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Muslim man who defecated inside Hindu temple in Hyderabad dubbed as ‘mentally unsound’: List of cases where similar alibi has been used to whitewash hate crime and Hinduphobia

On Saturday (10th January) night, a Muslim man identified as Altaf barged into the premises of the Katta Maisamma Temple in Telangana’s Hyderabad and defecated near the idol of the deity.

The incident sparked outrage among the Hindu community after the video of the temple desecration went viral on social media.

After the accused was apprehended and handed over to the police, the 26-year-old Muslim man was dubbed ‘mentally unsound’ by the law enforcement authorities of the Congress-ruled State.

This is not a new phenomenon. Whenever an accused belonging to the Muslim community defiles a Hindu place of worship, he is quickly branded ‘mentally unsound’ or ‘mentally unstable’ either by the police force of a minority-appeasing government or by a concerted group of intellectuals online.

In this way, the accused, by virtue of his faith, gets a clean chit and the motivated religious hatred against other communities is conveniently whitewashed.

But this begs the question – Why does a ‘mentally unsound’ Muslim man rarely desecrate a mosque or a dargah? How does he automatically know about committing blasphemous acts against idol worshippers?

A series of incidents in which mentally unstable Muslim men have desecrated Hindu idols and temples

On Friday (9th January), a 55 year-old Ahmed Sheikh was taken into custody after he attempted to offer Namaz inside the sacred Ram temple.

According to reports, he barged into the high security premises and began preparing to desecrate the holy site. He was soon apprehended and handed over to the place.

After being caught, he reportedly raised Islamic slogans inside the Ram Mandir complex. Later, his family claimed that he was ‘mentally ill’.

In March 2025, a Muslim man named Sheikh Indu vandalised the idol of Goddess Shitala and then set it on fire. The incident occurred in Baruipur city in the South 24 Parganas district of West Bengal.

Visuals of charred idols and the damaged Hindu temple could be seen in multiple posts on social media. The locals were able to apprehend the accused, Sheikh Indu, who was involved in the vandalism and arson attack.

The Baruipur police posted a tweet claiming that the accused is a ‘person of unsound mind’ with ‘mental health issues.’

Screengrab of the tweet by the Baruipur police

“Local people apprehended him and police took custody of the person. A case has been registered and investigation is on. The detained person is an outsider and has mental health issues,” it alleged.

A few days later, BJP leader Dilip Ghosh took to X (formerly Twitter) to inform about the attack on a Kali temple and the vandalism of the idol of the Hindu deity.

The incident occurred in Shankchura Bazar in Basirhat city in the North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal. The BJP leader stated that the attack on the temple took place under the leadership of local TMC politician Shahanoor Mondal.

Screengrab of the tweets by the Basirhat police district

Hours later, the West Bengal Police took to social media to claim that there was ‘no communal angle’ behind the heinous crime.

The cops went on to claim that the extremist behind the vandalism of the idol of Goddess Kali has ‘mental health issues.’

In November 2023, a Muslim man named Ara Sheikh was caught on camera, in which he can be seen entering a Hindu temple and urinating near the Shivling. The incident occurred in Kandar village in Murshidabad district of West Bengal.

The video of his shameful act left the internet fuming and sparked massive outrage, with the Hindu community demanding strict action against the perpetrator.

In September 2022, 2 Muslim women vandalised an idol of Goddess Durga using a spanner in Hyderabad’s Khairatabad area. Before this, they also attempted to destroy the idol of Mother Mary outside a church. As expected, these women were also dubbed ‘mentally unstable’.

When the two women were vandalising the idols, a Hindu man tried to stop them. These women then attacked and injured him. Later, the locals caught hold of them and handed them over to the police.

DCP (Central Zone) stated, “These two women live with their parents. They are mentally ill. They returned from Jeddah in 2018 and have been facing it ever since. They also have a brother who lives together.”

The brother of the accused women, Aseemuddin, claimed, “My mother and sisters have schizophrenia, and my brother has paranoid schizophrenia.”

Around the same time, a Muslim man identified as Rameez Ahmed broke into a Hindu temple in Ranchi and vandalised the idol of Lord Hanuman. The local Hindu community learnt about the incident only on the following morning.

Ahmed was identified only after analysing the CCTV footage. After he was arrested, the police claimed that the accused was ‘mentally unstable’. 

In April 2022, a Muslim man named Ahmed Murtaza Abbasi laid siege to the Goraknath temple in Uttar Pradesh. Armed with a sharp knife, he screamed Allah hu Akbar before attempting to barge into the temple premises.

When the police deployed at the Hindu place of worship attempted to stop him, he severely injured 2 personnel using his weapon.

It was later revealed that Abbasi had taken an oath of allegiance to the ISIS. He used to read online articles, watch videos related to weapons such as AK-47 rifle, M4 Carbine, missile technology etc with the intention to carry out terror attacks.

It had also come to light that he was involved with th terrorist organisation since 2013 and wanted to commit Jihad against Kafirs. However, Abbasi too was labelled as ‘mentally unstable’ by his family and Muslim appeasers alike.

They highlighted his academic credentials to downplay the severity of the attack on the Gorakhnath temple. However, a doctor later confirmed that the terrorist was mentally fit.

In May 2018, a Muslim man named Sonu Khan vandalised idol of Lord Hanuman and Goddess Durga placed inside a temple. The incident occured in the Shahganj region of Agra in Uttar Pradesh. It was reported how the accused carried out vandalism to instigate communal tension.

After Khan was handed over to the police, it was reported that the accused was ‘mentally challenged.’

In 2016, a Muslim man named Yasir barged into a Hindu temple in Jammu, pelted stones at the windowpanes, and attempted to damage the idol of the Hindu deity. Several media outlets downplayed the incident by labelling the accused ‘mentally disturbed’.

Conclusion

It is therefore hardly surprising that the ‘mentally unstable’ trope is being used to defend Altaf, the Muslim perpetrator who defecated inside the premises of the Hindu temple.

And often, no evidence is required to support such claims with the extensive media coverage in favour of the accused. The media, police and government alike are ready to peddle excuses for Jihadis and their dreams of world dominion.

It is a rather convenient excuse to say that the Jihadi was mentally unstable, as if he was turned into a radical Jihadi without his explicit consent. The aim of peddling such nonsense is often rather simple, so simple in fact, that it almost escapes our attention.

The moment you say that a man was mentally unstable, the immediate assumption of the public is that he was lured and deceived into becoming a Jihadi – that he is actually not a dangerous man, but a misguided one.

The Telangana government wants us to dismiss the Hyderabad temple desecration case as just another mentally unstable, educated boy indulging in some ill-advised conduct, but the truth is far from it.

Altaf seems to be our very own Jihadi John, just like the several hundred we document daily.

Australia places India in ‘highest risk’ category for student visa applications days after fake degree scam busted in Kerala. Here’s what happened

Days after a massive fake degree scam was unearthed in Kerala, Australia has moved India into the “highest risk” category for student visa applications. India joins the list with Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal. The new categorisation came into effect on 8th January 2026. Under the Simplified Student Visa Framework (SSVF), India and the other three South Asian nations have been shifted from Evidence Level 2 to Evidence Level 3.

This out-of-cycle re-rating came amidst what the Australian authorities call “emerging integrity risks”.

“This change will assist with the effective management of emerging integrity issues, while continuing to facilitate genuine students seeking a quality education in Australia. The Australian government wants all students to have a positive study experience during their stay in Australia and receive a high-quality education. It is important that Australia’s international education system and Student Visa Program has the right settings to provide international students with confidence they are investing in the best possible education,” the Australian administration said.

Following the re-rating, Indian nationals applying for Australian student visas will be subject to greater scrutiny. The Australian authorities may ask for more documents, seek English language evidence, and conduct rigorous background checks. In addition, bank statements would be verified manually. The relevant officials will have the authority to call institutions and referees.

Notably, India accounts for about 1,40,000 of the 6,50,000 student visas Australia issues annually.

