, and while he eventually secured bail, the framing of the case as a press freedom issue remains misleading.

Let’s not forget The Wire journalist Arfa Khanum Sherwani, who repeatedly claims a decline of freedom of speech and expression while continuing to spew venom against Hindus and India. Let’s not forget that in January 2020, she advised protesting Muslims to appear inclusive as part of a strategy. She said that there was no doubt that when Muslims were protesting against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), they were primarily protesting as Muslims, but they must try to appear inclusive in order to not lose the battle. “You must make these protests as inclusive as you could and make its base bigger. You read your Kalmas, do the Ibadat, the Indian Constitution is still present in that manner. But when you come out in the public, you are a Muslim, there is no doubt about it,” she had said.

Another example can be of Umar Khalid, a so-called student activist currently in jail for his involvement in the anti-Hindu Delhi riots of 2020. Khalid, who is often presented as an “intellectual”, has been painted as a hero in the international media thanks to narrative-building exercises run by the likes of The Wire, Scroll and others. Umar Khalid, whose father was a member of the banned terrorist outfit SIMI, is booked under UAPA in the larger conspiracy case. He and his friends in prison in the same case have been delaying the trial and even bail pleas in different courts and blaming the system for keeping them behind bars for over five years without trial. Such narratives, when fed to international figures like Rushdie, often create anti-Indian government sentiments.

His selective silence on the ideology that actually attempted to kill him

What makes Rushdie’s commentary on India more revealing than his opinions themselves is the fact that he did not criticise Islamic radicalism, the very force that has repeatedly sought to end his life.

In the interview, he spoke about the fatwa as a historical moment and acknowledged the brutality of the 2022 stabbing, but he stopped short of examining the ideology that motivated the attacker. Maybe that was the intent of the interview from the beginning considering the interviewer’s own background.

For someone who lost an eye, endured severe injuries and continues to live with the trauma inflicted by religious extremism, this reticence is stark. He did not mention mullahs who have issued calls for violence, radical clerics who continue to inflame sentiments, or the persistent threat posed by Islamist extremism worldwide. Instead, he chose to analyse and criticise the fabric of Hindu society, despite having no comparable personal history of persecution from it.

The imbalance raises questions about intellectual courage and the political fashion of selective criticism. Rushdie was far more willing to critique India’s social climate, a place where he grew freely and safely, than to address the continuing threat emanating from the ideology that turned him into a symbol of resistance.

His vague references to the fatwa era contrast sharply with his pointed commentary on Hindu nationalism, as though one must be handled delicately while the other can be freely lectured upon without consequence.

His reflections on Indira Gandhi and the Emergency reveal an odd imbalance

Rushdie also revisited his portrayal of the Emergency in Midnight’s Children. He described it as a “dark time” that deeply affected the country and shaped the arc of his novel. He acknowledged the shock felt by many Indians at the abrogation of democratic rights during Indira Gandhi’s rule.

Yet, in the same breath, he implied that today’s India bears similarities to that period. This comparison rang hollow when juxtaposed with the functioning of contemporary India, where elections remain competitive, newspapers publish fierce criticism daily, courts strike down government decisions routinely, and no constitutional rights have been suspended.

The Emergency was a structurally authoritarian moment in India’s history. Equating it with present-day democratic functioning trivialises a lived trauma experienced by millions. Rushdie’s analogy appears to stem from the ideological environment he now inhabits rather than any substantive parallel.

The irony of invoking Naipaul without acknowledging Naipaul’s fuller critique

In the interview, Rushdie referred to VS Naipaul’s phrase “a wounded civilisation” to support his argument that the current Indian discourse on history is driven by a civilisation trying to reclaim something lost. Yet he stopped just where Naipaul becomes inconvenient for the narrative he is endorsing.

Naipaul’s work did not merely observe India’s wounded state. It explored how centuries of colonisation, first Islamic then British, had eroded cultural confidence. Naipaul also recognised the emergence of a Hindu civilisational revival as a legitimate response to historical suppression. While one may disagree with his conclusions, Naipaul’s critique was complex, layered and deeply rooted in field observations. Rushdie, however, extracts only the part that suits the ideological discomfort expressed by his journalist acquaintances.

Conclusion

Rushdie’s commentary on India mirrors Western anxieties rather than Indian reality. It fits neatly into the binary lens through which Western media and academic institutions tend to view the country. Instead of engaging with India’s vibrant democratic processes, cultural plurality and civilisational resurgence, Rushdie relied on selectively informed English-speaking intermediaries who are themselves uneasy with India’s political direction.

Having lived in New York and London for decades, he has absorbed perspectives that interpret the rise of Hindu cultural confidence not as democratic expression but as democratic decline. His critique of “Hindu nationalism” reflected the discomfort with the fact that India is no longer shaped exclusively by the old “elite” classes that once dominated its intellectual space.

