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Mark Zuckerberg grilled over Meta targeting teens: As India weighs curbs on children’s social media use, read about the perils of allowing kids on the internet

Rukma Rathore
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Mark Zuckerberg grilled over Meta targeting teens: As India weighs curbs on children’s social media use, read about the perils of allowing kids on the internet

On 18th February (Wednesday), Meta chief Mark Zuckerberg testified in a historic trial revolving around the addiction of popular social networking sites among kids and teenagers in Los Angeles, United States. The lawsuit commenced on 9th February in Los Angeles County Superior Court and focused on allegations against Google-owned YouTube and Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram. It examined the tech giant’s awareness of the possible risks and whether it took adequate precautions.

A 20-year-old Californian named Kaley, also known as KGM, and her mother sued YouTube, TikTok, Snapchat and Meta in 2023, charging that they had designed their applications to encourage compulsive use, which resulted in her physical dysmorphia, anxiety and depression. According to her solicitors, she became obsessed with social media platforms as young as 6 and functions like auto-scrolling made her dependent on them.

The plaintiffs contended that the corporations intentionally created features that promoted obsessive use among minors, leading to long-term mental health damage. Zuckerberg, who was presented with many internal documents, seemed to find it difficult to shield his company against the critical charges as he maintained that the lawyers were “mischaracterising” him.

It was his debut appearance before a jury following years of growing criticism of Meta, which also owns WhatsApp. He responded to enquiries concerning the usage of Instagram by youth and his congressional testimony.

No negative consequence on mental health: Mark Zuckerberg

During questioning, the Meta chairman and chief executive officer (CEO) asserted to continue his earlier assertion that current research has not demonstrated social media’s adverse effect on mental health. Mark Lanier, the lead plaintiff’s advocate, challenged whether people use something more frequently if it’s addictive, to which he answered, “I’m not sure what to say to that. I don’t think that applies here.”

Meta consistently insists that it has taken steps to safeguard minors and prohibits users under the age of 13. However, Lanier produced internal emails, chats and findings in court that showed Zuckerberg and other Meta staff members talking about how teens and younger people use Facebook and Instagram. He highlighted that his client was on the app when she was a 9-year-old, prior to the implementation of the new limitations.

The 41-year-old accepted that Instagram’s age rules are hard for Meta to impose and added, “I always wish we would have gotten there sooner, but I think we’re in a better place.”

Lanier initially asked him whether a business should “prey upon” those from poor families or who are “less fortunate in educational opportunities,” implying that Kaley’s upbringing made it even more crucial that Meta protect vulnerable users. Zuckerberg replied, “I think a reasonable company should try to help the people who try to use its services.” 

Special focus on teenagers

It was unveiled that Zuckerberg and three senior Meta executives received an email criticising the company’s “unenforced” age restrictions in 2019. Former deputy prime minister of the United Kingdom, Nicholas William Clegg, who was Meta’s head of global affairs for a number of years pointed out that it was “difficult to claim we’re doing all we can” in the communication.

Lanier raised a 2019 study conducted by an outside firm on behalf of Instagram that disclosed that teenagers who employed the app felt “hooked despite how it makes them feel” and that they had “an addict’s narrative about their Instagram use.” The report mentioned, “It can make them feel good, it can make them feel bad, they wish they could spend less time caring about it.”

Zuckerberg declared that the same analysis also noted “positive” aspects of Instagram after he was inquired about it by Paul Schmidt, Meta’s attorney who presented it as a component of the corporation’s constant efforts to investigate the operation of its platforms and make improvements to them.

Furthermore, Lanier displayed intimations from Zuckerberg and other private correspondence in which employees talked explicitly about “teen usage” and how to boost it. A 2017 internal conversation had two junior workers complaining about Zuckerberg’s strategy to “go after under 13-year-olds.” It stated,”Yeah, it was gross the last time he mentioned it.”

He confronted the billionaire with internal documents from Instagram head Adam Mosseri in 2022 which revealed that the data indicated that the “primary goal” was to keep people, particularly teenagers, engaged on the platform. Lanier also included an email from Zuckerberg that outlined the aim of growing application utilisation by 12% over a three-year period and to see the “teen trend be reversed.”

Aim to boost user time

Lanier specifically grilled the Meta chief about a statement he made at an earlier congressional hearing, announcing that Instagram personnel aren’t given objectives to increase the amount of time spent on the platform. However, the internal records appeared to refute the latter’s statements.

Lanier highlighted an Instagram “milestones” document in 2022 which predicted that the average amount of time spent on the app would increase from 40 minutes in 2023 to 46 minutes in 2026. However, Zuckerberg retorted, “This is something we expect to see if we do good work,” he stated.

Lanier introduced a document in which Mosseri announced in an internal memo that the short-form video Reels had “driven time to all-time highs” and his own “stretch goal was to get on track to pass TikTok in terms of time spent.” However, Zuckerberg stated, “The way I read this, we try to increase the value of our services, but also try to measure progress against competitors like TikTok.”

Artificial beauty hack

People can alter photographs with Instagram’s beauty filters, mimicking plastic surgery or other alterations. Hence, Lanier argued that these could harm a teen’s perceptions of themselves and experts consulted by Meta reached that same conclusion. Zuckerberg asserted that in the interest of free speech, they chose to authorise the filters but not endorse them as it would have been “paternalistic” to refuse the tools.

Lanier showcased an email which was sent to Zuckerberg by an employee, a mother of two underage girls, who remarked that teenagers are under a lot of pressure, warning about the filters. She wrote, “I respect your call and I support it, but I want to say for the record, I don’t think it’s the right call.”

Luring tweens

According to internal documents, over 4 million children, almost one-third or 30% of all 10 to 12-year-olds in the nation were on Instagram in 2015. Instagram did not require new users to enter a date of birth until December 2019 and only asked them to confirm that they were above 13 years old. Instagram began requesting current users to enter their birthdate if they hadn’t already in August 2021.

Additionally, Lanier pulled out an internal document that stated, “We must bring them in as tweens if we want to win big with teens.” An executive’s email in 2017 likewise conveyed, “Mark has decided the top priority for the company is teens.” However, the latter expressed, “We changed that,” after agreeing that the firm had set those objectives in the past.

The company, in a different 2018 presentation, discussed how “tweens” were successfully retained on the platform despite assurances to the contrary.

Feeble defence in the face of compelling evidence

Zuckerberg accused Lanier of misrepresenting the tween document and stressed that teens accounted for “less than 1%” of the company’s advertisement income. He claimed that his business had “many conversations” about creating products that youngsters under 13 could use “in a regulated way.”

Zuckerberg then stated the Messenger Kids service offered by his conglomerate which he explained was “not very popular” but he uses it “with my own kids.” He added, “You’re mischaracterising what I’m saying. I’m not surprised that people internally were studying this.”

The frustrated tech mogul voiced, “I don’t see why this is so complicated,” insisting that the regulation forbids children below 13 and tries to identify those who have lied about their ages to get around the restrictions, amid an extensive exchange over verification policies.

Zuckerberg underlined that Meta would not have survived this long if they had simply concentrated on measures like time spent on its platforms and remarked that he has devoted years addressing “problematic use” of social media sites like Instagram “because it’s the right thing to do.”

Schmidt brought up the 2018 Instagram tools that let individuals set daily usage caps, configure time-spent alerts and disable notifications at night. However, Lanier referred to a Meta internal paper to illustrate that very few had chosen to apply them. For example, just 1.1% of teenagers used the daily limit.

A week prior to Zuckerberg’s hearing, Mosseri resisted the science of social media addiction by disputing that users might be “clinically addicted” during his testimony.

The trial is under close observation due to its impact on similar cases. The verdict could have a bearing on the hundreds of other cases filed by families who submitted that social media has caused harm or even death to their children. The suit also implicated TikTok and Snapchat, both of which reached a settlement just before the trial was about to start.

India considers to ban social media for adolescents below 16 years of age

Global concerns have been raised about the risks connected with Meta and the entire social media. Children under the age of 16 and 15 have been prohibited from using such platforms in countries like Australia and France, respectively. Similar rules are under consideration in Denmark, Malaysia and Spain.

On 17th February (Tuesday), Information Technology minister Ashwini Vaishnaw declared that India is also planning to follow suit. “This is something which has now been accepted by many countries that age-based regulation has to be there. It was part of our DPDP (Digital Personal Data Protection) Act,” he pointed out at the AI (Artificial Intelligence) Impact Summit.

The DPDP Act indirectly restricts the usage of social media platforms by minors because companies cannot collect their data or provide targeted adverts without parental consent. He added, “Right now we are in a conversation regarding deepfakes, age-based restrictions with the various social media platforms and what is the right way to go about this.”

The minister observed, “We need much stronger regulation on deepfakes. It’s a problem which is growing day by day. And certainly there is a need for protecting our children, protecting our society from these harms.” Last week, India strengthened regulations on artificial intelligence technology, mandating that social media companies prominently label AI content and remove it within three hours of an authority’s request.

The central government has also been directed by the Madras High Court to consider if passing a comparable bill is feasible. The January Economic Survey, which emphasised the financial and social consequences of young people’s compulsive screen use, provided proof in favour of age-based regulation of digital platforms. Stricter age verification procedures and age-appropriate default settings were suggested, especially for social media sites, gambling apps, autoplay functions and targeted advertising.

What is the way forward

The Union government is contemplating amending the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules to limit access to social media for people under the age of 16. “Certain accounts should be accessible but there are certain accounts that shouldn’t. We have to think judiciously whether kids should have access or not,” expressed an official.

The centre is examining the Australian model, but unlike the nation, it does not want a total prohibition for those under the age limit. Officials are contacting social media enterprises about stronger age verification systems and debating potential changes to digital laws. The move suggests that the online safety of children has turned into an essential policy issue for the Modi government.

Platforms are required by the DPDP Act to get verifiable parental consent before processing the personal information of users who are younger than 18. Thus, the companies already have some obligations under this law to protect the data of minors. Officials are presently debating whether age-based regulations could be strengthened further by amending the IT rules.

The purpose is to prevent children from being exposed to hazardous content, features that can be addictive or targeted advertising without the necessary protections. The authorities are looking into how platforms could set up tougher compliance procedures and age-appropriate defaults.

Furthermore, states such as Goa, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh are also exploring methods to stop teens from using social media excessively. The policymakers are researching international models and strategies to lessen screen addiction, cyberbullying and exposure to objectionable material. These laws cannot be enacted by states but they can recommend them to the centre.

Why the mounting concern over social media usage among children

India has recently been shaken by the case of three sisters, Nishika (16), Prachi (14)and Pakhi (12), who jumped to their deaths. Their deaths uncovered the troubling situation that led them to develop an unhealthy attachment to Korean pop culture, entertainment and online communities.