Fake degree racket busted by Kerala Police

The Australian government’s decision came days after a fake university certificate racket was busted by Kerala Police in India. This racket was operated by a repeat offender named Dhaneesh, also known as Dany. He was previously jailed in a similar case in 2013. After completing his jail term, Dany rebuilt and expanded the fake degree scam. He established a clandestine printing operation in Tamil Nadu’s Pollachi town and hired skilled workers from Sivakasi who produced degree certificates bearing forged signatures, holograms and university seals.

These certificates, printed in Tamil Nadu, were routed via Bengaluru and even moved to Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Goa, Delhi, and West Bengal, where agents distributed them to the beneficiary parties in exchange for money.

As the scam was uncovered, the authorities seized around 1 lakh fake degree certificates linked to 22 universities outside Kerala. In addition, the police also confiscated computers, printers and counterfeit seals used by the scamsters. Reports say that the printing centre in Sivakasi has led to a fraud certificate network worth about Rs 750 crores.

The police said that the scamsters made crores of rupees by selling the fake degree certificates for Rs 75,000 and Rs 1.5 lakh each.

Image via Mathrubhumi

The main accused, Dhaneesh, was investing the proceeds of crime in luxury properties in n Malappuram and Pune, five-star bars, as well as businesses in the Middle East. 

Dhaneesh alias Dany was arrested by the police in Kerala’s Kozhikode, while allegedly fleeing the country along with his family. The Kerala Police has launched an investigation into whether any officials from the 22 universities provided the accused scamsters with certificate templates, etc. The authorities are also trying to trace individuals who may have secured jobs using the fake degree certificates sold to them by Dhaneesh’s syndicate.

Other than Dhaneesh, the Kerala Police have arrested three other accused scamsters, Jainulabdeen, Venkatesh, and Arvind Kumar from Tamil Nadu’s Sivakasi. Later, Jahangir, who had supplied the papers for the certificate, and Paramashivam, who had made the hologram, were also arrested.

Political storm in Australia after fake degree racket busted in India

Following the exposure of a fake degree racket in India, a political storm erupted in Australia, with Senator Malcolm Roberts linking this racket to the Australian government’s systemic failures in preventing fake degree holders from entering the country and securing jobs. Taking to X on 6th January, Roberts shared a video of him raising the matter in the Australian parliament.

“Police in India have allegedly seized 100,000 forged certificates from 22 universities, with 1 million plus likely used for jobs abroad. I warned about this in August (and asked questions during October Estimates), 23,000 foreign students in Australia were found with ‘purchased’ degrees, many in aged care and early childhood,” Roberts wrote on X.

“I asked Minister Watt if he’d deport those who committed this fraud. All I got was waffling and gaslighting. The Albanese Government is refusing to act, even though these are clear visa breaches,” he added.

PM Modi to flag off the first Vande Bharat sleeper express from Guwahati, Assam: Read about New India’s major Railways upgrade, set to roll soon

On 17th January (Saturday), Prime Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to launch the nation’s first Vande Bharat sleeper train from Malda in poll-bound West Bengal. The regular passenger services are going to start between Howrah and Guwahati (Kamakhya) from the next day. Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw recently announced that the trains will offer a new overnight travel option between Howrah in West Bengal and Guwahati in Assam.

With the development, Indian Railways is poised to transform overnight travel in India. The new trains promise to improve the experience of nighttime travel since they are designed for high speed, modern comfort and greater security.

Image via The Times of India

An official statement conveyed, “The Vande Bharat Sleeper train is a shining example of the Make in India initiative, as its three most critical systems – the bogie, propulsion system and vehicle control system – have been entirely designed and developed within the country, making it a fully indigenous train set.”

The first Vande Bharat Sleeper train will stop at Bandel, Katwa, New Farakka, Malda Town, New Jalpaiguri, New Coochbehar, New Bongaigaon and Azimganj on its way from Howrah to Guwahati (Kamakhya).

A “Make in India” marvel to enhance connectivity and comfort

Bharat Earth Movers Limited utilised ICF (Integral Coach Factory, Chennai) technology to develop the trains which have a maximum design speed of 180 kilometres per hour (kmph), the number it touched during the last high-speed test, but will only operate at 130 kmph for safety reasons. The speed fluctuates due to a number of circumstances, such as the track’s geometry, stops along the way, section maintenance, etc.

The 16-coach self-propelled train has a first-class air-conditioned (AC) coach, four two-tier AC coaches and eleven three-tier AC coaches. 611 of the 823 berths are set aside for 3AC, 188 for 2AC and 24 for 1AC. The train is equipped with the latest innovations, including automated doors with vestibules, ergonomic sleepers, improved suspension for more comfortable trips and noise-cancelling technology.

Image via News18

The Kavach automatic train protection system and an emergency talk-back system are also present to guarantee passenger safety. The aerodynamic appearance and automated external doors significantly improve passenger comfort. The Vande Bharat sleeper train has similarly placed a high priority on sanitation standards. Vaishnaw outlined, “The disinfectant technology will kill 99.9 per cent of germs. The same technology is being used on the Vande Bharat chair-car version.”

The train even has better cushions and redesigned ladders along with modular bio vacuum toilets akin to those in aeroplanes, as well as a shower cubicle area for the passengers. There are driver cabins at both ends for shorter turnaround times between trips.

A concerted effort has also been made to ensure that the journey is just as enjoyable for the people, particularly for those who take pleasure in food. According to the Ministry of Railways, people will be able to savour regional cuisine as Assamese meals will be provided on trains from Guwahati, while Bengali food will be on trains that commence their respective journeys in Kolkata.

Image via News18

The fresh service is anticipated to assist a broad range of travellers and will cover nine districts, Howrah, Hooghly, Purba Bardhaman, Murshidabad, Malda, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar in West Bengal, while Kamrup Metropolitan and Bongaigaon in Assam, leading to better rail connectivity between eastern and Northeast parts of the country. These will be overnight travel that starts late at night and ends early in the morning.

No RAC, only passengers with confirmed tickets

These trains do not have Reservation Against Cancellation (RAC). RAC tickets are frequently granted in the event of non-confirmation, although waitlisted tickets are not accepted and are promptly cancelled in AC class on other express trains. A side lower berth could be shared by two persons under RAC. Every seat will be available starting on the first day of the advance reservation window.

Tickets for the Vande Bharat sleeper train would cost a little more than those for current luxury trains like the Rajdhani Express, and travellers will have to pay a minimum rate equal to that of a 400-kilometre trip. A Railway Board circular informed, “Minimum chargeable distance shall be 400 kilometres. Only confirmed tickets shall be issued for this train. Accordingly, there shall be no provision for RAC, waitlisted, or partially confirmed tickets. All available berths will be available from the day of the Advance Reservation Period (ARP).”

image via News18

All tickets must be purchased digitally, and refunds will be processed within 24 hours. Other guidelines include the requirement for only fully reimbursable passes to obtain purchase tickets. Tickets acquired through concessions or free gratis passes that are not compensated will not be accepted. Furthermore, a lower berth would be assigned based on availability for a kid who does not need a separate berth, at standard child fare.

The effect on the wallets of passengers

The pricing has been designed with the financial capacity of the middle class in consideration. Passengers will pay Rs 2.4 per kilometre for 3AC, Rs 3.1 per kilometre for 2AC, and Rs 3.8 per kilometre for first AC. Therefore, the minimum fare for a 400-kilometre Vande Bharat sleeper train is Rs 960 for 3AC, Rs 1,240 for 2AC, and Rs 1,520 for 1AC. These charges include meals, but Goods and Services Tax (GST) will be assessed independently.

The ticket is priced at Rs 2,400 for 3AC, Rs 3,100 for 2AC and Rs 3,800 for 1AC for the 1,000-kilometre journey between Howrah and Guwahati. The costs are Rs 4,800 for 3AC, Rs 6,200 for 2AC, and Rs 7,600 for 3AC over a 2,000-kilometre distance. The rates are increased to Rs 6,720 for 3AC, Rs 8,680 for 2AC and Rs 10,640 for 1AC for travel up to 2,800 kilometres.

People have to shell out Rs 8,400 for 3AC, Rs 10,850 for 2AC and Rs 13,300 for 1AC for a maximum route of 3,500 kilometres. Officials mentioned that fares change gradually on the basis of the distance covered. The Howrah-Guwahati (Kamakhya Junction) route in Saraighat Express has the highest fares of Rs 1,410 for 3AC, Rs 1,985 for 2AC and Rs 3,320 for 1AC.