This imbalance is amplified by his dependence on second-hand accounts from journalist friends who frame India’s democracy as a threat simply because it does not mirror Western expectations. The contradiction becomes sharper when juxtaposed with his free speech advocacy. While he defended the right to offend, he avoided confronting the ideology that nearly killed him and instead repeated narratives that portray Hindu assertion as dangerous. Ultimately, his concerns reveal more about his intellectual distance and borrowed anxieties than about India.

What is ‘Hindu rate of growth’, mentioned by PM Modi in his speech: Read what the term means and why it is was wrong for ‘economists’ to associate Hinduism with poor growth

Shriti Sagar
-
0
What is ‘Hindu rate of growth’, mentioned by PM Modi in his speech: Read what the term means and why it is was wrong for ‘economists’ to associate Hinduism with poor growth

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has taken a strong stand against what he called the “colonial mindset” that continues to shape perceptions about India’s growth story. Speaking at the Hindustan Times Leadership Summit on Saturday, 6th December, he urged citizens to free the country from mental slavery within the next ten years and challenged the derogatory use of the term “Hindu rate of growth” that critics once used to describe India’s slow economic progress.

PM Modi said that India today is full of confidence at a time when the world is facing uncertainties. He pointed out that while many global economies are struggling, India has emerged as a “growth engine” during a global slowdown. 

The prime minister specifically questioned why, when India struggled to grow at just 2–3 per cent many decades ago, some economists and experts labelled it the “Hindu rate of growth.” But now, when India’s economy is recording some of the highest growth rates in the world, no one is willing to refer to this success as a “Hindu rate of growth” in a positive sense. PM Modi said this mindset arises from a long-running attempt to portray India’s ancient civilisation as unproductive and inherently poor.

PM Modi emphasised that India today is seen as a high-growth, low-inflation economy. He cited a growth rate of 8.2 per cent in the second quarter of this financial year as proof that India is becoming a major driver of global economic recovery. “We are at a turning point,” he said, adding that despite wars, financial crises, and global disruptions in recent years, India is moving forward with clarity and determination.

Lawyer and the former member of the Rajya Sabha, Mahesh Jethmalani, supported PM Modi’s remarks. Sharing a long post on X, Jethamalani said, “PM Modi is absolutely right to call out the decades-old slur of the so-called ‘Hindu rate of growth’ for what it always was: a colonial-socialist sneer meant to belittle Indian civilisational confidence and shift blame from disastrous policy to a supposed cultural deficiency. It was an insult wrapped in economics, a narrative designed to convince Indians that stagnation was our destiny.”

Today’s India – growing faster than the G7, driving global momentum, unleashing entrepreneurship and reform – has demolished that lie through performance, not polemics, he added. 

What is the ‘Hindu Rate of Growth’?

The phrase “Hindu rate of growth” was coined in 1978 by the late economist Raj Krishna. He used it to describe the period of slow economic expansion in India between the 1950s and 1980s. During these decades, the Indian economy grew at an average rate of just 3.5 per cent per year. Since population growth was high, per-capita income increased by only around 1.3 per cent annually. Raj Krishna argued that when economic progress remains persistently low over decades, it reflects structural problems in policy and governance.

However, even though the term included the word “Hindu,” it had nothing to do with religion, culture, or faith. The real reason for slow growth during that period was India’s economic model, heavy state control, socialism-influenced planning, licensing restrictions, and import substitution policies that limited competition and innovation. India remained isolated from global markets and struggled to create jobs and wealth.

Things changed dramatically after the 1991 reforms, when India opened its economy to the world through liberalisation, privatisation, and globalisation. Growth improved sharply, foreign investment increased, and India began moving toward a more market-driven system. This shift clearly proved that the earlier stagnation was due to economic policy choices, not to India’s civilisation or religion.

Raj Krishna, the so-called economist who popularised the phrase, taught at the Delhi School of Economics. He was also a member of the Finance Commission and contributed to planning chapters during India’s Sixth Five-Year Plan. His academic writing often focused on India’s economic structure using a Marxist lens. He believed that the character of the state and the way power is distributed among social classes play a major role in shaping the economy.

His writings show that he admired Marxist ideology and considered it the best analytical framework for India. He argued that India’s socialist system had failed because it did not understand how the state behaves in different societies.

Raghuram Rajan was also supporting the colonial idea

In 2023, former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan had publicly revived the colonial-era term. Speaking to the news agency PTI, he predicted that India was heading towards the “Hindu rate of growth,” citing slower GDP estimates released by the National Statistical Office, GDP had fallen to 4.4% in the October–December quarter from 6.3% in July–September, and from 13.2% earlier. 

Rajan had also said the country would take many years to recover from the pandemic slowdown, but India managed to bounce back within a year, proving his prediction wrong. For five consecutive years, Rajan has warned that India is heading toward economic crisis, yet each time, the economy has outperformed his projections. 