They were unable to access the Korean platforms or apps on their mobile phone after their devices were sold which added to their distress and eventually claimed their lives. This is not the first instance where such devastating news has been associated with social media.

A 13-year-old boy passed away inexplicably after spending several hours playing an online game in the Indiranagar police station neighbourhood of Lucknow in October. “He used to play Free Fire every night till around 11 pm and got very angry if disturbed,” his sister Chandni narrated the tale of his addiction.

Vivek skipped work in the morning to play nonstop and she later discovered him unconscious, assuming he had dozed off while playing the video game. However, he didn’t react when she came back to wake him for lunch. He was taken to Lohia Hospital where doctors pronounced him dead.

Likewise, games including “The Blue Whale Challenge” which originated in Russia in 2013 and spread rapidly was reported to have taken many lives by pushing young players to inflict self-harm. While the claims are exaggerated, as is often the case with any online phenomenon, the reality cannot be dismissed that copycats did try to inflict maximum damage in their pursuit of followers, jeopardising children’s lives and frightening many impressionable minds.

The many perils of allowing kids on the internet

The risks are not confined solely to online games and they extend to applications utilised by children, the content they consume and even the individuals with whom they interact. The fixation with Instagram reels has resulted in fatal or life-altering injuries to adults who endangered their safety for social media recognition, making it quite clear how these features might be influencing the underage population.

Moreover, the advancement of AI has only exacerbated these fears, including the notoriety of deepfakes. Elon Musk’s X has also been harshly criticised for allegations involving deepfakes and the trafficking of child pornography on the platform.

Interestingly, popular American shows like “To Catch a Predator” demonstrated how predators utilise online platforms to lure children for perverted desires. Therefore, the threats have multiplied with the progression of the technology, highlighting the desperate need for tighter online regulations.

The toxic content ranging from betting applications to nudity has established a presence on different apps not only has a profound detrimental assault on the minds of kids but also drives them towards unrealistic body image expectations, disrupts their mental health, tarnishes the innocent element of their upbringing and effectively pollutes their childhood.

Parents in the US have regularly blamed Meta for hooking up young people to its apps and generating mental health problems that have resulted in eating disorders, anxiety, depression and self-harm. Tech policy and child safety groups have also made similar accusations. The US Surgeon General urged for warning labels to be incorporated into social media in 2024, noting that the platforms were linked to negative effects on the mental health of youngsters.

Zuckerberg has often been summoned before Congress in relation to the critical issue of child safety. He even had to stand and offer an apology to parents who mentioned social media played a role in their children’s deaths during a hearing in 2024. Meta has been sued by dozens of state solicitors general in the country on charges of child sexual exploitation and other matters.

Conclusion

The recent hearing in the United States, along with the collective actions of various countries to restrict children’s access to the internet and India’s initiative to introduce similar legislation, underscored the magnitude of the problem that has permeated all corners of the globe.

Social media companies, despite their assurances and commitments, have terribly failed to address these threats and have primarily focused on serving their own interests and maximising profits. Thus, governments appear to have taken it upon themselves to ensure the safety of children, which should be the foremost priority of any responsible state.

India AI Impact Summit 2026: Here are the key takeaways from the addresses of PM Modi and world leaders

Aditi
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India AI Impact Summit 2026: Here are the key takeaways from the addresses of PM Modi and world leaders

Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the India AI Impact Summit 2026 at Bharat Mandapam today (19th February). The event was attended by leaders, policymakers, and top technology executives from across the world. In his address at the Summit, PM Modi said that India was not just a part of the AI revolution but a leading power in it. He said that India not only has a large tech talent pool within its large young population, but is also open to adapting emerging technologies at an unprecedented pace. PM Modi invited global AI technology executives to design and develop in India, highlighting that India has the talent, energy and policy clarity to be a leader in the AI domain.

Highlighting the vast potential of artificial intelligence, PM Modi asserted that AI must be guided by ethical principles and used for human welfare. “India’s approach is clear: Sarvajan Hitaya, Sarvajan Sukhaya, welfare for all, happiness for all. AI must not reduce human beings to mere data points. It must serve as an instrument of human welfare,” PM Modi said.

The Prime Minister called for the democratisation of AI, adding that it should act as a medium for inclusion and empowerment, especially for the Global South.

PM Modi’s MANAV Vision for AI

PM Modi presented his MANAV Vision for artificial intelligence. Elaborating on his vision, he said, “Today, I present India’s MANAV vision for AI. M stands for Moral and Ethical Systems. AI must be guided by ethical principles. A stands for Accountable Governance, with transparent rules, robust oversight, and respect for data sovereignty. N stands for Accessible and Inclusive. AI must act as a multiplier, not a monopoly. A stands for Valid and Legitimate. AI must be lawful and verifiable. V stands for value-driven innovation for humanity.”

He emphasised that with fast-evolving AI technologies, humans and AI will work and create together, and the transformation will be similar to the one that happened after the introduction of the internet. “When the internet began, few imagined the scale of employment and opportunity it would create. The same holds true for AI. The future of work will depend upon the decisions we take and the direction we choose,” he said. “We are entering an era in which humans and intelligent systems will create together, work together, and evolve together,” he added.

Need to make AI safe for children: PM Modi

PM Modi stressed the need to prioritise child safety and make AI a safe space for children. “We must place the highest priority on child safety. The AI space must be safe, responsible, and guided by human values,” the PM said, adding that some standards of safety must exist in the digital world to make it possible for people to distinguish between real and AI-generated.

French President Emmanuel Macron praises India’s digital progress

Speaking at the Summit, French President Emmanuel Macron praised India’s digital transformation and its leading role in technology governance. Greeting the gathering with a ‘Namaste’, Macron described India’s progress in AI as a global benchmark.

Macron lauded the scale of financial inclusion achieved by India with the help of technology. “10 years ago, a street vendor in Mumbai could not open a bank account. No address, no papers, no access and today the same vendor accepts payments on his phone,” he said.

“India built something that no other country in the world has built. A digital identity for 1.4 billion people. A payment system that now processes 20 billion transactions every month. A health infrastructure that has issued 500 million digital health IDs. Here are the results. They call it the India Stack Open Interoperable Sovereign,” Macron said, praising India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI).

Internet and social media should be made safe spaces for children: Macron

The French President agreed with PM Modi on ensuring children’s safety in the AI space. He said that it is the responsibility of social media platforms, governments and regulators to protect children in the digital space. “There is no reason our children should be exposed online to what is legally forbidden in the real world. Our platforms, governments and regulators should be working together to make the Internet and social media a safe space,” Macron said.

He said that France has already taken steps in this direction and is working on banning children below 15 years of age from social media platforms. “This is why, in France, we are embarking on a process to ban social networks for children under 15 years old, and we are committed to this journey with a lot of several European countries being present here today. Greece, Spain. I know, Prime Minister Modi, you will join this club. This is great news that India will join such an approach in order to protect children and teenagers. We stand ready to take all necessary actions to ensure that our young citizens are truly safe, and we should engage with all willing partners to make this vision happen for all…” he said.

India and France share a common vision for AI: Macron

Macron pointed out that India and France have a common vision relating to AI, which intends to use the technology for protecting the planet and fostering prosperity for all. “Now, the point of this summit was not only to say, let’s do more; it was to say, let’s do better together. AI may be a powerful accelerator of productivity and a major shift for labour markets. This is why access to AI for all is critical. France and India share a common vision. A sovereign AIused to protect our planet and to foster prosperity for all…” Macron said.

“Last year, when France and India co-hosted the AI Action Summit in Paris, we set a global guiding principle for technologies that would transform our societies and our economies. We say that Artificial Intelligence will be an enabler for our humanity to innovate faster, to disrupt healthcare, energy, mobility, agriculture, and public services for the good of mankind. Both of us, we do believe in this revolution,” he added.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres announced an independent international scientific panel on AI

Addressing the Summit, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres outlined the significance of India hosting the Summit, saying that the future of AI cannot be decided by a handful of countries or left to the whims of a few billionaires.

Guterres announced the appointment of a 40-member independent international scientific panel on AI and the launch of a UN-led Global Dialogue on AI governance, calling for guardrails to protect human rights, ensure accountability and prevent misuse.

AI must not replace but supplement human potential: Guterres

He said that AI must not be a substitute for human potential but should supplement it. “We must invest in workers, so AI augments human potential – not replaces it,” Gueterres said, calling for the need to eliminate fears around AI. “Real impact means technology that improves lives and protects the planet,” he added.

The UN Secretary-General said that many countries might not be a part of the AI revolution due to a lack of investment. To address this, he called for a Global Fund on AI, with a goal of $3 billion, “to build basic capacity everywhere: Skills, data, affordable computing power, and inclusive ecosystems.”

Google and Alphabet CEO Sundar Pichai calls India an emerging global AI hub

Google and Alphabet CEO Sundar Pichai hailed India as an emerging global AI centre and announced Google’s USD 15 billion investment plan to push AI infrastructural development in India. Pichai described AI as the biggest platform shift of our lifetime and emphasised the need to build it boldly, responsibly and together to ensure it benefits everyone.

Cannot allow digital divide to become AI divide: Pichai

Pichai cautioned against the existing digital divide transforming into an AI divide, and to prevent this, he recommended investing in compute infrastructure and connectivity. “We’re also building a vast network of subsea fibre optic cables, including four new systems between the US and India as part of our America-India Connect initiative announced yesterday. Responsibility also means navigating profound economic shifts. AI will undeniably reshape the workforce, automating some roles, evolving others, and creating entirely new careers. 20 years ago, the concept of a professional YouTube creator didn’t exist,” Pichai said.

Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei says India has a central role in shaping AI’s future

Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei said that India has a central role to play in shaping the future of AI. “India has an absolutely central role to play in these questions and challenges, both on the side of the opportunities and on the side of the risks,” he said.

He announced that Anthropic has opened an office in Bengaluru this week and that the company has partnered with major Indian enterprises, including Infosys.

Describing the potential of AI, Amodei said that it can cure diseases and lift billions out of poverty. “On the positive side, have the potential to cure diseases that have been incurable for thousands of years, to radically improve human health, and to lift billions out of poverty, including the global south, and create a better world for everyone,” Amodei said.

He also pointed out the risks associated with the AI technology, including the autonomous behaviour of AI models. “On the side of risks, I’m concerned about the autonomous behaviour of AI models, their potential for misuse by individuals and governments, and their potential for economic displacement. India has an absolutely central role to play in these questions and challenges, both on the side of the opportunities and on the side of the risks…” he added.

The Purvanchal Expressway turnaround under Yogi: How the UP govt saved Rs 3,400 crore by scrapping illegal tenders issued by Akhilesh Yadav’s SP

Shriti Sagar
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The Purvanchal Expressway turnaround under Yogi: How the UP govt saved Rs 3,400 crore by scrapping illegal tenders issued by Akhilesh Yadav’s SP

On Monday, 16th February, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath made strong remarks about the Purvanchal Expressway and the way its tender was handled under the previous Samajwadi Party (SP) government. Referring to the project, he said, “Today, we are going to discuss Tender Award, which is illegal in India. In any project, unless you get 80% of the land, you cannot proceed with the tender. But here, it is done illegally.”