Image via The Times of India

The train will take nearly 14 hours to travel 1,000 kilometres and will run six days a week, with trains 27575 and 27576 not running on Thursdays and Wednesdays, respectively.

Vande Bharat sleeper, like other trains, will have quotas for women, persons with disabilities (PwD), and senior citizens, in addition to the Duty Pass quota for employees. These trains won’t have any more quotas. According to reports, the reservation system will guarantee that lower berths are assigned to male passengers at 60 years of age and older, alongside female passengers who are 45 years of age and above.

What the future has in store

Indian Railways intends to swiftly grow this service in the future. Vaishnaw highlighted that eight more Vande Bharat sleeper trains would be introduced over the course of the next six months. It will take the total to twelve by the end of the year and greatly strengthen the long-distance rail connection.

He noted, “By this year, 12 trains will be ready. From next year onwards, production will ramp up rapidly as the entire supply chain will be in place by then.” The semi-high speed Vande Bharat sleeper trains are set to establish the standard for lavish, cosy and secure travel. Notably, the fusion of modern comfort with connectivity, expressed through indigenous means, adds even greater importance to it.

Image via The Times of India

The Modi government has proactively worked to bring far-flung and previously neglected regions closer to one another, linking them to the rest of the country through infrastructure and a vast rail network that expands all four corners of India. The Vande Bharat Express has been instrumental in fulfilling this goal and the latest addition represents another crucial extension in the realisation of these efforts.

Ajit Doval’s ‘revenge through nation building’ triggers outrage from usual Left-liberals who misread history, memory and intent

On 10th January, National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval addressed young Indians at the Viksit Bharat Young Leaders Dialogue. His speech was rooted in civilisational decline, historical memory and national rebuilding. However, it was quickly stripped of context and projected as a communal provocation by a section of political leaders and self styled liberal commentators.

At the centre of the manufactured outrage was Doval’s use of the word “revenge”. He qualified and contextualised the term himself during the speech. What followed was not a reasoned disagreement but a predictable escalation. History itself was put on trial, and any discussion of India’s past humiliation was branded as hatred.

The likes of former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir Mehbooba Mufti, The Wire’s propagandist masquerading as journalist Arfa Khanum Sherwani, Tavleen Singh and Suhasini Haider did not take much time to frame the speech as “insecure”, “Islamophobic” and “dangerous”.

Yet none of these reactions engaged with what Doval actually said during his speech. They relied on insinuation, assumption and a deliberate narrowing of a civilisational argument into a communal box.

What the NSA actually spoke about

During his address, Doval did not say anything that could be marked as impulsive or rhetorical. It was a structured reflection on how India’s freedom came at the cost of centuries of humiliation, executions, destroyed villages, looted cultural sites and economic collapse. Doval spoke of how generations lived without agency, forced to watch their civilisation weaken without the capacity to respond.

Importantly, he emphasised not grievance but responsibility. He asked the young generation to understand history not as a source of perpetual sorrow but as a reservoir of strength. The word “revenge” that he used, and which the so called critics seized upon, was immediately explained by him as rebuilding India into a strong, self confident nation rooted in its own values, institutions and capabilities.

Doval did not call for violence. There was no naming of a religious community. There was no incitement. The speech remained focused on historical lessons and national capacity.

Colonialism and decline, not a Muslim exclusive narrative

One of the most misleading claims made while criticising him was that he targeted Muslims or framed history through a Muslim invader lens. This assertion collapses when the speech’s content is examined.

Doval clearly spoke about foreign rule, civilisational decline and colonial exploitation. His speech included references to economic devastation, and he cited academic work that documents how India and China together once accounted for over half of the world economy before centuries of decline. He did not attribute the decline to a single community but to repeated external domination and internal vulnerability.

To reduce such a wide historical argument to a Muslim exclusive narrative is not analysis. It is projection. Those who criticised him inserted a communal reading where none existed.

Civilisational memory is not hatred

A deeper discomfort is hidden in plain sight behind the outrage. The idea that India should remember history without judgement, without naming loss and without acknowledging trauma is what the “critics” want. This demand is neither realistic nor intellectually honest.

The memories of civilisations are built on records, archaeology, economic data and historical documentation. Remembering destroyed villages, looted temples or cultural erosion is not an act of hatred. It is an acknowledgement of facts. No civilisation erases its past to appear polite in the present.

Countries across the world openly discuss slavery, genocide, colonial exploitation and war crimes. No one accuses them of hatred against contemporary communities. However, in India, the so called intellectual setup is such that the act of remembering history invites accusations of bigotry.

The misuse of islamophobia as a shutdown tool

Another troubling pattern in the backlash was the casual expansion of the islamophobia label. Any uncomfortable discussion of historical facts was quickly reframed as violence normalisation or dog whistles. This approach is adopted not to protect minorities but to undermine serious discourse.

In literal terms, Islamophobia should be used when Muslims are targeted, discriminated against or harmed for their faith. In this case, or in similar cases where atrocities of the past are discussed, Muslims in the present are not harmed at all. Merely remembering the humiliation, cultural decline, genocides and looting India faced does not make it fall under the category of “Islamophobia”, even if Muslims were among those who carried out the atrocities.

The revealing contradiction in the outrage

There is also a contradiction that remains largely unaddressed. Many Indian Islamists consistently claim that Muslim rule in India was peaceful, tolerant and benevolent. However, the same voices erupt in outrage when even a general mention of historical atrocities is made.

If history was uniformly peaceful, why does discussion provoke such hostility? The discomfort suggests an anxiety about narratives that are no longer fully controlled.

Acknowledging that periods of rule involved violence, destruction and decline does not delegitimise any modern community. It only recognises that power, across history and geography, has rarely been benign.

Reading Doval in strategic continuity

Doval’s address cannot be read as a standalone moment. It fits into a larger shift in how India now views itself and its place in the world. The present leadership functions through an interconnected strategic outlook rather than isolated voices.

The Prime Minister defines the framework, placing India’s interests first, asserting independence in decision making, and ending the habit of seeking external approval. The External Affairs Minister translates this approach into action overseas by pushing back against unsolicited mediation, moral lectures and double standards.

Doval reflects the same mindset domestically, asking Indians to move beyond viewing history as a catalogue of grievances and instead treat it as a source of strength for rebuilding national capacity. This posture is not hostility. It is self assurance. Those who label it insecurity often find it difficult to accept an India that no longer feels the need to explain or apologise for itself.

Memory versus grievance

The self styled critics of India’s current leadership often collapse memory into grievance. For them, remembering historical loss automatically implies resentment and hostility. This confusion lies at the heart of the panic over Doval’s remarks.

In his speech, Doval did not argue for eternal victimhood. He argued for learning from failure, recognising vulnerability and ensuring it is never repeated. There is a significant difference. Nations that forget their past do not become enlightened. They become careless.

Power built quietly, not theatrically

India’s growing stature today is not the result of loud slogans but structural decisions. Foreign policy credibility, economic resilience and strategic autonomy were built by refusing to apologise for existence.

The next challenge, as Doval implicitly underlined, lies at home. Capacity building in manufacturing, judicial efficiency, urban infrastructure, education and governance. This is where power compounds. This is the revenge Doval spoke of, slow, institutional and irreversible.

Conclusion

Ajit Doval’s speech was not a call to hatred. It was a call to responsibility. The outrage surrounding it reveals less about the speech and more about the discomfort of those who fear a nation that remembers, reflects and rebuilds without seeking validation.

Nation building is not revenge against people. It is revenge against decline.

Iran used Russian tech and Chinese research to jam Starlink? Inside Tehran’s playbook to enforce an internet blackout as Starlink’s packet loss surges to 80 per cent

Iran is witnessing massive street protests against the Mullah regime and a violent crackdown on the protestors. The Khamenei regime has imposed a complete blackout in the country, restricting anti-government protestors from accessing the internet. SpaceX activated its satellite internet, Starlink, in Iran to help protesters bypass the internet ban. However, now even Starlink is being shut down, reportedly using Russian technology and Chinese research.