Why linking culture to economic growth is wrong

When India grew slowly, the blame was put on Hindu civilisation. Today, India is growing rapidly, around 7 per cent annually, yet no one credits Hindu culture for this success. This double standard reveals the bias behind the original term. Religion cannot be the basis of economic performance, because growth depends on governance, innovation, infrastructure, trade, technology, and political stability, not on whether people belong to a particular culture.

If India’s slow growth was once labelled “Hindu,” then by the same logic, today’s high growth should also be seen as “Hindu.” But critics readily separate Hinduism from India’s achievements while associating it with shortcomings. This shows how the original phrase was used to undermine a civilisation rather than to analyse economic performance.

India has now become the fastest-growing major economy in the world. Yet very few international experts speak proudly of this success, even though the same experts had no problem dragging Hinduism into the narrative earlier. This reflects the lingering influence of colonial-era attitudes that portrayed India as incapable of modern progress.

India’s growth outshines major G20 Economies

India’s current economic performance stands in sharp contrast with many developed nations. In recent quarters, G20 countries have experienced slowdowns, contractions, or very low growth. But India continues to remain strong, supported by domestic demand, digital progress, manufacturing expansion, and infrastructure growth.

Recent global data shows:

  • India recorded the highest year-on-year growth among G20 economies at 7.3 per cent.
  • China and Indonesia followed with 5.2 per cent and 5.1 per cent growth.
  • Germany remained at the bottom with nearly 0.2 per cent growth.
  • Countries like Canada, Germany, and Italy even recorded a contraction in GDP during recent quarters.
  • The United Kingdom and Brazil saw a significant decline in growth momentum.
    This comparison highlights one thing clearly: India has moved far beyond the days of slow growth. It is playing a key role in global expansion and is widely acknowledged as a powerful economic force. Yet, this growth is never given a cultural label, unlike the earlier phase of sluggish progress.
Source: OECD Economic Outlook

A reflection of Hinduphobia and Colonial thinking

The phrase “Hindu rate of growth” has deeper implications beyond economics. It represents an academic and cultural prejudice that has existed for decades. Over time, this term found legitimacy in textbooks, universities, international institutions, and the media. By attaching poor economic performance to Hinduism, it reinforced the idea that Indian civilisation was incapable of development.

Ironically, while people are always careful not to link religious identity with terrorism or violence, rightly saying “terror has no religion”, they had no hesitation in linking Hinduism with poverty. The expression became a way to mock and belittle a peaceful civilisation and its believers. It ignored the diversity of India and failed to recognise the contributions of Hindus to science, philosophy, culture, innovation, entrepreneurship, and now, modern economic success.

This reveals a disturbing trend: Hindus are seen as an easy target because they do not respond with aggression. Criticising Hindu culture has become fashionable in some intellectual circles, where it is celebrated as progressive thought. In reality, it is a continuation of colonial-style prejudice that tried to detach India’s spiritual foundation from its aspirations for prosperity.

The fact that only Hinduism is burdened with a “rate of growth” shows the contempt some scholars held for the identity of the majority. That is why Prime Minister Modi called for a complete rejection of such colonial frameworks. He said India must rise with self-confidence rooted in its civilisation, not through borrowed ideas that demean its identity.

The hypocrisy of religious labels on growth

To understand how unfair the term is, just consider a simple comparison. Afghanistan recorded a GDP growth rate of about 2.3 per cent in 2023. Pakistan grew by nearly 3.2 per cent in 2024. Should anyone call this the “Muslim rate of growth”? No, because it would be communal, insensitive, and illogical. Religion does not decide economic outcomes; governance does.

So why was Hinduism singled out? Why was India’s slow growth identified with the faith of its people? The answer lies in colonial-era attitudes and a political environment where criticising Hindu civilisation was seen as intellectual sophistication.

Today, India leads the world in growth. If phrases must exist, then logically, the years of slow progress should be known as the “Nehru rate of growth,” because Nehru was the first PM of India; he remained incumbent till 1964. Most of the economic policies were decided/approved by Nehru. 

Therefore the expression ‘Nehru Rate of Growth’ looks more apt for the economic growth during his regime and the years that followed.

Time to end the insult

India has entered a new era. From a struggling nation fighting for basic growth, it has risen to become a global economic powerhouse. The narrative that once tried to portray Hindu civilisation as backwards has been broken by India’s own achievements, led by innovation, infrastructure, and self-confidence.

The label “Hindu rate of growth” was never an economic concept; it was a cultural insult. It was rooted in ignorance, bias, and a desire to separate India’s future from its civilisation. As the prime minister urged, the next ten years must be spent freeing our thinking from this colonial baggage. India’s growth belongs to every Indian, but its civilisational identity is nothing to be ashamed of; it is a source of strength.

The time has come to finally erase this outdated and discriminatory phrase. India’s new growth story is a story of confidence, resilience, and cultural pride, and no biased label can define it anymore.