He explained that the original Detailed Project Report (DPR) estimated the cost at ₹15,200 crore for a 390-kilometre expressway that was to be 110 metres wide. According to him, when the BJP government came to power in Uttar Pradesh, he reviewed the project in May and asked about its progress in March and again in May. “It was said that everything was zero,” he said. When he asked why, he was told that land for the project had not been acquired.

The CM said he was surprised that a tender had been issued even though there was no land. “If there were no land, then how did this tender happen? It is illegal. We got it cancelled,” he said. He added that his government believes projects should not be stopped just because they were started by another party, but there should be no corruption. “If it is in the development of the state, then we have to think beyond party lines,” he said.

The BJP Government revised the project

After cancelling the earlier tender, the BJP government decided to finish the land acquisition first. CM Yogi said they have expanded the width of the expressway from 110 meters to 120 meters. According to him, they did this with a view to the future, including the possibility of accommodating schemes such as the bullet train corridor between Delhi and Varanasi.

He said it took two years to acquire the land. When the fresh tender was floated in 2019, the cost again came to ₹15,200 crore, the same as the earlier DPR. “I was shocked,” Yogi said. He questioned why the cost had not changed at all. He then asked officials whether the technical and financial bids had been opened together. When told that they had been, he said that if they were handled separately, it would have been wrong, but together it was acceptable.

The Chief Minister then compared the earlier SP plan with what his government finally executed. He said that the SP government planned to construct the 110-meter-wide expressway at a cost of ₹15,200 crores. “After making it 10 meters wider, when the BJP government constructed the same expressway, it became ₹11,800 crores,” he said, wondering where the remaining amount of around ₹3400 crores would have come from in the previous plan. He said that the previous model of development was also incorrect and that there would have been misuse of public funds.

The Purvanchal Expressway, which is 341 kilometres long from Lucknow to Ghazipur, was opened on 16th November 2021 by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The foundation stone was laid in July 2018 in Azamgarh. After its opening, the travel time from Ghazipur to Delhi has significantly reduced, and the journey can now be completed in 10 hours.

Akhilesh’s earlier false claims about the Purvanchal Expressway

The issue has also triggered a war of words between the BJP and Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav. Akhilesh has earlier claimed that the Purvanchal Expressway was originally his government’s project and that the BJP is taking credit for it. However, the BJP argues that during the SP tenure, the project existed only on paper and that even land acquisition had not been completed.

The earlier DPR was faulty and had to be reworked. The route alignment was reportedly optimised, leading to savings of nearly ₹3,000 crore. Akhilesh was also accused of issuing a tender when less than 25% of the land had been acquired, which was against norms.

Akhilesh has raised questions about construction quality, median width, riding quality, service lanes, lighting and amenities. However, the BJP maintains that the Purvanchal Expressway meets Indian Road Congress (IRC) standards. The median width, soft shoulders, crash barriers and anti-glare screens have been designed to improve safety. The expressway has provisions for 16 amenity centres, including public convenience centres with refreshment facilities, and fuel stations are being allocated at multiple locations.

On riding quality, the government says third-party technical evaluations using laser profile meters have been conducted. To prevent soil erosion, geocell technology has been used instead of traditional methods. There are also 397 kilometres of service lanes across the 341-kilometre stretch, depending on local requirements.

The BJP has further pointed out that several reputed infrastructure companies, such as Gayatri Projects, APCO Infratech, GR Infra Projects, PNC Infratech and Oriental Structural Engineers were involved in the project through a transparent e-tendering process. Some of these companies had also worked on projects during the SP regime.

Yogi has also contrasted the Purvanchal Expressway with the Agra-Lucknow Expressway, which was inaugurated in 2016 during Akhilesh’s tenure. He said that the Agra-Lucknow Expressway was opened in haste when it was only around 80% complete and that many unfinished works were later completed by the BJP government after 2017.

Uttar Pradesh’s expanding expressway network.

CM Yogi has earlier highlighted how Uttar Pradesh’s infrastructure has expanded in recent years after inaugurating the 91.35-km Gorakhpur Link Expressway in June last year. He has repeatedly stated that the state is shifting from being labelled a “BIMARU” state to becoming an “expressway state.”

Uttar Pradesh had only the Yamuna Expressway and the Agra-Lucknow Expressway in 2017. Today, the state boasts several expressways, including the 340km-long Purvanchal Expressway, the 300km-long Bundelkhand Expressway, and the 91km-long Gorakhpur Link Expressway.

The Agra-Lucknow Express was also incomplete, and it was completed by the double-engine government (BJP in power at the Centre and in UP), he added.

The Gorakhpur Link Expressway, which connects Gorakhpur to the Purvanchal Expressway at Salarpur in Azamgarh. Constructed at a cost of ₹7,283 crores, the expressway passes through Gorakhpur, Sant Kabir Nagar, Ambedkar Nagar, and Azamgarh. According to the Chief Minister, this expressway will give a huge fillip to eastern Uttar Pradesh and will further connect the districts of Azamgarh and Ambedkar Nagar.

He has stated that Uttar Pradesh now holds a strong position in terms of India’s access-controlled expressway network and that several more expressways are under construction. The Ganga Expressway is soon to be opened in late March this year, further connecting the state.

The Purvanchal Expressway itself connects nine districts: Lucknow, Barabanki, Amethi, Sultanpur, Ayodhya, Ambedkar Nagar, Azamgarh, Mau and Ghazipur. An airstrip measuring 3.2 kilometres has also been constructed on the expressway for use in case of emergencies by the Indian Air Force. During the inauguration ceremony of the expressway, fighter jets such as the Rafale and Sukhoi performed landing and take-off exercises.

CM Yogi has also said that there is a direct correlation between infrastructure development and economic development. He claims that the development of expressways has led to increased investment, tourism, and industrialisation. He believes that with improved infrastructure, including roads, law and order, and a stable environment, Uttar Pradesh is poised to become a leading economic destination.

The Purvanchal Expressway remains one of the flagship infrastructure projects in the state. With more expressways under construction and new ones in the pipeline, the debate over development models is likely to remain at the centre of Uttar Pradesh’s political narrative.

India’s highways go green: NHAI launches Bee Corridors to support pollinators and boost rural economy

Divyansh Tiwari
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India’s highways go green: NHAI launches Bee Corridors to support pollinators and boost rural economy

The National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) announced plans to establish specialised ‘Bee Corridors’ along the nation’s vascular system, its extensive highway network, marking a revolutionary step towards sustainable infrastructure. This project, unveiled on February 17, 2026, represents a shift from conventional decorative roadside planting to an ecological focus on plants that benefit pollinators like bees.

In order to combat diminishing bee numbers and improve biodiversity, NHAI plans to plant millions of bee-friendly trees and plants. This is a continuation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s long-standing push to promote beekeeping as a component of India’s ‘Sweet Revolution.’

The blueprint

The plan is to plant 40 lakh trees in fiscal year 2026-2027, with an astounding 60% of those trees dedicated to the Bee Corridor project, according to the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH).

Clusters of flowering trees will be strategically planted by the NHAI at intervals of 500 to 1 kilometre. The average habitat range of honeybees is used to determine this precise distance, which guarantees that they have stepping stones of nutrition as they go along their habitat. Neem, Karanj, Mahua, Palash (Flame of the Forest), Bottle Brush, Jamun, Siris, and other local, nectar-rich species are the ones in focus. 

Seasonal starvation, in which flowers only blossom in the spring, is a serious problem in many artificial landscapes. A variety of plants that flower at different times are guaranteed by the NHAI plan, ensuring a year-round supply of pollen and nectar.

The sweet revolution connection

We must examine the policy ecosystem from which this move originates in order to comprehend its significance. This endeavour is the infrastructural realisation of a vision that was launched nearly a decade ago. Speaking at a rally in Banaskantha, Gujarat, in 2016, Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged farmers to pursue apiculture, or beekeeping, in addition to agriculture, calling for a Sweet Revolution (Mithi Kranti). He famously said that a sweet revolution may change the rural economy in the same way that the white revolution changed the dairy industry.

The Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC) launched the Honey Mission (2017), which to date has distributed 2,00,000 bee boxes to farmers and created jobs for tribals and unemployed youth.

In 2020, the government announced the National Beekeeping and Honey Mission, which aims to increase honey production, train producers, and connect them to markets. The outcomes have been spectacular. Honey output in India has increased from 70-75 thousand metric tonnes per year a decade ago to roughly 1.25 lakh metric tonnes by 2025, a 60% rise. This expansion propelled India to the world’s top honey producers and exporters, with efforts such as the Honey Mission training thousands of farmers and promoting rural livelihoods.

However, one key bottleneck remained, which is habitat loss. You can give a farmer a bee box, but you can’t force bees to make honey if there are no flowers around. Rapid urbanisation and monoculture farming (growing only one crop) have resulted in green deserts where bees suffer. The NHAI’s Bee Corridors fill this need. By converting thousands of km of roadway land into flowering zones, the government is effectively creating the feeding habitat needed to support the Sweet Revolution.

Environmental imperatives: Safeguarding biodiversity through bee corridors

Bees are keystone species in ecosystems and do more than solely produce honey. Bees and other insects pollinate 87 major food crops and 35% of the world’s agricultural area. Deteriorating bee numbers as a result of habitat fragmentation, pesticides, and climate change represent a serious concern in India, where more than half of the population works in agriculture. By establishing interconnected habitats that permit pollinators to travel freely, bee corridors combat this and lessen genetic bottlenecks and isolation. By drawing birds, butterflies, and other species, they promote biodiversity and healthier ecosystems. Environmentally, these corridors lessen the effects of climate change. Bees contribute to the preservation of plant diversity, which stabilises soils and sequesters carbon.

Furthermore, roadside plants in corridors can minimise pollution by filtering air and controlling precipitation, while also protecting from vehicle turbulence and pollutants. Such programs provide vital adaptation techniques in a warming world where bees’ viable ranges are decreasing, guaranteeing pollination services that support environmental stability and food security.

The economic multiplier: Boosting growth and livelihoods

Bee corridors have significant economic repercussions. In India, pollinators play an equally important role in agriculture as they do in the United States, where their annual contribution to the economy is estimated at $34 billion. For fruits, vegetables, and oilseeds, improved pollination can boost crop yields by 20-30%, which benefits farmers directly and lessens reliance on imports. Bee corridors will increase honey production, which is already a thriving industry and ties into PM Modi’s Sweet Revolution. As exports increase, beekeeper cooperatives benefit rural communities by generating jobs in marketing, processing, and training. By employing robust native plants, NHAI’s approach might help save highway maintenance costs while drawing ecotourists to pollinator-rich regions.