Iran government shut down the internet in hopes of crushing the protests but Starlink stunned the Mullah regime

The internet and social media have been crucial in communication and coordination among anti-government protestors in Iran. Taking note of the impact, the Mullah regime imposed a nationwide blackout on 8th January. The blackout started at around 6:45 pm UTC (10:15 pm local time) on Thursday, and Cloudflare Radar reported internet traffic in Iran had slumped to “effectively zero.

Before the imposition of a total blackout, a significant drop in IPv6 traffic was recorded, suggesting that the Iranian government was selectively shutting down the internet as protests intensified.

Iran’s internet shutdown is said to be highly sophisticated, selectively allowing specific government communications while cutting off most external access. Reports say that even VPNs and proxy services, which the Iranian people have historically used to bypass internet blackouts, are largely ineffective this time.

Popular government-monitored platforms like Rubika and Eita have also been shut down. Banking systems, ride-hailing apps, including Snapp and Tapsi, online shopping platforms, as well as international phone calls have been restricted in Iran. While this move was supposed to quell protests, locals say that boredom and frustration have only motivated more and more people to hit the streets against the Khamenei-led regime.

However, as Elon Musk’s SpaceX enabled Starlink in Iran for free on 9th January, protestors with smuggled Starlink terminals bypassed government-imposed restrictions and gained access to an uncensored internet. It must be recalled that Starlink has been a major workaround in the 2022 Mahsa Amini and the 2019 anti-government demonstrations in Iran. Tens of thousands of Starlink terminals were smuggled into Iran, as there is a ban on owning the device or using SpaceX’s satellite internet.

It is estimated that there are around 40,000 to 50,000 Starlink subscribers in Iran.

Iran government achieves startling success in jamming Starlink signals

Amidst a violent crackdown on anti-government protestors, the Iranian authorities are reported to have successfully jammed Starlink signals in many areas, causing massive disruptions. Experts have found that the Iranian regime is using military-grade jammers to cause packet loss on Starlink’s uplink and downlink traffic, rising from 30% to 80% by 9th January.

The disruption caused by Iranian authorities includes interference with GPS signals, on which Starlink relies for terminal-satellite connections. This resulted in patchy or near-total internet outages in protest hotspots across Iran.

Internet researcher and Director of Internet Security and Digital Rights at the Miaan Group, Amir Rashidi, said that he has never come across, during his 20 years of research, the military-grade jammers the Iranian regime is using to block Starlink. Rashidi said that such a sophisticated technology was either provided to Iran by Russia or China, if it was not developed domestically.

“I have been monitoring and researching access to the internet for the past 20 years, and I have never seen such a thing in my life,” Rashidi said.

It is essential to note that blocking Starlink is not an impossible feat. Previously, Russia has been able to jam Starlink internet in Ukraine. However, Iran pulling this off at such a massive scale is quite surprising, ending the myth of ‘LEO’ or Low Earth Orbit satellite constellations being nearly impossible to jam.

While there is no official confirmation from Russia’s, Iran’s or China’s end, reports suggest that Iran’s ‘Kill Switch’ tactic has resulted from a combo of Russian hardware, Chinese tech manual and Iran’s testing ground.

However, this ‘Kill Switch’ approach adopted by the Iranian regime, the experts estimate, is draining the country’s fragile economy of $1.56 million for every hour of internet shutdown.

Notably, the jamming technology is sophisticated and unprecedented and reportedly involves Electronic Warfare (EW) systems delivered by Russia, particularly, the Murmansk-BN and/or Krasukha-4 systems. Russia has been developing EWs for decades, and has deployed three major EW systems: Krasukha-4 for radar jamming, Leer-3 for disrupting cellular networks and Murmansk-BN for strategic electronic disruption. Russia has used these systems in its ongoing war against Ukraine and has managed to disrupt Starlink in Ukraine, though not permanently. Russia’s success in causing Starlink internet jamming prompted SpaceX to deploy software updates to mitigate it.

Besides Russia, China, which can launch an offensive in Taiwan anytime, has also researched Starlink countermeasures through synchronised jamming from multiple ground stations. In November 2025, Chinese researchers reportedly simulated jamming Starlink internet in case of a potential conflict in Taiwan.

In their research titled: Simulation research of distributed jammers against mega-constellation downlink communication transmissions, Chinese researchers found that it would take about 1,000 to 2,000 airborne devices to effectively jam the Starlink internet system.

“The orbital planes of Starlink are not fixed, and the movement trajectories of the constellation are highly complex, with the number of satellites entering the visible area constantly changing. This spatiotemporal uncertainty poses a significant challenge for any third party attempting to monitor or counter the Starlink constellation,” the study reads.

 “A grid-based deployment approach for jammers is adopted to enhance the spatial distribution flexibility of the adversarial side, along with a jamming probability calculation method and a jamming effectiveness evaluation metric. Based on actual satellite operation data, taking the Starlink system as an example, the jamming coverage range is calculated under different conditions of radio frequency power, grid spacing, and antenna radiation patterns. Simulation results show that when the node transmission power is 26 dBW, the average jamming coverage per node can reach 38.5 km², providing support for the regulation and management of mega-constellations,” states the study by Zheijang University and Beijing Institute of Technology researchers Gu Hanqing, Yang Zhuo, Zhang Peng, and Wen Xiaowen.

Being heavily-sanctioned and constantly at loggerheads with the US and Israel, in addition to mounting domestic discontent, the Mullah regime in Iran has for years been upgrading its internet control capabilities. The Iranian government intends to develop a national intranet akin to China’s Great Firewall. While Starlink was used by many Iranian people during last year’s Israel-Iran conflict amidst internet shutdown, this is the first time that Iranian authorities have effectively targeted the satellite internet service on this scale in the country.

Needless to say, SpaceX will come up with countermeasures, including frequency hopping or beam adjustments, among others, to counter the interference by Iranian authorities.  

Economic crisis, hyperinflation and oppressive Islamist Mullah regime: Iran’s protests triggered by economic downslide

What began as a localised strike by shopkeepers and bazaar traders in Tehran on 28th December 2025 soon snowballed into protests spreading across almost all of the 31 provinces in Iran. Slogans like “Death to Dictator,” referring to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, are being raised on the streets of Iran even as the Islamic Revolutionary Guards continue to hunt down agitators. Calls for the return of Iran’s exiled Shah Reza Pahlevi are also being made. So far, over 500 people, including children, have been killed. Meanwhile, around 48 security personnel have also lost their lives.

According to the US-based Human Rights Activists News (HRANA), more than 10,600 people have been arrested by the Mullah regime.

The ongoing protests in Iran are primarily triggered by a serious economic crisis, although regime change voices are also significantly loud. The immediate trigger is the dramatic collapse of the Iranian Rial (Iran’s currency), which plunged to a historic low of around 1.42–1.45 million to the US dollar. The Rial lost nearly half of its value in 2025 alone.

It is notable that Rial was never in a very strong position against the US dollar, as when Mohammad Reza Farzin took charge as the Central Bank’s chief, the exchange rate of Rial was 430,000 to the USD. However, the sudden drop to 1.42 million showed the quagmire the Iranian currency has descended into.

This record depreciation of the Iranian currency is fuelled by prolonged international sanctions, slashed oil revenues after the June 2025 clash with Israel, and domestic economic mismanagement. The depreciation of the Iranian currency’s exchange rate is reported to have been significantly triggered by the government’s liberalisation policies.

Resultantly, Iran is grappling with hyperinflation, with official rates surging 42.2% in December 2025 and food prices reaching an alarming high of 72% year-on-year, while medical goods rose by 50%.

With growing reliance on imports, failure to access frozen funds abroad and foreign exchange, Iran’s economy is in deep trouble. The country’s GDP growth dropped from 5.7% in 2023 3.7% in 2024 and to a projected 0.6% in 2026, as per the IMF.

Due to eroding purchasing power, millions of people are struggling to afford basic goods, food, and healthcare. Besides the unbearable living costs, what has further exacerbated the situation is the impending tax hikes in the new Iranian year. The Iranian taxpayers fear that their condition is going to worsen further after tax levies are raised.