Uttar Pradesh: Gorakhpur police arrest two for luring Hindu women to convert to Christianity; Read what FIR details

Anurag
-
0
Uttar Pradesh: Gorakhpur police arrest two for luring Hindu women to convert to Christianity; Read what FIR details

On 5th December, Gorakhpur Police arrested two individuals, including a woman, for attempting to coerce and entice Hindu women into converting to Christianity. The incident took place in Brahmsari village under Belghat police station limits. According to media reports, the incident took place during a family ceremony. OpIndia accessed the FIR registered in the matter.

Attempt to convert around 30 women

A Mundan ceremony was being held at the house of a woman named Sita Devi. She told media that the accused arrived in the village on Thursday during her grandson’s Mundan ceremony. They gathered around 30 women from economically weaker families. They promised a more comfortable life, cash benefits, relief from suffering and freedom from adversity if the women agreed to convert to Christianity. When some of the women objected, the accused reportedly attempted to intimidate them.

Members of Bajrang Dal were informed about the incident who rushed to the village. Police were called and an FIR was registered based on the complaint of a Bajrang Dal activist. Two accused, identified as Pradeep Kumar and Rina Devi of Deoria, were arrested by the police. They were presented before the court on Friday and remanded to judicial custody.

What the FIR says

The FIR has been registered on the complaint of Bittu Jaiswal, district co-convenor of Bajrang Dal Gorakhpur Rural, under Sections 318, 61 and 351(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), and Sections 3 and 5(1) of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021.

Source: UP Police

In his complaint, Jaiswal said that he received information from Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s (VHP) divisional organisation minister Nikhil Tomari about the conversion activity taking place in the Harijan settlement of Brahmsari village.

He said that Pradeep and Rina gathered around 25-40 women at Sita’s house and created “psychological pressure” by offering comfort, cash, divine blessings and the promise of liberation from hardship. The accused were promoting Christianity using a Bible, leading prayers and threatening women who refused to comply. Many of the women present were from Scheduled Caste communities.

Source: UP Police

Jaiswal said that the accused were “pretending to serve the community” while attempting to convert women for their “conspiracy”. He added that such activities could lead vulnerable women to abandon Hinduism which is harmful to social and national interest.

Speaking to media, Station House Officer (SHO) of Belghat Police Station, Vikas Nath, said that the matter is extremely sensitive and the allegations are serious. Police are examining if more individuals were involved in the operation. Further investigation into the matter is underway and action will follow based on evidence uncovered during the probe.

How the Left expects judges to break the law to shield Jihadis, but bay for their blood when Hindu rights are protected according to the law: The curious case of CJI Suryakant

Aditi
-
0
How the Left expects judges to break the law to shield Jihadis, but bay for their blood when Hindu rights are protected according to the law: The curious case of CJI Suryakant

Chief Justice of India Surya Kant recently came under fire from the Leftist cabal for his strong remarks made against the illegal Rohingya immigrants during a Supreme Court hearing on 2nd December. While hearing a case relating to illegal Rohingya immigrants, a bench comprising CJI Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi questioned whether the judiciary is expected to give special treatment to people who entered the country illegally.

Terming the illegal Rohingya immigrants as intruders, the CJI asked if the country’s own poor children are not more entitled to essential services like food and water than the illegal immigrants. In light of intelligence reports, the bench flagged the concerns regarding the national security risks posed by these illegal immigrants.

Why CJI Surya Kant’s remarks about illegal Rohingyas are correct

During the hearing of the case, the bench highlighted that Rohingyas have not been declared as refugees by the government of India, and therefore, they are intruders, whom the government is not obliged to keep. “Where is the order of the Government of India declaring them as refugees? Refugee is a well-defined legal term, and there is a prescribed authority by the Government to declare them. If there is no legal status of a refugee, and somebody is an intruder, and he enters illegally, do we have an obligation to keep that fellow here?” the bench questioned.

“You enter illegally by cutting a fence or through a tunnel, and then say that now that you have entered, you are entitled to all rights – notice, food, and even rights for your children. We also have poor people in this country. Are they not entitled to certain benefits and privileges? Should we give these benefits to others instead?” the CJI added.

Pertinently, the Indian government, which has not signed the UN Refugee Convention, does not recognise the Rohingyas as refugees. As a result, the government does not have an obligation to offer them shelter and other essential services. These illegal Rohingya immigrants enter the Indian territory in violation of the law through hidden and illegal routes and discreetly settle here. Illegal immigrants strain the already limited resources of the country, which has a considerable population below the poverty line.

While the so-called human rights activists and liberals portray these illegal Rohingyas as an innocent persecuted minority seeking shelter in India, in reality, they pose a serious threat to the internal as well as external security of the country. Illegal Rohingya immigrants have been found to be involved in several criminal activities, including an international human trafficking syndicate, cattle smuggling, prostitution, and anti-government riots. In addition to that, an increasing presence of illegal Rohingyas has raised concerns regarding demographic changes in several states, including West Bengal, Jammu & Kashmir and Punjab.