Pest control from diversified habitats and lower healthcare costs due to better air are two examples of broader economic benefits. India establishes itself as a pioneer in green growth by incorporating conservation into infrastructure, which may encourage funding for environmentally friendly initiatives.

Bee friendly corridors around the world

The idea of Linear Infrastructure Ecology has been successfully tested worldwide, despite this being the first for India. With its proposal, India joins progressive nations that incorporate nature into their infrastructure.

Since 2015, Oslo’s ‘Bee Highway’ has connected the northwest and southeast parts of the city with hives, flower stations, and green rooftops, giving urban bees safe paths to forage. Residents, businesses, and schools are all part of this 20-kilometre network, which is reversing pollinator reductions in a green metropolis. Launched in 2024, Australia’s 8-kilometre Melbourne Pollinator Corridor connects two major reserves via parks and roadside gardens, enhancing native bees, butterflies, and birds. It is community-driven and shows how focused planting may overcome urban limitations.

In the UK, England’s B Lines establishes a nationwide network of wildflower highways, and London’s 7-mile bee corridor in Brent borough grows wildflowers in parks to aid pollinators. Tallinn, Estonia, has a 13-kilometre pollinator highway on what was once an industrial area and is now home to 22 bee species and 42 butterfly species.

Texas and Minnesota are connected by the well known MonarchHighway (Interstate 35). Milkweed, the monarch butterfly’s host plant, is planted alongside the road to aid in the migration of the butterfly. In a similar vein, the Pollinator Highway act introduced by Senator Merkely aims to create bee habitats on the millions of acres of land that run alongside US interstates.

The road ahead

The Bee Corridors’ success will rely on how well the policy is implemented, even though it seems sound on paper.

Farmlands where chemical pesticides are widely utilised are traversed by highways. The bees might still die if the highway’s haven is encircled by toxic fields. It will be crucial to work with nearby farmers to promote organic or bee-friendly farming close to highways.

Ecological is not synonymous with maintenance-free. Highway verges are frequently overrun by invasive species. The NHAI will have to make sure that invading weeds don’t suffocate the native flowering plants.

High-speed vehicles have the potential to destroy pollinating insects. However, research from Europe indicates that bees prefer to remain in the floral zone rather than flying into traffic if the vegetation is dense and planted just off the tarmac.

Conclusion

The Bee Corridor project of the NHAI is a welcome example of Green Infrastructure. It recognises that a highway must be a living artery that sustains the land it crosses in the twenty-first century, not merely a piece of road built for speed. India is making a significant move by coordinating the vast resources of the Ministry of Road Transport with the Prime Minister’s vision of a Sweet Revolution. The idea of building over nature is giving way to building with nature. The development of India will be sweet, sustainable, and full of life if these corridors are successful.

‘Savarna marriages and movements are inherently narcissistic and anti democratic’: Meet the Ambedkarite dean at Galgotias casting an entire community as flawed

Anurag
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‘Savarna marriages and movements are inherently narcissistic and anti democratic’: Meet the Ambedkarite dean at Galgotias casting an entire community as flawed

Galgotias University recently faced scrutiny after a robotic dog was showcased in a manner that suggested it was developed at the university. Subsequent reports stated that the device was a China manufactured product. The university later clarified that it had not claimed to have developed the robot and described the backlash as propaganda against it.

However, there is enough evidence that Professor Neha Singh of the university categorically claimed that the robodog was built at the university. While Professor Neha and others from the university claimed they never said the robodog was made on campus, the matter escalated to a level that, according to sources, they were asked to step away from participation in the government organised AI Impact Summit 2026.

As the university came under scrutiny, its professors and deans from other departments are also facing examination. One such professor linked to the university is Professor Ravikant Kisana. Though he is currently serving as Dean of the School of Liberal Education and Languages at the university, the controversy around Galgotias has triggered a wider examination of the intellectual climate within the institution and the ideological positions of its faculty.

The dean who wrote ‘Meet the Savarnas’

Prof Ravikant Kisana publicly identifies as an Ambedkarite and OBC intellectual. He authored the 2025 book ‘Meet the Savarnas: Indian Millennials Whose Mediocrity Broke Everything’ and wrote a series of articles examining what he termed “Savarna culture”.

Source: X

In the prologue of his book, he described elite savarnas as people “who critique everyone and everything but never themselves.” This was not presented as a critique of certain individuals or institutional behaviours. It was framed as a defining trait of a broad caste category.

Two lines from the book became especially controversial on social media are “Savarna marriages are inherently narcissistic” and “Savarna movements are inherently anti-democratic.”

The use of the word “inherently” was striking. It suggested that narcissism and anti-democratic tendencies were intrinsic to marriages and movements of a particular caste group, not contingent on context, ideology or circumstance. Such framing moved beyond structural critique into essentialist characterisation.

When social analysis attributes moral or psychological qualities to an entire community, it risks replicating the very logic of collective judgement it claims to oppose.

From privilege analysis to civilisational indictment

The subtitle of the book itself declared that Savarna millennials’ “mediocrity broke everything.” In later chapters, Kisana wrote that Savarnas “inherited institutions and shrank them.” He portrayed Savarna dominance as responsible for stagnation in politics, academia, corporate life and civil society.

He repeatedly used the metaphor of a “glass floor” to argue that Savarnas remained structurally insulated even when they experienced anxiety. While examining structural privilege is a legitimate exercise, his language often implied that Savarna insecurity was exaggerated theatre rather than genuine experience.

The critique did not remain confined to institutional power structures. It extended into psychological terrain. Savarnas were portrayed as incapable of self-reflection, morally insulated and structurally resistant to democracy.

Structural inequality deserves serious scrutiny. But when an argument assigns inherent moral deficiency to a broad category of people, it invites the same kind of collective stereotyping that modern constitutional frameworks seek to transcend.

‘Shaadi like a Savarna’ and cultural disdain

In his article “Shaadi Like a Savarna”, Kisana examined elite weddings and described them as “the ultimate barometer for a deeply conservative and exclusionary Savarna social order.” He wrote that such weddings were performances of “power, pride and vanity” and suggested that even self-described progressive Savarna youth ultimately reverted to Brahmanical conservatism at the altar.

He contrasted these weddings with Satyashodhak marriages and framed Savarna cultural practices as hollow spectacle masking regressive caste mandates.

Critiquing caste endogamy and ritual hierarchy has been happening for a long time. However, describing the wedding culture of millions as intrinsically narcissistic and exclusionary did not distinguish between variation, reformist strands or changing social patterns. It treated an entire community’s cultural practices as fundamentally suspect.

Selective moral indictment of majority cultural expressions, while presenting others as inherently emancipatory, risks substituting one form of hierarchy for another.

‘Laughing like a Savarna’ and the morality of humour

In “Laughing Like a Savarna”, Kisana argued that Savarna humour historically relied on humiliating working class Bahujans. He described working class characters in Savarna comedy as treated like “humanoid appliances” and referred to what he called a “myth of eternal victimhood” embedded in Brahmanism.

The essay examined real problems in casteist humour. Yet it framed Savarna audiences collectively as participants in dehumanisation. The line between criticising harmful jokes and attributing moral corruption to an entire social group grew thin.

Humour that punches down deserves criticism. But describing a whole community’s comic culture as structurally rooted in humiliation risks flattening diversity within that community and overlooking internal dissent.

‘Dating like a Savarna’ and the psychology of purity

In “Dating Like a Savarna”, Kisana argued that caste mediated intimacy and desire in urban India. He described Savarna dating culture as a “secret language of aesthetics” and suggested that caste purity norms shaped even sexual behaviour. He wrote about what he termed the “glorification of Savarna semen” within Brahmanical discourse and argued that Savarna men occupied the apex of a social hierarchy in romantic spaces.

The essay claimed that there have been incidents of caste prejudice in relationships, including references to slurs and discriminatory behaviour. However, the broader framing again attributed structural psychological tendencies to Savarna individuals as a category.

When isolated instances of prejudice are presented as reflections of inherent collective psychology, the analysis shifts from examining discrimination to essentialising identity. If Kisana is to be believed, only Savarnas object to inter-caste marriages or relationships, which is an absolutely wrong notion.

The MBA critique and sweeping intellectual dismissal

In “A Long Overdue Love Letter to the Mediocrity of the Millennial Savarna MBAs and their Feckless Technobabble”, Kisana described millennial Savarna managers as “gormless” and “dull-witted” and accused them of bludgeoning public life with “aggressive loaded technobabble.”

He portrayed management education as “Brahmanised” and suggested that corporate stagnation in India stemmed from Savarna dominance. The language attributed intellectual mediocrity to a caste category rather than analysing specific policy failures or economic trends. Sweeping generalisation can energise polemic writing. It rarely strengthens scholarly rigour.

His position on UGC equity regulations

Kisana also strongly supported the UGC Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions Regulations, which were later put on hold by the Supreme Court.

In a post on X dated 25th January 2026, he described opposition to the regulations as “absolutely shameful outrage.”

On 27th January 2026, he wrote that it was “interesting to see Savarna media amplifying” criticism and compared it to Mandal era protests.

In another post, he suggested that if SC, ST and OBC communities began mobilising, the situation could become “explosive quickly.”

In an article responding to the Supreme Court’s stay, he described Savarna protests as “virulent overreaction” and referred to “Savarna exceptionalism.”

Concerns raised about the regulations included questions of procedural balance, safeguards against misuse, and whether excluding general category students from the ambit of discrimination created asymmetry in protection. These concerns were dismissed by Kisana as caste-driven anxiety.

Debates on equity regulations must be calibrated between protecting vulnerable communities and ensuring due process. However, Kisana framed all apprehensions as reactionary backlash, downplaying the genuine concerns regarding the guidelines.

The responsibility of academic leadership

As Dean of the School of Liberal Education and Languages, Kisana shapes academic discourse and influences generations of students. Universities are expected to foster critical thinking and constitutional equality. When a senior academic repeatedly described marriages as “inherently narcissistic” and movements as “inherently anti-democratic” based on caste identity, questions naturally arose about the implications of such framing in classrooms.

While critique of caste hierarchy is an acceptable notion across sections of society in India, critique that essentialises rather than contextualises risks creating new binaries. One simply cannot continue to claim oppression and categorically sideline a community; otherwise, society cannot move forward with equality.

The controversy around Galgotias has brought attention to ideological positions that are shaping academic environments within the university. While Kisana’s ideological stance is being debated, what is undeniable is that his language in his books, as well as his articles and social media posts, is categorical, sweeping and deeply polarising.

India needs to move beyond inherited divisions, and to do so, the weight lies on the shoulders of academic leaders. It cannot be achieved if professors like Kisana continue to fill young minds with divisive ideologies.