Chaos in Iran: US-backed protests and Shah’s shadow may reshape Afghanistan and hand Pakistan leverage at India’s cost

Iran is witnessing one of its most intense waves of unrest in nearly three years, with protests spreading rapidly across cities and provinces. Videos circulating on social media show massive crowds chanting anti-regime slogans, clashing with security forces, and targeting symbols of state authority. One widely shared clip shows one of Iran’s largest mosques engulfed in flames, becoming a powerful symbol of public anger.

With the internet down and phone lines cut off, gauging the demonstrations from abroad has grown more difficult. According to a report by CNN, US-based Human Rights Activists News Agecy claimed that the death toll in the protests has grown to at least 72 people killed and over 2,300 others detained. Iranian state TV is reporting on security force casualties while portraying control over the nation.

The protests reportedly began on 3rd January, triggered by rising prices, unemployment, and economic hardship. However, the anger quickly moved beyond economic issues. Protesters are openly calling for an end to Iran’s clerical system that has ruled the country since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Slogans demanding regime change have been heard across Tehran, Mashhad, Isfahan, Shiraz, and smaller towns as well.

The exiled son of Iran’s last shah, Reza Pahlavi, who has emerged as a prominent voice in the fragmented opposition, made his strongest call yet for the protests to broaden into a revolt to topple the clerical rulers. “Our goal is no longer just to take to the streets. The goal is to prepare to seize and hold city centres,” he said in a video message on social media.

Iranian rights activist Masih Alinejad shared the mosque video on X, calling the unrest “47 years of rage.” According to her, religious institutions have long been used as tools of repression, not faith. The message resonated widely among protesters who see the regime as disconnected from everyday life.

According to the Institute for the Study of War, at least 116 protests across 22 provinces have been recorded since 8th January. In response, the Iranian government has imposed a near-total internet shutdown to stop coordination and prevent images from reaching the outside world.

Iranian security forces dig in

As protests intensified, Iran’s Army and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) moved quickly to assert control. In statements broadcast on state television, both institutions declared security a “red line” and warned that continued unrest would not be tolerated.

The IRGC claimed that “terrorist groups” backed by foreign powers were attacking military and police installations. It said several security personnel and civilians had been killed, and public property had been damaged over the last two nights. The Army echoed this message, pledging to protect strategic infrastructure and accusing enemies such as Israel and unnamed hostile groups of exploiting unrest.

Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has urged Trump to “focus on his own country” and blamed the US for inciting the protests. According to him, the aim was not reform but destabilisation and regime change.

Why Tehran says the protests are US-backed

Iran’s Supreme Leader has made it clear that it sees the unrest as part of a larger Western plan. This view gained traction after strong statements from Washington.

US President Donald Trump openly warned Iranian authorities against using force on protesters. “Iran’s in big trouble,” Trump said on Saturday, 9th January, claiming people were taking over cities “nobody thought possible.” His warning was blunt: “You better not start shooting, because we’ll start shooting too.”

Soon after, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio declared American support for Iranian protesters, saying, “The United States supports the brave people of Iran.” For Tehran, this removed any doubt that Washington was backing the unrest.

From Iran’s perspective, this fits a familiar pattern. The US has long sought regime change in Tehran and has never hidden its preference for a pro-Western government, similar to the Shah’s rule before 1979. Iranian leaders argue that social media amplification, sanctions pressure, and diplomatic threats are all part of a coordinated strategy to weaken the regime from within.

Trump’s bigger goal: Regime change in Iran

Trump’s statements suggest that the unrest is not just a humanitarian concern for Washington but an opportunity. The US has never accepted Iran’s current political system and sees the protests as a chance to reset the country’s leadership.

The memory of the Shah looms large here. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi ruled Iran as a Western-backed monarch until he was overthrown in the 1979 revolution. His regime was closely aligned with US interests, particularly in oil, security, and regional politics. Trump has repeatedly hinted that a return to such alignment would be beneficial for the US.

This is why Iranian leaders believe the protests are not spontaneous but encouraged and sustained by external forces. Whether or not this is fully true, the perception itself is shaping Iran’s response.

Why a US-aligned Iran is bad news for India

If Iran tilts back towards Washington, India stands to lose far more than it gains. The most immediate damage would be felt in Afghanistan, where India’s strategic space has already shrunk since the Taliban takeover in 2021.

Chabahar, India’s gateway at risk: Iran maintains control over the strategic Chabahar Port, and it is the only overland trade route for India to reach Afghanistan directly in the west without relying on Pakistan. India has also spent billions of dollars in Chabahar over the years to extend their assistance and reach Afghanistan and Central Asia.

A US-aligned Tehran could restrict India’s use of Chabahar under American pressure. This would choke India’s ability to send supplies to Afghanistan, forcing New Delhi to rely on costly airlifts or, worse, Pakistan-controlled routes.

Iran-Pakistan coordination against Indian interests: Iran and Pakistan share a common 900-kilometre border. If Iran tilts towards Washington and Islamabad, a possible Iran-Pak border cooperation mechanism could hinder Afghan resupply routes to anti-Taliban forces, such as the National Resistance Front, supported by the Indians.

Pakistan has long sought to eliminate India’s influence in Afghanistan. With Iran’s cooperation, Islamabad could isolate northern Afghan regions where India once had strong ties.

Trade corridors hijacked: The Chabahar route connecting India’s International North-South Transport Corridor through Iran to Central Asia and Russia may also be upstaged. A US-tilted Iran might divert the trade through Pakistan’s Gwadar port and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor at the expense of India, increasing costs for Indian projects in the region.

Afghanistan: India’s biggest strategic vulnerability

Afghanistan has always been India’s bridge to Central Asia and a counterweight to Pakistan’s regional ambitions. After the Taliban returned to power in 2021, India lost its physical presence and much of its influence overnight.

A hostile alignment involving the US, Pakistan, and a compliant Iran would further squeeze India out of Afghanistan. This would not only limit India’s diplomatic reach but also reduce its ability to shape regional security outcomes.

Shah was a Western-backed ruler with a pro-Pakistan stance

There is a growing narrative that portrays the Shah of Iran as a heroic, stable ruler who kept Iran prosperous. For India, this is a dangerous myth.

The Shah was firmly aligned with the West and Pakistan. During the 1965 and 1971 wars, Iran openly backed Pakistan. It supplied arms, oil, aircraft, and ammunition, even acting as an intermediary to source weapons when Pakistan faced shortages.

In the 1971 war, Iran provided Pakistan with 12 helicopters and military equipment like artillery, ammunition and spare parts. Iran also provided Pakistan with oil during the war at cheaper rates, according to a Foreign Relations Of The United States document.

Since the 1971 Indo-Pakistani War, there have been reports that Iran may again act as an arms purchasing agent for Islamabad if Pakistan cannot obtain Western military equipment and spare parts, according to the document.

It has to be remembered that both wars were thrust upon India by Pakistan’s actions.

The Shah once warned that Iran would not allow Pakistan to be weakened and compared Iran and Pakistan to “one soul in two bodies.” India, despite its civilisational ties with Iran, found itself on the opposite side of Tehran’s strategic calculations.

“Iran has no aggressive intentions, but it will not accept any attempt to liquidate Pakistan. The Power and India must be fully aware of our resolution…. We do not want a new Vietnam on the frontier of Iran,” the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, said during Pakistan’s war with India.

This history shows that a Western-backed Iran does not automatically align with Indian interests.

Next possible scenarios

One scenario is that the protests are crushed. While this would stabilise Iran internally, it would increase tensions with the US and could lead to more sanctions. India would be forced to balance relations carefully, especially on energy imports.

A second scenario is regime change or a weakened clerical system that leans towards Washington. This would likely strengthen Pakistan’s hand in Afghanistan and reduce India’s access to Iran and Central Asia.

A third scenario is prolonged instability. This would disrupt oil markets, affect global prices, and hurt India’s energy security while creating regional uncertainty.

Conclusion: US wins are not automatically India’s wins 

The unrest in Iran highlights a hard truth for India: American strategic victories in the region do not always benefit New Delhi. While Washington speaks of democracy and freedom, democracy is invoked selectively, used as a weapon against adversaries. It continues to pressure India over Russian oil purchases and threatens sanctions. 