How a bunch of Left Liberals went after CJI Surya Kant

However, the Left Liberal gang chooses to turn a blind eye to the overwhelming evidence that discloses that illegal Rohingya immigrants are a serious threat to the country because it suits their anti-India agenda. That is the reason that when the CJI pointed out a bitter reality about illegal Rohingyas, it triggered a massive Left Liberal meltdown.

Just three days after the 2nd December hearing, a bunch of retired judges, senior advocates, and leftist activists, with their hearts bleeding for the intruders, launched a scathing attack against CJI Surya Kant. The gang, which included the CJAR (Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reforms) of activist-lawyer Prashant Bhushan, wrote an open letter expressing concerns regarding the CJI’s “unconscionable remarks” made during the hearing of the Rohingya case. The letter, signed by over 30 Rohingya well-wishers, claimed that the remarks of the Chief Justice of India dehumanised the Rohingyas and eroded public trust in the judiciary’s commitment to human dignity.

The Left Liberals want to use the legal system to their convenience

Clearly, facts or the legality of the Supreme Court’s observations take a backseat when they do not serve the set agendas of the Left Liberal cabal. For them, the ‘human rights’ of these parasitic intruders take precedence over the basic rights of the citizens of the country who toil hard and contribute to the stability and growth of the country. Be the tall principles of morality, humanity, or legality or the democratic institutions like the judiciary, they are all mere tools for the Left Liberal gang to further their agenda and can be shunned the moment they fail to serve it. Their definition of right and wrong changes based on their end goal.

This is the reason that CJI Surya Kant, who is now facing the wrath of the entire Left Liberal ecosystem, became its hero overnight after he made some insidious remarks, which were bad in law, against the former BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma. The remarks of CJI Surya Kant (then a puisne judge) were used by the Left Liberals to legitimise the hounding of Nupur Sharma by Jihadists, who gave open threats of beheading, raping and killing her for merely quoting an excerpt from the Islamic Hadith during a TV show in 2022. The incident not only proved catastrophic for Sharma but also cost many people, who voiced their support for her on social media, their lives.

The same Left Liberals hailed the Supreme Court’s comments about Nupur Sharma

The BJP leader had approached the Supreme Court, requesting it to club the multiple vexatious FIRs filed against her in different states, and to transfer them to Delhi as she was facing threats to her life. However, the Supreme Court, despite having provided similar relief in several other cases, berated Sharma and made grossly inappropriate remarks against her, prejudicing her case. The bench, comprising CJI Surya Kant and Justice JB Pardiwala, downplayed threats to Sharma’s life and said, “She has a threat or she has become a security threat? The way she has ignited emotions across the country this lady is single-handedly responsible for what is happening in the country”.

The Court blamed Sharma’s “loose tongue” as the reason for her remarks on the Prophet Muhammad being deemed “blasphemous” by Islamists. In a manner not suited to the highest judicial institution of the country, the Court blamed Sharma for the chaos unleashed across the country and said that she owed the country an apology. The remarks of the Supreme Court had the effect of declaring Sharma guilty without any enquiry, investigation or trial.

At that time, despite the Apex Court’s remarks about Nupur Sharma not being in accordance with the law, the Left Liberals hailed CJI Surya Kant. Lauding the Supreme Court’s comments against Sharma, Congress said that they resonated with the whole country. Similarly, Communist leader Brinda Karat wrote a lengthy editorial pouring her heart out in praise of the Supreme Court for reprimanding Nupur Sharma for her “hate speech”, in which she merely happened to quote some facts. Several such articles were published by the Leftist media portals, celebrating the same CJI Surya Kant, who has now fallen from grace for them, just like former CJI Chandrachud, after he stated the truth about illegal Rohingya immigrants.

This episode exposes a recurring pattern: the same activist groups who hail the judiciary when it endorses their narrative instantly condemn it when the Court upholds India’s security concerns or the rights of the majority community. Their outrage is not about constitutional principles, it is about political convenience.

Islamists weaponise unrelated case of bail to UAPA accused to defend Delhi anti-Hindu riots accused Sharjeel Imam, Umar Khalid: False equivalence, lies and more

Jinit Jain
-
0
Islamists weaponise unrelated case of bail to UAPA accused to defend Delhi anti-Hindu riots accused Sharjeel Imam, Umar Khalid: False equivalence, lies and more

In recent days, a coordinated propaganda effort by Islamist handles on social media attempted to manufacture a false narrative of “Muslim victimhood” by equating an entirely unrelated UAPA case from Assam with the prosecution of the key conspirators behind the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi riots. The trigger was a Supreme Court order granting bail to one Tonlong Konyak, arrested in 2023 under UAPA for alleged illegal funds possession, after more than two years in custody without a chargesheet.