NGT clears the Great Nicobar Project: Read how Congress has been opposing the mega project crucial for India

Divya Bharti
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NGT clears the Great Nicobar Project: Read how Congress has been opposing the mega project crucial for India

The National Green Tribunal (NGT) has cleared the Centre’s ambitious Great Nicobar mega infrastructure project, saying that there is no “good ground” to interfere with the environmental clearance granted in 2022. The project, which is estimated to cost over ₹90,000 crore, was challenged by several petitioners who questioned its environmental impact.

A six-member special bench headed by NGT Chairperson Justice Prakash Shrivastava has held that the environmental clearance (EC) is adequate. The tribunal has also noted that a High-Powered Committee (HPC), formed as per the NGT’s directions in 2023 to re-examine some concerns, has already dealt with the remaining issues.

The NGT has made it clear that there should be “full and strict compliance” with the EC conditions while implementing the project.

The tribunal also rejected a set of petitions, including those filed by environmentalist Ashish Kothari, which had raised concerns about violations of the Island Coastal Regulation Zone (ICRZ) Notification, 2019.

The Petitioners had argued that nearly 700 hectares of the proposed site fell within restricted ICRZ zones. However, the HPC headed by former Environment Secretary Leena Nandan concluded that no part of the core project area falls within no-development zones. The NGT accepted these findings.

The bench also recorded the Centre’s submission that parts of the port infrastructure earlier shown under CRZ 1A and 1B in the draft master plan would be removed in the revised plan. It further directed the Environment Ministry to ensure that construction does not cause shoreline erosion or damage sandy beaches used by turtles and birds for nesting.

Specific protection measures for species such as the leatherback sea turtle, Nicobar megapode, saltwater crocodile, robber crab and Nicobar macaque were also noted in the order. The tribunal cited inputs from the Zoological Survey of India, which said there are no coral reefs in the core site and that any scattered coral formations would be scientifically translocated.

What is the Great Nicobar Project?

The mega project is planned near Galathea Bay on Great Nicobar Island and spans around 166 sq km. It involves the diversion of nearly 130 sq km of forest land and the felling of close to one million trees. The proposal includes an international container transhipment terminal, a dual-use civil and military airport, an integrated township and a 450-MVA gas- and solar-based power plant.

According to a pre-feasibility report prepared in March 2021, the project aims to boost India’s strategic presence in the Indian Ocean Region and strengthen national security. The NGT order also referred to the island’s location in the broader context of China’s “string of pearls” strategy and India’s “Act East” policy, noting that the Indian Ocean has become a key zone of strategic competition.

Great Nicobar lies along a major east–west shipping route and is almost equally distant from Colombo, Port Klang and Singapore. At present, around 25% of India’s cargo is transshipped through foreign ports, with Colombo alone handling nearly 40% of India’s transhipment traffic.

The government argues that the Galathea Bay port, with its natural depth of 18-20 metres, can reduce this dependence and save thousands of crores annually in port revenue and related economic activity.

The project is planned in four phases. Phase 1 is targeted for completion by 2028 and is expected to handle 4 million TEUs. By 2058, the capacity is projected to reach 16 million TEUs.

BJP attacks Congress after NGT order

Soon after the NGT verdict, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) stepped up its criticism of the Congress leadership. Union Coal and Mines Minister G Kishan Reddy called the tribunal’s decision a “victory of truth” and accused Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi of trying to stall a project of strategic and economic importance.

Reddy said India’s heavy dependence on foreign ports highlights the need for a domestic transhipment hub. He claimed that efforts to block the project had failed once again after the NGT’s ruling.

Sonia Gandhi’s criticism of the Project

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi has been one of the strongest critics of the Great Nicobar Project. In an editorial titled “The making of an ecological disaster in the Nicobar,” she described the project as a “totally misplaced ₹72,000 crore expenditure” and claimed that it could pose an “existential danger” to indigenous communities such as the Nicobarese and Shompen tribes.

She accused the government of ignoring tribal rights and weakening legal safeguards. Gandhi also questioned the process followed for environmental and social impact assessments and criticised compensatory afforestation measures.

Her article argued that the project threatens one of the world’s most unique ecosystems and could cause long-term damage to flora and fauna.

The larger strategic debate

Supporters of the project say that the criticism overlooks the strategic and economic aspects. They point out that India currently depends on foreign ports like Colombo, Singapore and Port Klang for a significant portion of its cargo movement. With China having a strong presence in the region, including operating a terminal at Colombo, the government views the Great Nicobar project as vital for reducing strategic vulnerabilities.

The Centre has also said that development zones have been carefully marked to minimise impact on tribal settlements and that all legal processes, including multiple reviews by expert bodies and the NGT, have been followed.

With the NGT’s latest order, the path is now clear for the project to move ahead, subject to strict compliance with environmental conditions. The debate, however, continues between those who see it as a major step for India’s maritime strength and those who fear long-term ecological consequences.

18 crore devotees, 1.2 lakh jobs, over 400 crores in tax revenue: Read how Ram Mandir is transforming Ayodhya into a global pilgrimage site, changing people’s lives

शिव
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18 crore devotees, 1.2 lakh jobs, over 400 crores in tax revenue: Read how Ram Mandir is transforming Ayodhya into a global pilgrimage site, changing people’s lives

On 5th August 2020, Prime Minister Narendra Modi laid the foundation stone of Ram Janmbhoomi Mandir and the grand opening took place on 22nd January 2024. This significant occasion not only revitalised India’s cultural consciousness but also positioned Ayodhya as a prominent economic centre, transcending its previous identity as solely a religious area. Its development is attributed to the key initiatives taken by the government of India and the Yogi Adityanath government of Uttar Pradesh.

For centuries, Indian temples have served not only as centres of faith but have extensively contributed to the improvement of the local economy, job creation and infrastructure growth. Pilgrimage destinations such as Tirupati, Vaishno Devi and Shirdi exemplify this as well. Now, Ayodhya is continuing this legacy by emerging as a new paradigm for the integration of modern progress and cultural heritage.

Indian Institute of Management (IIM), Lucknow, released a report entitled “The Economic Renaissance of Ayodhya, India: A Case Study on Sri Ram Mandir” which details how the holy site has transformed the economy of Ayodhya.

What is the size of India’s temple economy

The temple economy encompasses all economic activities tied to temples, including visits by devotees for darshan, pilgrimage tourism, temple administration, prasad, floral garlands, accommodations, transportation and various other services. In ancient times, when local economies were predominant, temples created jobs and business opportunities for the surrounding communities. Pilgrimages generated jobs for shopkeepers, artisans, priests, guides and numerous other workers.

Varanasi, Madurai, Pushkar, Ujjain and others illustrate the same. These cities are distinguished not by major industries but by their popular temples and pilgrimage locations. The economy surrounding these temples has supported these cities for centuries. Ancient Indian texts emphasise that temples should be involved in social and economic ventures that benefit all segments of society, particularly the marginalised and foster balanced development.

According to estimates from the State Bank of India (SBI) and many economic analysts, India’s temple economy contributes roughly ₹3.02 lakh crore to ₹6 lakh crore each year. This accounts for about 2.3% to 3% of the nation’s total Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Similarly, Ram Mandir is playing a vital role in influencing Ayodhya’s economy, positioning the city among the foremost pilgrimage sites globally.

The Ram Janmbhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust has contributed nearly ₹400 crore in taxes to the government from 5th February 2020 to 5th February 2025. This total includes ₹270 crore in GST (Goods and Services Tax) and ₹130 crore in other taxes. The government is projected to receive around ₹400 crore in GST from the temple.

Growing economic impact due to crores of devotees

The economic influence has surged dramatically since the opening of the temple in Ayodhya. Religious tourism has provided an extraordinary boost to the transportation, hotel, food, trade and donation sectors. The report from IIM Lucknow indicated that 13.77 crore devotees visited Ayodhya between January and September 2024, with an estimated total of ₹16-18 crore by the end of the year.

On the other hand, the Vatican in Italy welcomes roughly 0.9 crore visitors each year, whereas Mecca, the most sacred pilgrimage site for Muslims, witnesses nearly 2 crore people. Ayodhya is likewise set to exceed many other religious places and become a notable pilgrimage destination, expected to generate over 100 billion rupees in tourism revenue annually by 2025-26.

The analysis conducted by the SBI suggested that the economic impact of pilgrimage and linked activities in Ayodhya alone is projected to surpass ₹4 lakh crore in the fiscal year 2024. This highlighted that the temple is yielding substantial economic advantages from the influx of devotees, including services such as tourism, hospitality, retail and transportation.

The temple’s popularity became apparent as donations surpassed ₹3 crore in a single day after the consecration ceremony. This pointed out that there is a substantial economic impact associated with the faith of the devotees. The Uttar Pradesh government is estimated to receive an additional ₹25,000 crore in tax revenue during the fiscal year 2025. This amount consists of GST and other taxes. As a result, the state’s earnings from temples and tourism are also increasing which can be utilised for developmental projects.

Ayodhya is undergoing a swift development in the hotel and lodge sector. More than 150 hotels and lodges either have been completed or are at various stages of construction. Prominent hotel brands like Taj Hotels, Radisson and OYO are also pushing their presence there. The average hotel occupancy ranges from 60% to 70% throughout the year. During festivals and special events, this percentage soars to 100%, outlining the non-availability of rooms.

Additionally, international food chains such as Domino’s and Pizza Hut have opened outlets in Ayodhya. This development is creating new job opportunities for locals and enhancing the city’s economy.

Historic surge in employment and real estate

According to reports, the construction of the temple has directly provided jobs to more than 1,000 individuals connected to the Ram Janmbhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust. This conveyed that over a thousand persons are consistently engaged in the management, security, administration and other functions of the temple.

The situation was even better during the construction phase when mre than 50,000 labourers participated in the temple’s construction at different stages. This workforce included masons, engineers, stone carvers, transport personnel and others. This development raised the income levels of several families.

There was a massive spike in both direct and indirect employment following the completion of the temple. Approximately 1.2 lakh new jobs were generated, involving both direct and indirect roles. These positions surfaced in various sectors, including hospitality and tourism, handicrafts and the trade of religious items, local transport and tour guiding services. Many people found new jobs or more sources of income across different sectors.

Land values also experienced a dramatic hike as the prices fluctuated between ₹400 and ₹800 per square foot before 2020. However, these prices escalated to between ₹4,000 and ₹10,000 per square foot by 2024. This marked an almost tenfold increase within a mere four years. Consequently, Ayodhya has become an attractive destination for investors.

Shopkeepers offering religious products have experienced a notable uptick in sales. Specifically, the Geographical Indication (GI)-tagged gram flour laddu producers and local craft artisans have witnessed a remarkable boost in their earnings. The demand for these items is also growing with the rising number of pilgrims.

Several small vendors reported earnings exceeding ₹5 lakh in 2024, marking a substantial improvement compared to previous years. Additionally, new markets, shopping centres and malls are being built which is anticipated to further improve employment and business prospects in the coming years.