Trump’s administration has slapped a 25% tariff on Indian imports for purchasing Russian oil, in addition to the 25% general import tariff already in place, effectively doubling duties to 50% in August. The move has strained US-India trade relations and put ongoing negotiations for a free trade agreement on hold.

At the same time, the US has a long history of siding with Pakistan when it suits its interests. A US-backed political shift in Iran could once again reshape the region in ways that marginalise India.

For New Delhi, the lesson is clear. Strategic autonomy matters. India must prepare for multiple outcomes in Iran and Afghanistan, without assuming that Western intervention will align with Indian interests.

From Yakub Memon to Umar Khalid: When ‘justice’ fails to fit the religious narrative of the Leftist-Islamist nexus

‘धर्मेण राज्यं धार्यते’ means that the state/government is governed by Dharma. This philosophy recurs frequently in the Mahabharata, especially in the Shanti Parva and Anushasana Parva. The concept of Rajdharma mentioned in the Manusmriti also bears a similar essence. The principles laid down by Kautilya regarding the governance of the state and justice follow the same philosophy.

In the Shanti Parva, Bhishma Pitamah tells Yudhishthira that a king’s first duty is justice, and that the foundation of justice is Dharma, not public sentiment. Indian tradition has always held that a state is governed by Dharma, not sentiment. Dharma incorporates justice, rules, and decorum.

Even in modern times, the same philosophy underpins the judicial system. The greatest strength of the Indian judicial system is that it is neither driven by individuals nor guided by mobs. However, an organised ideological gang has consistently attempted to get the judiciary bogged down by a mobocracy where empathy replaces law, religious identity replaces evidence, and narrative becomes decisive in delivering justice.

Whenever an Islamic terrorist, leftist thinker, or so-called ‘minority icon’ doesn’t receive the verdict they want, the Islamo-left alliance resorts to pressure tactics to bend the judicial system. Clamours of ‘danger to the Constitution,’ ‘death of Human rights,’ and ‘the judiciary succumbing to fascism,’ grow louder and noisier.

The pattern that has been repeated over the past few years, from Yakub Memon to Umar Khalid. From the mainstream media to left-liberal thinkers and appeasing politicians, everyone unanimously puts the judiciary in the dock. The question is no longer what the law says, but what the ‘sentiment of a religious mob’ wants.

Umar Khalid-Sharjeel Imam: Religious identity is everything

Both Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam are facing serious charges of divisive speeches, inciting violence, and engaging in anti-national conspiracies. The courts are examining the evidence and following due process. But this is unacceptable to the left-liberal cabal. For them, bail is not a legal remedy, but an ideological right. When bail is denied, the court is termed as ‘insensitive.’

The entire discussion overlooks the fundamental truth that emotions do not govern the law. The question of bail is determined by the gravity of the charges, the evidence, the role of the accused, and the status of the investigation. Yet, every time courts deliver judgments in accordance with the law in such cases, a concerted narrative of justice being ‘insensitive’ begins to emerge.

However, the riot conspirators did not show the so-called ‘sensitivity’ towards the victims of the anti-Hindu riots in Delhi in 2020. The media that is showering pity on the riot accused who were denied bail did not appear as aggressive for the victims of violence, arson, and murder then.

Will the definition of sensitivity be decided based on religious identity?

Uproar over Kuldeep Sengar’s bail

Interestingly, the same Islamo-left gang that created an uproar when Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam were denied legal relief was wailing when the Delhi High Court granted bail to Kuldeep Sengar. In this case, too, the problem wasn’t the legal conditions of bail, but the fact that the court did not deliver a decision that suited the mob’s demands. The message was clear: either decide according to their standard of ‘morality’ or be ready to be labelled as ‘insensitive.’

This double standard is no coincidence. On the one hand, if the accused belongs to a certain ideology or religious identity, bail becomes a ‘human right.’ On the other hand, if the accused falls outside that identity, the bail is declared a ‘travesty of justice.’ In reality, this is not justice, but identity-based morality. Justice (the legal remedy of bail) is portrayed as questionable because of the accused’s identity (Hindu).

Yakub Memon: Religious identity, not terror charges, is important

The night of July 30, 2015, is etched in the history of Indian judicial history. Yakub Memon, the terrorist convicted in the Mumbai bombings, underwent a proper legal trial. Years of hearings, appeals, and reconsiderations—everything was done in accordance with the law. Yet, the rush to open the Supreme Court in the wee hours that day appeared like some judicial emergency had come up. Who showed up? The same Islamo-left gang—the same lawyers, the same activists, the same TV faces. The sentiments were the same—pity for the terrorist (with a particular religious identity), and silence for the victims.

The question here wasn’t about the hanging of the terror convict. The question was whether the punishment for terrorism would also be determined based on identity?

Is being a Muslim an immunity against the law of the land?

Karthigai Deepam: Legitimising Hindu faith is a crime

There were demands of impeachment against Justice Swaminathan, who delivered the verdict on Tamil Nadu’s Karthigai Deepam festival. The reason? The decision favoured Hindu tradition. The message was clear – if you sit in court and legitimise Hindu faith, your position will be destabilised.

Ram Mandir, Justice Gogoi and Justice Chandrachud

Former Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi was targeted after delivering the historic Ram Temple verdict. Every decision, every appointment, was linked to that verdict.

Moreover, after a photo of former Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Ganesh Puja surfaced, a narrative was created, making it almost criminal for a judge to display his faith, and suggesting that the judiciary had surrendered to the government.

Are only those who are godless, traditionless and uprooted fit to be judges?

Muslim accusations and the shield of ‘sensitivity’

Pressure tactics against the Indian judiciary are not a new phenomenon. In numerous cases involving Islamic terrorism, whether they involve accused of banned organisations or incidents of riots and violence, the same old script comes into play. Arrests are labelled ‘harassment,’ chargesheets ‘political revenge,’ and trials ‘Islamophobia.’

The entire narrative is created and peddled by people who have spent years trying to establish that if the accused is Muslim, the law must be extra ‘sensitive,’ as if the law sees through a religious lens. The pressure isn’t limited to the media; it extends to the court environment, public discourse, and administrative decisions.

The pressure of ‘minority’ politics

It’s no secret that certain ideological groups have been imposing their narrative on the judiciary and administration. The term ‘minority’ is used as a shield to raise suspicion about every legal process. When an accused belongs to a particular ideological or religious identity, the criminal charge against him is viciously portrayed as ‘political dissent.’

These are the tactics used to pressure the judicial institutions. The courts are expected to look not at the law or evidence, but at the religious sentiments of the crowd and social media trends. The courts are expected not to make a legally valid decision, but to appease emotions.

This is not justice; this is appeasement

Silence on victims, prime time on the ‘feelings’ of the accused

The mainstream media also feeds this appeasement. A large part of the mainstream media passes its own judgment instead of asking questions. It presents court orders out of context and exerts moral pressure on judges. This is not journalism, but ideological activism. This is the same media that remains conspicuously silent on the suffering of victims, but devotes hours of prime time to the ‘feelings’ of the accused.

Mob narrative versus the process of justice

The mob wants quick results. Law takes time. The mob wants slogans. The law demands evidence. The mob seeks emotional satisfaction. Law seeks truth. This is why when courts don’t toe the line, they are labelled ‘anti-democratic.’

This is what the courts did in the cases of Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam. They followed the law, leaving aside the emotional cacophony. This is what makes the Islamo-Left alliance uncomfortable.

Vedic View: Justice not based on feelings

In the Indian Vedic tradition, justice was never subordinate to emotion. न धर्मात् परो धर्मः, meaning there is nothing above Dharma (justice). Manusmriti states, “When justice is destroyed, the people are destroyed. Neither the king nor the enemy, no one is spared.”

This is why, in Indian tradition, a judge is expected to be free from any pressure, beyond fear, and not devoid of faith, but rather devoted to Dharma (justice). Justice does not mean compassion, but rather a decision in accordance with Dharma (justice). Compassion, as a characteristic, is meant for the individuals, not for the judicial system. This is the fundamental distinction, which is being deliberately erased in today’s discourse.

A society that surrenders justice to emotional blackmail ultimately betrays its victims. The Vedic tradition has taught us that the Dharma of justice transcends coercion/identity.