This legitimate bail decision in an isolated case became a tool for Islamist misinformation.

A troll named Harun Khan posted: “Konyak (non-Muslim) gets bail under UAPA after 2+ years without chargesheet. Umar Khalid doesn’t get bail because he is Muslim.”

Another user ranted: “Need I remind the honourables about Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam, Gulfisha Fatima…?”

And one Razia Masood posted a collage of Delhi riot conspirators, claiming: “Being Muslim is the only reason for not getting justice in this country.”

This narrative is a calculated lie.

Why the Assam case has zero parity with the Delhi riots conspiracy

The effort by Islamist propagandists to draw a comparison between the Assam UAPA bail case and the Delhi riots conspiracy is fundamentally dishonest. In the Assam matter, the reason the Supreme Court granted bail was straightforward: the State failed to file a chargesheet for more than two years. The prolonged incarceration without progress in investigation constituted an undeniable violation of constitutional safeguards. There was no violence alleged, no network of conspirators, and no evidence of a planned upheaval against the nation’s institutions. It was, in essence, a detention based on suspicion that the authorities failed to substantiate within the required timeline.

The situation in the 2020 Delhi anti-Hindu riot conspiracy case is the exact opposite. Here, the prosecution has filed an extensive main chargesheet along with supplementary chargesheets backed by multiple forms of evidence, including digital communications, eyewitness accounts, protected witnesses, public speeches motivating disruption, and the clear timing of the unrest to coincide with a high-profile State visit of the U.S. President.

The courts, after reviewing the material, have concluded that there is a prima facie well-orchestrated conspiracy to trigger large-scale violence, disrupt the capital, and draw international attention by portraying the Indian government as anti-Muslim. Over fifty lives were lost, hundreds were attacked, public and private property was burnt, and citizens lived through days of terror. This is why Section 43D(5) of UAPA, which restricts bail when terrorism-linked conspiracy appears prima facie established, has repeatedly applied against Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam.

Thus, the Assam case is an instance where bail was granted because the State failed to meet its legal responsibility. The Delhi conspiracy case involves accused for whom the law explicitly prevents bail due to the gravity of charges and credible material already on record. The only thing common between the two cases is the mention of UAPA, beyond that, every variable, from the scale of alleged crime to the evidence available and judicial assessment of culpability, is fundamentally different. Equating the two is not just intellectually bankrupt; it is a deliberate attempt to communalise a legal process and create a false narrative that Muslims are persecuted even when the facts, evidence, and court findings prove otherwise.

The false claim of “lawful dissent”

The defence teams for Imam and Khalid have long argued that they were only involved in peaceful, constitutional protest. They claimed that Imam was already in custody before the riots and that Khalid never appeared at riot sites. They dismissed protected witness statements as coerced and insisted that, even if accepted, the allegations amounted only to minor offences under Section 13 of UAPA.

The prosecution, however, demonstrated that the riots were no spontaneous outburst. Khalid and Imam created and coordinated multiple WhatsApp groups after CAB was passed in December 2019. They delivered speeches encouraging road blockades and disruption, circulated pamphlets urging action that would force the government to “bend,” and coordinated with radical networks in universities and Muslim-majority localities. Their goal, according to the State, was to create bloodshed that would invite international condemnation.

The Court found this narrative credible. It emphasized that Khalid and Imam laid the groundwork for the violence, and their physical absence from riot areas did not absolve them. The conspiracy was hatched well before the events and executed through proxies.

Forum shopping and delay: A calculated legal strategy

Islamists on social media push a dramatic question: “How can Umar Khalid still be in jail after five years?” They deliberately avoid the factual answer: his legal team slowed down the judicial process. After the Delhi High Court denied bail in October 2022, Khalid waited nearly six months before approaching the Supreme Court. His lawyers then sought repeated adjournments, resisted specific benches, and even withdrew the petition when rulings appeared likely to go against them.

The High Court has now noted this as forum shopping, shifting courts in search of a favourable bench and then exploiting the resulting delays to argue prolonged incarceration. This strategy became especially visible after a Supreme Court ruling in January 2024 reaffirmed that under UAPA, “jail is the rule and bail is the exception.” Realising the legal climate was against them, Khalid’s lawyers avoided final adjudication.

How co-accused on bail deliberately stalled the trial

The defence repeatedly cited the right to a speedy trial, arguing it was unfair to continue incarceration with 700 witnesses yet to be examined. But records showed that those already released on bail, including Devangana Kalita and Natasha Narwal, actively obstructed commencement of charges by filing objections and disputing completion of investigation. The trial judge himself observed that the accused seemed interested in delaying arguments to later claim bail on grounds of delay.

The Delhi High Court concluded that the delay was not a failure of the judiciary, it was a tactic engineered by the accused camp to manipulate public sentiment and legal timelines. The propaganda narratives online conveniently omit this fact.