Road, Rail, Airport: Ayodhya’s infrastructure focus

The government has announced an investment of over ₹85,000 crore as part of the Ayodhya Master Plan 2031, aimed at transforming Ayodhya into a contemporary and world-class spiritual city. The objective extends beyond merely enhancing the temple area and encompasses the comprehensive development of the entire area in a structured manner to provide improved facilities for the increasing population and pilgrims in the near future.

The plan prioritises the construction of new roads, the enhancement of drainage systems, the implementation of smart traffic management systems, the creation of modern bus terminals and parking zones alongside the expansion of urban amenities. Ayodhya is being developed as a well-organised and clean city. The infrastructure for roads, airports and railway stations has also been upgraded.

The Maharishi Valmiki International Airport which commenced operations in December 2023 has significantly improved Ayodhya’s connectivity. It accommodated over 11 million passengers in FY (fiscal year) 2025, marking a 423% increase from previous years. This indicated that a substantial number of individuals from both India and abroad can now access Ayodhya directly. The future plans include expanding its capacity to accommodate 100 million passengers annually.

Furthermore, the Ayodhya Dham Junction railway station has undergone renovations and now features an impressive design, upgraded waiting areas, escalators, elevators and modern facilities. Similarly, new expressways and broader roads have linked Ayodhya with Lucknow, Varanasi, Prayagraj and Gorakhpur. This development has shortened travel times and boosted trade as well as logistics operations.

Ayodhya: Before 2021 and in 2025

The contrast between Ayodhya before 2021 and in 2025 is evident. The city had just 500 e-rickshaws prior to 2021, which surged to 17,000 by 2025, signifying a remarkable enhancement in mobility. The hotel sector has undergone a substantial change with the number of hotels, including five-star establishments, rising from 20 to 200 by 2025. Banking services have expanded from 15 to 60 branch offices, reflecting an increase in economic activity and investment.

The number of electronics stores has grown from 108 to 401. The number of petrol and CNG pumps has risen from under 50 to over 75, indicating the growth of vehicles and transportation. The count of street vendors has also escalated from 500 to nearly 2,000, demonstrating a fourfold increase in small enterprises and self-employment. In summary, Ayodhya in 2025 appeared to be far more dynamic, highly commercial and progressing at a significantly faster pace than it was in 2021.

The development of Ayodhya is now impacting not only the city but also the neighbouring districts. Economic activities have surged in Faizabad, Basti, Sultanpur, Amethi, Lucknow and Gorakhpur. There is a noticeable increase in the number of hotels, guest houses and dharamshalas in these regions. Furthermore, logistics hubs and transportation services have seen significant expansion.

These economic developments clearly indicate that the Modi and Yogi governments are not merely focused on constructing the Ram Mandir, instead, the two are working towards the development of Ayodhya as part of a larger vision. They are striving to ensure that Ayodhya is termed as one of the premier locations on the world map as a major pilgrimage sites.

Read the report in Hindi here.

Galgotias University plays victim card, claims ‘negative propaganda’ after Chinese robot dog fiasco: Read how they are lying

Anurag
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Galgotias University plays victim card, claims ‘negative propaganda’ after Chinese robot dog fiasco: Read how they are lying

On the intervening night of 17 February and 18 February, Galgotias University played the victim card, claiming a “negative propaganda campaign” against it after facing backlash over showcasing a Chinese robot dog as part of its AI ecosystem at the AI Impact Summit 2026. However, its own earlier statements, a now-deleted DD India video, and a press release distributed by the university via NewsVoir tell a very different story.

The ‘negative propaganda’ post and sudden denial

In its latest press release, the university stated, “We at Galgotias, faculty and students, are deeply pained by the propaganda campaign against our university.”

It claimed that the robotic programming initiative was simply about giving students exposure to AI using “globally available tools and resources” and warned that “spreading negativity can harm the morale of students”.

In an earlier clarification issued the same evening, Galgotias asserted, “Let us be clear Galgotias has not built this robodog, neither have we claimed.” It described the Unitree robodog as a learning tool and insisted that the university never presented it as an indigenous development.

The university claimed that it never “claimed” to have built the robodog. The problem is that the public record says otherwise.

What DD India showed before deleting the video

In a now-deleted DD India video from the AI Impact Summit 2026 at Bharat Mandapam, Professor Neha Singh of Galgotias University was seen stating that the robotic dog was developed by the “Centre of Excellence” at the university. A clip of the deleted video is being widely shared on social media.

The original clip was aired and widely circulated before it was quietly deleted. The presentation at the summit projected the robodog not merely as a purchased device, but as part of the university’s own development ecosystem.

In the deleted DD News video, at 50 seconds, Professor Neha Singh asks the journalist to meet the robot dog Orion, and says, “This has been developed at the centre of excellence at Galgotias University.”

Rs 350 crore AI ecosystem and the ORION rebranding

Interestingly, the university’s own press release, distributed by NewsVoir, adds to the contradiction. Under the headline, “Galgotias University Pavilion Emerges as a Key Attraction at AI Impact Summit 2026 with Rs. 350+ Crore AI Showcase”, the university claimed to have presented a “comprehensive Rs. 350+ crore Artificial Intelligence ecosystem”.

A “major crowd puller” at the pavilion, the release said, was ORION, Operational Robotic Intelligence Node, which “interacted live with delegates and demonstrated applied robotics and intelligent systems integration”.

The Chinese Unitree robodog was thus rebranded as ORION and showcased as part of the university’s AI driven Centres of Excellence and infrastructure. What makes the situation worse is that the Unitree branding was reportedly still visible on the robot. In other words, the product was renamed without even removing the original manufacturer’s markings.

Government handles share DD News coverage of Galgotias’ false claim

The controversy escalated further when government social media handles shared videos that included the robodog. The amplification by government social media handles lent official weight to the impression that an Indian university had developed an advanced robotic platform as part of its Rs. 350+ crore AI investment push.

After the false claims of Galgotias University were busted on social media, the government handles have taken down the posts too. Overall, the University seems to have taken everyone, including the DD News journalist and organisers of the event, for a ride.

Playing innocent after projection

There is no disputing the fact that universities import global technologies for learning. Galgotias itself wrote that “innovation knows no borders” and that students must be exposed to cutting edge tools. However, the issue is not procurement but projection.

At a major international summit, the Chinese robot by Unitree was renamed ORION, showcased as an indigenously developed product under a Rs. 350+ crore AI ecosystem banner, attributed to a Centre of Excellence, amplified by national media, and circulated by government handles. After that, to call criticism “negative propaganda” and claim that no such assertion was ever made stretches credibility.

Embarrassingly, Chinese handles have also picked up the incident and flagging how the University told blatant lies.

The drone soccer

Another claim that Galgotias University’s professor Neha Singh made while talking to DD News was about drone soccer. It is basically a drone fitted inside a ball.

She claimed, “From its end to end engineering to its application, everything has happened at the university. And this is India’s first drone soccer arena which you will get to see on the Galgotias campus. Here, students play games inside this arena. They fly it, enhance their flying skills, and are developing it further in new ways, making it stronger and adding more enhanced features.”

However, social media users pointed out that the drone is strikingly similar to the Striker V3 ARF soccer drone sold by Skyball. It is used in drone games and is available for US$453.

Source: Skyball

Conclusion

The controversy is not about students learning from global technology or about universities procuring foreign hardware for academic use. The core issue is the manner in which the products were projected at the global platform as genuine innovation and subsequently defended when questioned. The university tried to give the impression that it had developed advanced technologies in house, which was not true. When scrutiny followed, the narrative shifted to denial and allegations of propaganda.

Tribal villages can bar entry of missionaries: Read how SC rejected Colin Gonsalves’ plea and upheld Chhattisgarh HC’s stand amid rampant forced conversions

Rukma Rathore
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Tribal villages can bar entry of missionaries: Read how SC rejected Colin Gonsalves’ plea and upheld Chhattisgarh HC’s stand amid rampant forced conversions

There is no alternative way to express the acute plague of religious conversion that has invaded the country. Even the most remote areas are not immune to the deceptive enticements of Christian missionaries who employ various tactics to compel the people to forsake their indigenous beliefs in favour of a foreign faith.

Hence, some tribal villages of Chhattisgarh, weary of this malicious agenda, resorted to enforcing restrictions on the entry of these missionaries and pastors. Notably, the issue was initially brought before the Chhattisgarh High Court and subsequently to the Supreme Court. However, both courts dismissed the petition by Digbal Tandi from the Kanker district, challenging the imposed restrictions.

The matter stemmed after resolutions were adopted by Gram Sabhas and hoardings were placed in Scheduled Areas warning against the activities of religious conversion. The decision was made by 8 tribal villages of the Kanker district, including Habechur, Musurputta, Sulagi, Parvi, Junwani, Ghota, Ghotiya and Kudal. The locals set up boards that conveyed that the Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas Act barred the arrival of Christian priests and pastors.

The Supreme Court effectively stands with the high court’s order

On 16th February (Monday), a bench of Justices Vikram Nath and Justice Sandeep Mehta refused to overrule the Chhattisgarh High Court’s judgement, which had made specific observations regarding conversions carried out through coercion and deceit, as well as their effects on social harmony, along with tribal cultural identity.

Tandi was represented by senior counsel Colin Gonsalves, who alleged that the high court passed general and unfavourable statements about Christian missionary work without any supporting documentation. He insisted that the high court’s remarks on conversions were outside the purview of the petition, and the subject at hand was also limited.

According to Gonsalves, the apex court is currently considering a case involving more than “700 assaults” on pastors during prayer sessions. Additionally, he cited cases in which tribals who embraced Christianity were supposedly refused the right to be buried in their hamlets.

Gonsalves then pointed to another case and contended that the bodies of converted tribal individuals laid to rest in villages were being unearthed. He added that throughout the previous ten years, not a single conviction had occurred under the state’s conversion law. “You can’t stop me from doing my Sunday prayer meeting and the high court says it’s not unconstitutional,” he stated, claiming wider ramifications because of its comments.

On the other hand, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, who argued on behalf of the Chhattisgarh government, retorted that several submissions made before the bench were not included in the initial pleadings heard by the high court. He highlighted that the high court’s case was limited to the removal of hoardings and the petitioners had been instructed to contact the relevant Gram Sabhas.

The bench noted that the writ petition before the high court was strictly focused and concurred with the state’s stance. “Gonsalves, please see the writ petition before the high court and the relief claimed. You have been asked to go to the Gram Sabhas,” the justices pronounced. The Supreme Court firmly sided with the high court’s verdict and rejected the plea.