To preserve justice, it must be free from sentiment. When courts become afraid of the mob, anarchy, and not democracy, will emerge.

The same anarchy of ‘सर तन से जुदा’ (Islamic calls for beheading) that we see on the streets today.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Repeated Islamic invasions, unbroken resolve: How Hindu rulers kept Somnath, the pillar of Sanatan Civilisation alive

Somnath is not merely a temple; it is a symbol of India’s historical memory of a civilisation where faith, valour, and cultural self-respect repeatedly rose in defiance of assaults driven by religious fanaticism. Across centuries, whenever Somnath was attacked, Hindu rulers and warriors responded, sometimes by taking up the sword to block the aggressor’s advance, and at other times by laying brick upon stone to rebuild the temple once again.

From Arab to Turkic invasions, religious zealotry repeatedly targeted Somnath, at times through maritime routes and at other times via north-western land corridors. Yet after every act of destruction, history also records that Hindu rulers did not merely survive; they restored both the temple and the civilisation it represented. This article documents that uninterrupted tradition of resistance.

This work is dedicated to the memory of those great rulers and warriors who defended Somnath, fought battles, endured struggles, and kept the temple alive. It also traces the journey into modern India, where reconstruction itself became a declaration of national self-respect.

Background of Islamic Attacks and Resistance

Between the 11th and 14th centuries, Somnath in western India was attacked multiple times. The objective of these assaults was not limited to plundering wealth or demolishing a structure, but to humiliating a civilisational centre. Yet the tradition of Somnath never broke. Political power changed hands, but the spirit of resistance endured, sometimes on the battlefield, sometimes through restoration.

Mularaja Solanki: The Political Foundation of Saurashtra’s Defence

In the 10th century, Mularaja Solanki (I) founded the Solanki (Chaulukya) dynasty and established Anhilwad Patan as the capital. This was a period marked by Arab maritime raids along the western coast and the gradual advance of Islamic forces from the north-west. While there is no explicit record of Mularaja fighting a direct battle over Somnath, it is historically evident that he established a consolidated Hindu political authority in Gujarat and Saurashtra. This authority later became the shield protecting Somnath. Mularaja’s contribution lay less in the sword and more in political stability, for without a stable state, the defence of any temple is impossible.

Bhimdev I: After the Ghaznavid Attack

In 1026 CE, Mahmud of Ghazni attacked Somnath, an assault driven not merely by plunder but by the intent to shatter a powerful religious symbol. The aftermath plunged Gujarat into fear and instability. It was during this period that Bhimdev I assumed power. He restored administrative control over Saurashtra and re-established Hindu authority. His historical significance lies in the message he conveyed: an invasion does not mark the end of a state.

Under his rule, the Somnath region returned to Hindu control, and the temple was rebuilt. This reconstruction after the devastation of 1026 CE is regarded as the first major political restoration in Somnath’s history, demonstrating how cultural resolve can revive itself despite severe political shocks.

Siddharaj Jaysinh: Cultural security through military strength

Among the most powerful Solanki rulers was Siddharaj Jaysinh. His reign coincided with the rise of Turkic powers in northern India. He not only defended borders but also established robust political protection over Saurashtra and the Somnath region. During his time, temples were not merely places of worship but symbols of state prestige. An attack on Somnath was viewed as an attack on the state itself, a mindset that helped keep Gujarat secure for a prolonged period.

Under Siddharaj Jaysinh, Gujarat and Saurashtra were militarily strengthened. Temples and pilgrimage centres received state protection, and Somnath emerged as a symbol of political security and cultural honour. Construction and restoration works were also undertaken at the temple during his reign.

Queen Naiki Devi: Halting the invader at Kayadara

In the 12th century, a decisive moment arrived when Queen Naiki Devi defeated Muhammad Ghori at the Battle of Kayadara in 1178 CE. This was not merely a military victory; it spared western India and the Prabhas–Somnath region from large-scale destruction. Contemporary and later historians regard this victory as a decisive defence of Somnath.

This was not just a battle, but a defence of Somnath and Gujarat’s civilisational identity. A woman ruler standing firm against a fanatical invasion remains one of the most inspiring chapters of Indian history. Naiki Devi’s valour proves that in battles of faith and self-respect, neither gender nor status is a limitation. When civilisation is under attack, every individual can become a warrior.

King Kanhaḍ Dev

Between great empires, local rulers also played a decisive role in Somnath’s defence. According to folk history, King Kanhaḍ Dev organised local military forces in Saurashtra. These forces formed the first line of defence against attacks arriving via coastal routes and inland passages. While formal historical texts offer limited detail, Somnath could not have survived without such local resistance.

In the Rajasthan–Gujarat border regions, Kanhaḍ Dev’s campaigns against Turkic and Ghori-aligned forces helped secure routes leading to Somnath. His example illustrates how, even amid major empires, the faith and sword of local rulers kept temples and culture alive, strengthening the foundation for future reconstructions.

King Bhoja Parmar

King Bhoja of the Paramara dynasty contributed more through civilisational revival than battlefield warfare. After Ghaznavid attacks had shaken Hindu society psychologically, Bhoja extended political patronage to Shaiva traditions, temple culture, and classical learning. This was not merely religious support but a political assertion that the Sanatana civilisation cannot be destroyed.

Traditional and literary sources associate King Bhoja and Maharaja Vikramaditya with the restoration of Somnath. In Shaiva tradition and popular memory, Bhoja’s role remains significant, demonstrating that temple protection requires not only military power but also cultural vision and intellectual resurgence.

King Mahipal Dev

Among the Paramara rulers, King Mahipal Dev represented continuity through administration and protection rather than warfare alone. During the 14th–15th centuries, he is said to have repeatedly defeated the forces of Gujarat’s Islamic governor Zafar Khan, safeguarding the Somnath region. Folk tradition holds that he trained local communities in martial skills to ensure the temple’s defence under all circumstances.

Kumarapala

Though a follower of Jainism, Kumarapala extended administrative support for the protection of Hindu pilgrimage sites, including Somnath. This underscores that Somnath’s defence was not a sectarian issue but a civilisational one. While the invaders were religiously motivated, the resistance was rooted in Indian civilisation itself. During the 12th century, Kumarapala supported temple administration and restoration, enabling Somnath’s pilgrimage tradition to regain stability.

The Maratha Empire

In the 18th century, the Maratha Empire displaced Islamic political authority from Saurashtra. This was not a temple-centric war but a struggle for political liberation, without which reconstruction was impossible. Maratha campaigns created conditions of stability, enabling Somnath’s revival and the protection of religious sites across Gujarat.

Queen Ahilyabai Holkar

In 1783, Queen Ahilyabai Holkar reconstructed Somnath. This was more than an architectural act; it was a response to centuries of humiliation. Political constraints led her to build the temple slightly away from the original site, but she consecrated the Shiva linga and revived worship traditions. Before modern reconstruction, this was the most significant effort to keep the flame of faith alive. Tradition holds that Lord Somnath appeared to her in a dream, inspiring this act.

National reawakening in Modern India: From Sardar Patel to PM Modi

After independence, the reconstruction of Somnath became a matter of national self-respect, not merely religious revival. Despite opposition from Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s resolve led to the construction of the grand temple, marking independent India’s first decisive assertion of its cultural memory.

K.M. Munshi provided ideological and administrative leadership, and in 1951, the temple was inaugurated by President Rajendra Prasad. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Somnath today is presented not as a relic of the past but as a living cultural heritage. The renewed emphasis on its history and preservation signals that Somnath’s story continues to pulse within India’s national consciousness.

The history of Somnath shows that religious fanaticism returned repeatedly, but Hindu rulers and warriors stood firm every time—sometimes in war, sometimes in reconstruction. That is why Somnath still stands today, not merely as a temple, but as a symbol of civilisational resilience. This article is an attempt to remember those who preserved this tradition through the sword, determination, and sustained effort.