The Assam bail case is a story of delayed investigation. The Delhi riots conspiracy case is one of an intentional, pre-planned assault on national order. Equating the two is a deliberate falsehood meant to communalize judicial processes and provoke division.

Sharjeel Imam and Umar Khalid are not in jail because they are Muslims. They are in jail because courts have found their role in a major conspiracy prima facie evident. They are in jail because their lawyers dragged proceedings to avoid unfavourable rulings. They are in jail because when violence is weaponized as politics, accountability must follow.

The truth is clear. Only the propaganda is loud.

Exclusive: Pakistani Hindu activist, known for stopping forced conversion of minor girls, fears for his life as extremists label him ‘anti-Islam’, victim speaks to OpIndia

Dibakar Dutta
-
0
Exclusive: Pakistani Hindu activist, known for stopping forced conversion of minor girls, fears for his life as extremists label him ‘anti-Islam’, victim speaks to OpIndia

The life of Pakistani Hindu activist Shiva Kachhi has been in danger ever since a notorious Islamist outfit, Pir Sarhindi, falsely accused him of being anti-Islam and an ‘Indian agent’ working against the interests of the Pakistani State.

The matter came to light on Tuesday (2nd December) after Shiva took to X (formerly Twitter) to narrate his ordeal.

“My life is in danger. Those involved in forcibly converting Hindu girls — the Sarhindi group — are falsely accusing me of being anti-Islam and anti-state. They want to have me killed just like Dr. Shahnawaz Kumbhar,” he stated.

“My only ‘crime’ is that I raise my voice for Sindhi Hindu girls. I have supported them and have already reunited dozens of abducted girls — who were forcibly converted after abduction — with their families,” the Hindu activist pointed out.

While seeking help from the State and law enforcement authorities, he further added, “We have always protested, at both the national and international level, against the increasing incidents of abduction and forced religious conversion of underage girls.”

Shiva Kachhi runs an NGO by the name of ‘Darawer Ittehad Pakistan’, which works for the interests and rights of minorities in Sindh province of Pakistan. He boasts of 17k followers on X (formerly Twitter).

Pakistani Hindu activist speaks to OpIndia

After learning about the matter, OpIndia reached out to the Hindu activist. Shiva Kachhi agreed to speak to us over a telephonic call.

“I have been working to stop the forced conversion of minor Hindu girls since 2018. I have recovered many victims, ensured their return to Faith (ghar wapsi) and handed them over to their parents safely,” he told OpIndia.

“As such, notorious groups involved in the business of forced conversion have time and again labelled me as ‘anti-islam’ and ‘anti-Pakistan.’ This has happened to me multiple times over the course of the last 7 years,” he further added.

On being asked about the severity of the situation, Shiva Kachhi informed, “The situation is different this time. There are two large outfits involved in forced conversion and marriages of minor girls in Sindh. One is run by Miya Mithu and another by this Pir Sarhindi group.”

Shiva Kachhi at his office in Sindh

“About 2 weeks ago, an underage Hindu girl named Sonia was abducted, forcibly converted to Islam and married off to a Muslim man. I helped register a case against Pir Ajaz Sarhindi, who conducted the nikkah of the child. Ever since then, the Pir Sarhindi group has been hounding me,” the Hindu activist stated.

He pointed out that one of the men running this outfit, Pir Umar Jan Sarhindi, is an accused in the murder of Shahnawaz Kumbhar. For the unversed, Shahnawaz was a doctor in Sindh who was killed over allegations of blasphemy in September 2024.

Shiva Kachhi now fears for his safety and security as the ‘Pir Sarhindi’ group is more influential and dangerous than the ones he has confronted to date. He is now being falsely labelled as ‘anti-Islam’ for objecting to the forced conversion of minor Hindu girls to Islam.

“The truth is that I have never made any comments against Islam or other Faiths,” the activist stated.

Given that he is a Hindu by Faith, the activist is also being smeared as ‘anti-Pakistani working for Indian interests.’

Shiva Kachhi has filed a complaint with the police regarding the threats issued agaisnt him by the Pir Sarhindi group and its members Pir Shah Jahan Sarhindi and Pir Ayyub Jan Sarhindi.

Who was Major Mohit Sharma, the Indian Army Braveheart who infiltrated terror outfit Hizbul Mujahideen and killed dreaded terrorists

Aditi
-
0
Who was Major Mohit Sharma, the Indian Army Braveheart who infiltrated terror outfit Hizbul Mujahideen and killed dreaded terrorists

The name of Major Mohit Sharma was etched in the collective memory of the country forever on March 21, 2009, when the braveheart soldier laid down his life in the service of the nation during a military operation in Kupwara District of North Kashmir. Major Sharma, who was part of several key operations of the Indian Armed Forces, is a legend whose stories of valour and patriotism continue to inspire generations of Indians.