Chhattisgarh HC ruled in support of protecting the interests of indigenous tribes

On 28th October (Tuesday) of last year, the Chhattisgarh High Court refused to stop the residents of the 8 villages from erecting hoardings to stop forcible or fraudulent conversions. A bench of Chief Justice Ramesh Sinha and Justice Bibhu Datta Guru decided that hanging signs warning tribal members against illicit conversions cannot be considered unlawful.

They turned down the petition that called for the hoardings to be taken down in the name of discrimination against Christian pastors and converts by banning their admission into the communities. Tandi accused the Christian community and its religious leaders of being separated from the rest of the population.

Furthermore, the plea charged that the Panchayat Department directed the Zila and Janpad panchayats alongside the Gram panchayat to introduce a resolution labelled “Hamari Parampara Hamari Virasat (Our tradition, our heritage)” that blocked pastors and converted Christians from the village.

“No material has been placed on record to indicate that the circular authorises discrimination against any religious group,” the court countered. It similarly declared that nothing in the hoardings could be construed as discriminatory against Christians and only excluded specific pastors from entering if they planned to host religious conversion events.

The court concluded that neither the hoardings nor the Panchayat Department circular included any indications of bias against the Christian community and observed, “The hoardings appear to have been installed by the concerned Gram Sabhas as a precautionary measure to protect the interests of indigenous tribes and local cultural heritage.”

It ordered the petitioner to first exhaust all other legislative remedies, as he had not used any of them before approaching the court. “A party must firstly exhaust the statutory alternative remedy available before approaching the high court seeking redressal of any grievance,” the bench mentioned.

The judges outline how poor SC/ST people are trapped, leading to “cultural coercion” through conversion

The judges recognised that extensive religious conversions undermine social cohesion and compromise the traditional character of tribals. They explained that missionary organisations have been evangelising and pushing unbelievers to become Christians under the guise of social assistance.

The court remarked, “Missionary activity in India dates back to the colonial period, when Christian organisations established schools, hospitals and welfare institutions. Initially, these efforts were directed at social upliftment, literacy and health care.”

“However, over time, some missionary groups began using these platforms as avenues for proselytisation. Among economically and socially deprived sections, especially the Scheduled Tribes and the Scheduled Castes, this led to a gradual religious conversion under the promise of better livelihoods, education, or equality,” it highlighted.

The court emphasised how the conversions of the poor and illiterate cause division in tribal groups and are tantamount to “cultural coercion.” It noted, “In remote tribal belts, missionaries are often accused of targeting illiterate and impoverished families, offering them monetary aid, free education, medical care, or employment in exchange for conversion. Such practices distort the spirit of voluntary faith and amount to cultural coercion.”

The bench conveyed, “This process has also led to deep social divisions within tribal communities, distancing them from traditional rituals and communal festivals. As a result, villages become polarised, leading to tension, social boycotts and sometimes even violent clashes.”

Religious freedom is not absolute, and it does not allow targeting of the vulnerable populace

The court clarified that religious freedom as guaranteed by Article 25 of the Constitution is not unqualified and is governed by morals, public order and health. It underscored that anti-conversion laws have been imposed by multiple state governments because the right is vulnerable to abuse.

“India’s secular fabric thrives on coexistence and respect for diversity. Religious conversion, when voluntary and spiritual, is a legitimate exercise of conscience. However, when it becomes a calculated act of exploitation disguised as charity, it undermines both faith and freedom,” the judges expressed.

“The so-called ‘conversions by inducement’ by certain missionary groups is not merely a religious concern. It is a social menace that threatens the unity and cultural continuity of India’s indigenous communities. The remedy lies not in intolerance, but in ensuring that faith remains a matter of conviction, not compulsion,” they added.

Chhattisgarh continues to grapple with rampant Christian conversion

India is currently tackling the sensitive issue of forced conversions, whether under the pretext of love jihad or through the inducements offered by Christian missionaries in various regions of India, and Chhattisgarh is not exempt from this challenge. Christian missionaries have been regularly involved in unauthorised endeavours in the state, pressurising people to embrace their religion.

A similar case was launched after a prayer meeting in a village under the jurisdiction of the Katghora police station in the Korba district of Chhattisgarh in December 2025. The gathering, which was organised by Christian community members in an open field, targeted sick and impoverished people, childless couples, sparking complaints from the locals and police intervention.

According to locals, several outsiders joined the conference and focused on vulnerable groups in society, such as the sick, childless couples and low-income families. They mentioned that it was announced that prayers could cure illnesses and eliminate suffering. The attendees were encouraged and asked to convert for spiritual healing.

Last November, another episode of illegal conversion surfaced when some Hindu women and children were discovered participating in a Christian prayer within a home in the Chilhati village near the Sarkanda police station in the Bilaspur district of the state. Afterwards, Hindu activists rushed there with a loudspeaker to warn people of the Christian prayer meet. According to Kanhaiya Sahu, a member of a Hindu outfit, he was informed that a residence on the village’s Shandi Mandir road was utilised to seduce Hindus to become Christians.

It was then reported that there have been over 38 such incidents in many places, including Civil Lines, Sarkanda, Koni, Sakri, Torwa, Masturi, Sipat and Pachpedi, over the past six months. Two distinct cases of religious conversion were previously filed in the Sarkanda and Pachpedi police station regions on 12th November.

Moreover, a new trend of religious conversion came to light in different regions of Chhattisgarh a month earlier, where female preachers, commonly known as “lady missionaries,” offer a sympathetic ear to widows, daily wage workers and economically disadvantaged women before inviting them to “Changai Sabhas” (healing prayer gatherings) and promising to alleviate their problems.

According to investigations, women and young girls, including 3 to 14 years of age, are convinced to become Christians during these events through spiritual rites and emotional appeals. They are gently exposed to church operations and repeatedly indoctrinated that prayer is the only way to end their pain.

Women are invited to fill out forms at the churches, promising to regularly attend Sunday prayers and to trust that God is going to take care of their health issues and other struggles. The preachers then attribute any improvement in health to “the Lord’s blessings,” even though contemporary medications are frequently employed in these situations.

The majority of these converts do not legally assume Christian names or become nuns; rather, they remain in their communities with their previous Hindu names and identities while clandestinely promoting the religion. Thus, they can stay out of the public eye and continue to exploit government privileges like caste-based reservations.

A June report from that year unveiled that there has been a significant shift in the religious makeup of the residents in numerous districts of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan, especially in tribal areas, during the past few decades. The figures even indicated an increase by 41% in several districts.

The infected lesion of Christian conversion

The aforesaid occurrences do not even begin to address the extent of the conversion racket, which is outlined by The Joshua Project, a Christian conversion “research” program. It boasted of converting 24 lakh individuals each year in 2024. The group is behind a conversion network in Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Odisha and Chhattisgarh, reaching 60 million individuals in its extensive campaign.

The outrageous claims made by these missionaries or pastors might appear humorous and offer ample content for meme creators on social media, however, the reality is that their actions carry grave consequences on the ground, affecting not only the Hindu demographic and infringing upon the rights of the SC/ST communities through Dalit conversions but also posing a glaring threat to national security, as was recently witnessed in Rajasthan.

German couple, Swain Boz Bet Jaler and Sandra, as well as others, were arrested for manipulating people to become Christians by tempting them with money in the Sri Ganganagar district. An unlicensed church was running in a rental home with the assistance of foreigners in the city that borders Pakistan. Derogatory remarks were also made about Hindu gurus and deities in an attempt to push people towards Christianity.

Most importantly, the couple travelled to the Majhiwala border, which prompted a security alert in the area to counter any unfortunate incident. Sri Karanpur is a sensitive region where strict regulations control the movement of foreign nationals. However, the duo entered there without permission and secretly organised a religious gathering.

Is it feasible for a vulnerable nation such as India, which is destined to share borders with hostile adversaries like Pakistan, to allow such individuals within its territory, thereby jeopardising national security and endangering the lives of thousands of people?

Can “religious liberity”, which has been repeatedly defined as not absolute by not only high courts but also the apex court, and certainly does not involve conversion, be permitted to risk national security? Additionally, how can the same be limited to Christians who wish to convert, while Hindus who are simply trying to resist are overlooked?

These elements, despite their faults, should not be exposed to violence, but why is a peaceful hoarding being contested following the high court judgement? The fact was also pointed out by the Solicitor General. It only provides a legitimate warning to undesirable entities that might disturb the harmony in their regions. In what way is that controversial, or should Christian missionaries be awarded the ultimate freedom to instigate even more disorder and unrest in Indian society?

Conclusion

If persuading others to abandon their beliefs via financial incentives and bogus promises only to convert to Christianity is marketed as “religious freedom,” then the impacted parties likewise possess the right to devise their own methods to safeguard themselves from this threat. There cannot be any ambiguity regarding this.

The assertion of segregation or isolation presented in such cases is equally hollow. Isn’t the segregation already evident both in name and spirit once a person decides to sever ties with the faith and culture that linked them to the mainstream? Why strive to masquerade as part of a community that has already been relinquished? Or the underlying motive is to turn even the furthest corner into a deracinated centre where people only seem native on the surface while everything else has been washed away in the tide of an Abrahamic faith?

1 year of the BJP govt in Delhi: A governance shift from AAP’s subsidy politics to structural development

Dhruv Mishra
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1 year of the BJP govt in Delhi: A governance shift from AAP’s subsidy politics to structural development

Recently, the BJP government in Delhi under CM Rekha Gupta completed its first year in office, marking an important milestone that naturally invites public evaluation of its governance and delivery. Over the past few days, the Aam Aadmi Party and its social media ecosystem have launched a political offensive, trying to portray the current administration as ineffective and lacking in delivery. This coordinated attack, echoed by party workers, aims to change the public image of the BJP’s governance in a relatively short time. However, such assertions call for an objective analysis of the AAP’s own performance since it took power in February 2015 with a historic mandate of 67 out of 70 seats, one of the most decisive electoral victories in Delhi’s political history. 

Back in 2015, AAP presented itself as a transformative political force promising corruption-free governance, administrative transparency, and systemic reform. Its first year was widely promoted through campaigns such as #1YearofHonestPolitics and “Ek saal Bemisaal”, projecting an image of clean and effective governance. Aside from Political campaigning, the period was characterised by significant subsidy expansion, institutional tensions, internal party revolt, administrative disturbances, and a number of controversies that gained widespread notice. As political narratives resume dominance in public discourse following the BJP government’s one-year anniversary, it is critical to examine the AAP’s own first-year governance record in order to distinguish between political projection and administrative reality.

Subsidy-driven governance model of AAP

After assuming office in February 2015, one of the first major decisions was to implement large-scale consumer subsidies to fulfil electoral promises. The AAP government introduced free water of up to 20,000 litres per household per month and free electricity of up to 200 units, along with a 50% subsidy for 201-400 units.