Early life and childhood of Major Sharma

Major Mohit Sharma was born in a small town of Rohtak in Haryana in 1978. He was the second child of his parents, Shri Rajendra Prasad Sharma and Smt Sushila Sharma. Fondly called ‘Chintu’ by his family and ‘Mike’ by his college mates, Major Sharma was an extremely bright and exuberant child. He not only excelled in studies, but was also good at playing various musical instruments like guitar, mouth organ and synthesiser. He also possessed impressive singing skills and used to give live performances. After securing good grades in school, he was admitted to Shri Sant Gajanan Maharaj College of Engineering, Shegaon, Maharashtra. However, driven by his passion to join the Armed Forces, he left engineering and joined the National Defence Academy (NDA) in 1995.

At the NDA, Major Sharma excelled in diverse fields and emerged as one of the best cadets. He was a member of the India Squadron and was also a champion Horse Rider, trained under the guidance of Colonel Bhawani Singh, with his favourite horse named “Indira”. In addition to that, Major Sharma was a Boxing champion in the featherweight category and also one of the best swimmers. After joining the Indian Military Academy (IMA), he was appointed as a BCA (Battalion Cadet Adjutant) and was chosen to meet Shri KR Narayanan, then the President of India, at Rashtrapati Bhawan. He graduated from IMA on December 11, 1999 and got commissioned in the 5th Battalion of the Madras Regiment.

Major Mohit Sharma with his wife Colonel (Then Major) Rishima Sharma

Major Sharma’s decorated career in the Armed Forces

Major Mohit Sharma got his first posting at Hyderabad, from where he went to serve with 38 Rashtriya Rifles in Jammu & Kashmir as part of counterinsurgency operations. During his tenure with the Rashtriya Rifles, he was awarded the COAS Commendation Card (Chief of Army Staff Commendation Card) in 2002. His desire to become a para-commando led him to join the prestigious 1 Para Special Forces (Para SF) in June 2003. The battalion is trained to handle the most challenging, covert and high-risk missions of the Army. During his tenure with the battalion, Major Sharma received the Sena Medal for gallantry in 2004. In his brief service of around 10 years in the Armed Forces, Major Sharma participated in some of the most dangerous and daring operations of the security forces.

Major Sharma’s famous covert operation

In his famous covert operation, Major Mohit Sharma successfully infiltrated a Hizbul Mujahideen group in 2004 and eliminated two dreaded terrorists. The operation was executed in Shopian, 50 km south of Kashmir. Major Mohit Sharma managed to establish contact with two Hizbul Mujahideen terrorists, namely, Abu Torara and Abu Sabzar, under the alias of Iftikhar Bhatt. To blend into the terror outfit, Major Sharma completely changed his appearance by growing long hair and keeping a thick beard.

Major Mohit Sharma as ‘Iftikar Bhatt’
(Image via Instagram @major_mohitsharma)

Major Sharma made up a story and convinced the Hizbul terrorists that he wanted to avenge his brother’s killing in 2001 by attacking an Indian Army checkpoint. He sought the help of Torara and Sabzar in avenging his brother’s death. He told the terrorists that he had done the necessary groundwork to carry out the attack and showed them hand-drawn maps of army movement in an unknown hill trail, thus impressing them. He convinced them that he would not return to his village until he had struck an army checkpoint. The terrorists fell into his trap and arranged for a consignment of grenades, besides summoning three other terrorists from a nearby village. All this while, Major Mohit Sharma waited for the right opportunity to kill the terrorists. And finally, the moment arrived when he found the terrorists off guard and shot them dead.

Five years after the covert operation, the valorous Indian Army Officer was killed in action during an anti-terror operation in the Kupwara district in 2009. During the operation, Major Sharma killed two terrorists in a close fight and rescued his colleagues before he was hit with a bullet to the chest. Major Mohit Sharma was awarded India’s highest peacetime gallantry award, the Ashok Chakra posthumously.

Why Major Sharma is in news

Major Mohit Sharma’s name was in the news recently after it was claimed that the Bollywood movie Dhurandhar that released today is based on his life. As the trailer of the movie came out, many people, including Major Mohit Sharma’s family, believed that a character in the movie played by actor Ranveer Singh was inspired by his life. The family moved the Delhi High Court to stop the release of the film, saying that their consent was not taken before making the movie. While no stay order has yet been granted by the High Court on the release of the film, its producer, Aditya Dhar, clarified that the movie is not based on Major Mohit Sharma’s life.

“Hi, sir – our film Dhurandhar is not based on the life of braveheart Major Mohit Sharma AC(P) SM. This is an official clarification. I assure you, if we do make a biopic on Mohit sir in the future, we will do it with full consent and in complete consultation with the family, and in a way that truly honors his sacrifice for the nation and the legacy it has left for all of us,” Dhar wrote on X on 26th November, responding to a post.

1...949596...7,597Page 95 of 7,597