These initiatives provided immediate financial relief to consumers and became integral to the party’s governance model and electoral discourse. However, the fiscal implications of these initiatives were immediate and significant. Delhi’s subsidy expenditure increased by more than 600%, from Rs. 1,554.72 crore in 2014-15 to Rs.10,995.34 crore in 2024-25. The power subsidy increased from Rs. 291.94 crore in 2014-15 to Rs. 1,442.76 crore within a year of the AAP taking office, and then to Rs. 3,600.50 crore. Similarly, subsidy support for the Delhi Jal Board increased from Rs. 20.83 crore to Rs. 500 crore during the same period.

The rapid development mirrored a governance style that relied on recurring subsidies rather than structural reforms of public utilities, posing long-term questions about fiscal sustainability and institutional financial stability. These types of governance are comparable to a glittering facade, visually appealing and politically lucrative in the short term, but structurally weak, with long-term implications for budgetary health and governing ability.

Administrative failures and governance crisis

Along with the implementation of a subsidy-driven model, the Aam Aadmi Party government’s first year was marked by significant administrative disruptions and governance issues. One of the most obvious crises was the sanitation workers’ strike. In April 2015, sanitation workers across East and North Delhi went on strike due to unpaid salaries. The strike lasted nearly two weeks, resulting in significant garbage piling up across roads, residential colonies and public areas. It raised concerns about the health emergency. Although the Delhi government approved a loan of ₹551 crore to municipal organisations, the crisis highlighted deficiencies in financial planning and administrative cooperation. The severity of the problem became known when the Delhi High Court intervened, forcing the Delhi government to release adequate funds to pay sanitation workers’ salary arrears. The court cautioned that the continuous disruption of rubbish collection services could lead to an epidemic. After this intervention, the Lt Governor approved releasing ₹493 crore to municipal corporations to fix the situation.

The Kejriwal government’s first year was also marked by a protected institutional conflict with the Lieutenant Governor’s office and the central government over administrative power and appointments. These disputes developed over fundamental governance issues, including the selection of the chief secretary, control of the Anti-Corruption Bureau, and administrative authority over top officials. These disagreements resulted in a series of high-profile episodes, including police action against AAP MPs and a CBI raid on the Chief Minister’s Principal Secretary’s office in December 2015. Such developments created an atmosphere in which governance and administrative functioning were frequently eclipsed by political and institutional conflict, raising concerns about the government’s stability and effective policy implementation during its critical first year.

Controversies and credibility questions 

The Aam Aadmi Party rose to power on the promise of clean governance and ethical political behaviour. However, its first year was marked by several controversies and allegations involving senior leaders and government officials. It raised serious concerns about trustworthiness and internal accountability. In June 2015, Delhi Police arrested then law minister Jitendar Singh Tomar on allegations of owning a forged degree. The episode forced his departure and showed the reality of an anti-corruption government whose whole narrative was to remove the corrupt politician. Eventually, it became the same part of the system, or even the worst, which gave hope to people of Delhi. 

In April 2025, another incident occurred, which drew nationwide attention when farmer Gajendra Singh died by suicide during an AAP rally in Delhi. And the most shocking part was the continuation of the political rally even as the incident unfolded, attracting widespread criticism and raising concerns about leadership response and political sensitivity during a human tragedy.

Simultaneously, the government faced a major internal political crisis when founding members Yogendra Yadav and Prashant Bhushan were expelled from the party after questioning the leadership’s functioning. Both accused Kejriwal of running the party undemocratically. “AAP is now run by a Khaap (panchayat). “All dreams of a movement have been shattered by a small coterie and a dictator,” Prashant Bhushan said, which is how the party and government were completely ruled by a single man under the name of a democratic setup. It exposed the project’s internal instability and contradicted its image of transparent, principled governance.

Policy announcements and limited structural impact

During its first year, the Aam Aadmi Party government implemented a number of policy measures and initiatives billed as governance improvements. Among the most visible was the Odd-Even vehicle rationing programme, which was adopted in January 2016 as an experimental solution to combat Delhi’s chronic air pollution and traffic congestion. According to the detailed study analysing pollution data across multiple locations in Delhi, including Punjabi Bagh, RK Puram, Anand Vihar, Mandir Marg, NSIT Dwarka, and Shadipur, the scheme had an inconsistent and limited impact on overall pollution levels.

Importantly, the most harmful pollutants, PM2.5 and PM10, remained significantly above both national and World Health Organisation safety limits during the Odd-Even period. In several areas, including NSIT Dwarka and Mandir Marg, pollution levels either showed negligible improvement or increased during the implementation period. The study concluded that vehicular restrictions alone could not substantially reduce pollution, as major contributing factors such as construction dust, industrial emissions, waste burning, and cross-border pollution remained unaddressed.

In addition to the Odd-Even scheme, the government launched initiatives such as an anti-corruption helpline, approval of e-rickshaw licences, regularisation of unauthorised colonies, and restrictions on slum demolitions. While these measures were presented as governance reforms, their structural impact during the initial year remained limited. The approach adopted by the AAP government was short-term interventions rather than structural reforms. Their aim was never to sustainably grow the country’s capital, but rather to provide a short-term solution for themselves as heroic figures before the Delhi people.

BJP Government’s first year: Governance and structural initiatives

Recently, the BJP government under CM Rekha Gupta completed its first year in office in Delhi. Its governance approach reflected a shift towards administrative execution, infrastructure development, and structural civic management. Unlike the previous government, which focused on subsidies and announcement-driven measures. The first year of the BJP government was focused on the longstanding issues such as waste management, urban infrastructure, pollution control and institutional coordination. In the initial phase, the government’s efforts focused on improving infrastructure, strengthening civic services, and implementing rules to support long-term urban management.

Yamuna cleaning and sewage infrastructure changes

Rekha Gupta’s government started a structured plan to address sewage discharges and river pollution. It focuses on long-term infrastructure solutions. The government launched plans to connect 20 major drains to sewage treatment plants (STPs), which will help prevent untreated sewage from entering the Yamuna. New STPs are constructed while existing plants are being upgraded to improve the treatment capacity and compliance. Additionally, the government has launched a large-scale sewer connectivity programme. Under the programme, 13000 sewer connections in slum areas and approximately 2.5 lakh connections in residential colonies are targeted for untreated domestic sewage discharge. River rejuvenation operations include clearing encroachments and restoring almost 1,600 hectares of the Yamuna floodplain through plantation and ecological restoration projects. A dedicated special task force has been established, with a clear deadline to achieve quantifiable progress in river cleaning through structural interventions. 

Public transport expansion and electric bus infrastructure

Under CM Gupta, the BJP government has promoted the growth and expansion of Delhi’s public transport fleet. Primarily, it focused on electric buses to reduce pollution and improve operational efficiency. Over 500 new buses have been added, bringing the total number of electric buses to more than 4,000. Now, Delhi has one of the largest electric bus networks. The government aims to increase these numbers to 7500 buses by 2026 and 14000 electric buses by 2028. New interstate electric bus lines, such as the Delhi-Panipat corridor, have been introduced to promote regional connectivity. The expansion is part of a larger effort to update public transportation infrastructure, reduce vehicle emissions, and increase accessibility.

Healthcare infrastructure expansion through Ayushman Arogya Mandirs

The BJP government has built 319 Ayushman Arogya Mandirs across Delhi to improve primary healthcare infrastructure, with a long-term goal of establishing 1,100 centres serving every Assembly constituency. Outpatient care, diagnostic testing, medication distribution, immunisation, maternal healthcare, and preventive services are all included in the comprehensive healthcare services offered by these centres.

These centres are built as permanent infrastructure connected to national healthcare systems such as Ayushman Bharat and digital health records, in contrast to temporary or portable healthcare facilities. Through the expansion of institutional infrastructure, the emphasis has been on enhancing healthcare coverage, service quality, and accessibility.

Landfill clearance acceleration and Waste Management

The government has increased landfill remediation efforts by appointing additional biomining agencies and increasing waste processing capacity from approximately 15,000 tonnes per day to 25,000 tonnes per day. At the Okhla landfill site, over 56 lakh metric tonnes of legacy waste have been processed, reducing landfill height significantly and reclaiming more than 30 acres of land. Fresh garbage dumping at certain landfill sites has been stopped to enable permanent remediation. Phase-II and Phase-III biomining operations have been launched, supported by dedicated funding and infrastructure expansion. The government has set a long-term target to eliminate landfill sites by 2028.

Power infrastructure modernisation and underground cabling

The BJP government under CM Gupta has initiated large-scale underground cabling projects to modernise Delhi’s electricity infrastructure and improve safety. A pilot underground cabling project has been launched in Shalimar Bagh, replacing overhead wires with underground networks. The government has allocated ₹100 crore for the phased expansion of underground cabling and approved a ₹463 crore project covering 125 colonies.

Long-term infrastructure modernisation plans worth approximately ₹17,000 crore include underground cable expansion, grid strengthening, and installation of modern monitoring systems. The objective is to improve reliability, safety, and the quality of urban infrastructure by reducing reliance on overhead power distribution. 

Direct comparison: Governance models and administrative outcomes

The governance approaches reveal fundamentally different administrative goals and governance models. The Aam Aadmi Party government’s first year was marked by subsidy-driven policies, political controversies, and institutional confrontation. While these actions provide immediate political visibility and short-term public relief, they do not address the structural challenges faced by Delhi’s people. 

In contrast, the BJP government’s first year has focused on structural governance interventions, infrastructure expansion, and institutional execution. Initiatives such as sewer connectivity expansion, accelerated landfill remediation, underground power cabling, healthcare infrastructure development, and public transport modernisation reflect a governance approach centred on long-term capacity building rather than short-term policy announcements.

While subsidies primarily redistribute financial resources, infrastructure investments create long-term public assets that improve governance efficiency, environmental sustainability, and urban functionality. Structural measures such as waste-processing infrastructure, sewage-treatment expansion, and power-network modernisation directly address the root causes of urban governance challenges.

The contrast between the two governance approaches highlights the difference between consumption-driven governance and structural governance. The AAP governance got immediate political visibility, while the BJP governance focuses on long-term administrative capability and infrastructure development.

Conclusion: Governance beyond political narrative

The completion of one year of the BJP government in Delhi has triggered political debate and competing narratives. However, governance must ultimately be assessed not through political messaging but through administrative record and structural outcomes. The first year of the Aam Aadmi Party government in 2015–16 was marked by subsidy expansion, internal instability, institutional confrontation, and limited structural reform. In contrast, the BJP government’s first year reflects a governance approach focused on infrastructure development, institutional execution, and long-term urban management.

Urban governance requires sustained structural investment in infrastructure, environmental management, and public service delivery. While political narratives may shift with time, administrative outcomes remain measurable and consequential. The long-term impact of governance is determined not by announcements or short-term relief measures, but by the strength of institutions, infrastructure, and structural reforms implemented during a government’s tenure.

As Delhi continues to face complex urban challenges, governance effectiveness will ultimately be judged by the ability to deliver lasting structural improvements rather than temporary political visibility.

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