References

  • R.C. Majumdar – The History and Culture of the Indian People (Volume 5)
  • Satish Chandra – Medieval India
  • Jadunath Sarkar – History of the Marathas
  • Gujarat State Gazetteers (Prabhas/Somnath)
  • K.M. Munshi – Pilgrimage to Freedom

Beyond the abode of Lord Shiva: Learn how Somnath served as the financial engine and gateway for India’s ancient global trade networks

Modern geopolitics often refers to the idea put forward by Geopolitical theorist Nicholas Spykman that “Those who control the rimland, control the heartland.” While this theory is usually treated as a 20th-century concept, India had understood this reality much earlier.

For ancient India, the sea was not separate from the land. Those who knew the sea could protect the land, grow wealth, and connect civilisations. The strongest symbol of this knowledge was the Somnath Temple, a place remembered today mainly for its destruction, but once known as the gateway to India’s maritime world. 

Somnath is often spoken about as a single tragic episode: Mahmud of Ghazni came, the temple was destroyed, and history moved on. This view misses the larger picture. The attack on Somnath was not an isolated act. It marked the beginning of a long and carefully unfolding process that weakened India’s control over the seas.

If Somnath is not seen together with Kutch, Bharuch, Surat, the Konkan coast, and finally Goa, the deeper pattern of India’s maritime decline remains hidden.

India before the 11th Century: A Civilisation of the Oceans

Before the eleventh century, India was not only a land-based society. It was a strong maritime civilisation without colonies or overseas empires. Indian traders, sailors, monks, and pilgrims moved freely across the Arabian Sea and the wider Indian Ocean. They traded, taught, learned, and settled peacefully without fear.

This reality is recorded in the Greek text “Periplus of the Erythraean Sea”, written in the first century, which clearly describes Indian trade routes reaching Oman, Yemen, Basra, and the eastern coast of Africa. These were not small or occasional journeys. They formed a regular and trusted network connecting ports, cultures, and economies.

India’s relationship with the sea was not built on conquest but on confidence and knowledge. Navigation, astronomy, shipbuilding, and seasonal winds were well understood. This maritime wisdom did not vanish; it survived quietly in traditions, coastal communities, and temple records.

A living memory: The voyage of INSV Koundinya

This heritage is not only preserved in history books. It has been brought back to life in recent times. Economist and policy advisor Sanjeev Sanyal, who serves as an economic advisor to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is currently undertaking a sea voyage aboard the INSV Koundinya.

This ship is not a modern steel vessel. It has been built using the same method that Indian merchants used a thousand years ago. There is not a single iron nail in it. Coconut ropes stitch the wooden planks together, just as they once did when Indian ships sailed confidently across the Indian Ocean. The voyage began in Gujarat and covers nearly 1,400 kilometres to Oman, following ancient trade routes.

The mission of the Indian Navy is not symbolic alone. It demonstrates that India’s maritime systems were practical, durable, and globally connected long before modern navies came into being.

Temples as economic powerhouses

One of the most misunderstood aspects of India’s maritime past is the role of temples. Between the tenth and twelfth centuries, especially during the Chola and Solanki periods, temples were not only religious centres. They functioned as financial, legal, and social institutions.

Kings, traders, and common people donated wealth to temples. This wealth was not locked away. Temples acted like banks. They lent money at interest to merchant guilds, helping them fund risky overseas journeys to Sumatra, Java, Zanzibar, and East Africa. Sea trade involved dangers like storms, piracy, and shipwrecks, risks that individual traders could not bear alone. Temple treasuries could absorb losses, making long-distance trade possible.

When voyages succeeded, merchants returned a share of their profits to the temple. In this way, religion, economy, and maritime trade formed a strong and balanced system.

Guilds, Ships, and the central role of Somnath

Indian maritime trade was organised through powerful guilds such as the Manigramam and the Ainnuruvar, also known as the Five Hundred Lords. These guilds maintained their own security forces and fleets to protect ships from pirates. They operated by rules, contracts, and shared responsibility.

In western India, Somnath stood at the heart of this system. The port of Prabhas Patan had been active since Harappan times. Trade from the Roman world, West Asia, and Africa passed through this coast. The route from Dwarka to Somnath and Khambhat was not just a trade corridor. It was also a path of pilgrimage, culture, and social exchange.

Somnath was therefore more than a shrine of Lord Shiva. It was a legal authority, a financial hub, and a cultural anchor for India’s maritime civilisation.

Ghazni’s strike and the breaking of a network

After the seventh century, Arab and Persian traders became active in the Indian Ocean. They formed trading groups such as the Anjuvannam, based around mosques and markets. Over time, these networks grew faster than the temple-based Hindu system.

When Mahmud of Ghazni attacked Somnath in the eleventh century, the aim was not simply religious destruction. The plunder of wealth, said to be worth around 20 million dinars, struck at the financial backbone of the maritime system. No mosque was built on the site because the purpose was not conversion. Destroying the Shivalinga symbolised the destruction of a legal and economic institution.

For Islamic empires, trade was a tool of power. When they saw that India’s maritime system could not be easily controlled or conquered, they focused on breaking its centres instead. Somnath was the first major and symbolic target.

Losing the Sea, One coast at a time

The fall of Somnath damaged more than a temple. It shook India’s maritime confidence. Slowly, ocean crossings began to be discouraged, later becoming known socially as “kala pani.” What began as a strategic defeat slowly turned into a social habit.

This decline was not uniform across India. While Ghazni attacked in the west, Rajendra Chola was leading powerful naval campaigns in the east, reaching Sri Lanka, Sumatra, and Southeast Asia. Gujarat’s rulers also valued the sea for defence and trade. As a result, India’s maritime civilisation did not collapse overnight. It was weakened piece by piece.

The Ban Stambh, or arrow pillar, at Somnath still stands as evidence of ancient Indian knowledge of astronomy and geography. It states that there is no land obstruction from that point to the South Pole, a claim later confirmed by modern science.

From sultanates to the Mughals: A land-based turn

After Somnath, pressure increased along the western coast. Bharuch, Konkan, and Saurashtra gradually fell under new powers. The Delhi Sultanate and later the Mughal Empire were largely land-focused. Their strength lay in agriculture, forts, and armies, not navies.

Even during the Mughal period, rulers depended on foreign sailors to protect pilgrim ships going for Hajj. The sea was not seen as a space of power. This distance from the ocean slowly disconnected India from its maritime roots.

By the time Vasco da Gama reached India in 1498, the once-busy Indian seas were largely empty of Indian fleets. European powers came not just to trade, but to dominate. By the sixteenth century, Hindu-led maritime networks had been nearly wiped out.

Somnath rebuilt and memory revived

The reconstruction of Somnath in 1951 was more than an architectural project. It was an attempt to restore a civilisational memory. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel saw it as the return of national confidence, while Jawaharlal Nehru feared its political meaning.

Yet the rebuilding signalled that India’s connection to the sea, though weakened, was never erased. As Al-Biruni once observed, kingdoms may fall, but memories endure.

India and the Indo-Pacific: An unfinished journey

India’s growing role in the Indo-Pacific today is not a sudden shift. It is the continuation of a journey paused centuries ago. While many see the Indo-Pacific only through global power rivalry, for India, it is a familiar space of old trade routes and cultural ties.

India’s naval partnerships, participation in QUAD, and investments in naval strength are part of this return. When Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke at the Shangri-La Dialogue in 2018, he described a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific, echoing India’s ancient maritime values.

India’s approach is not about domination but balance. It recalls a time when the sea was a space of rules, trust, and shared prosperity.

Somnath marked the moment India began to drift away from the sea. Today, India’s return to the Indo-Pacific marks the revival of a forgotten habit of civilisation. What is coming back is not just naval power, but memory, confidence, and continuity.

The civilisation that once shaped the Indian Ocean cannot remain on the shore forever. From Somnath to the Indo-Pacific, India is slowly completing a story that was left unfinished for nearly a thousand years.

India–Germany set to clear Rs 72,000 crore submarine deal: How Project-75I transforms Indian Navy’s undersea warfare capability and advances Atmanirbharta

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India and Germany are set to ratify one of the most consequential defence-industrial agreements in India’s naval history, with German shipbuilder Thyssen Krupp Marine Systems (TKMS) set to partner Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) for the construction of six advanced conventional submarines for the Indian Navy. The deal is expected to be finalised during German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s visit to India on January 12–13, 2026.

Valued at around $8 billion (Rs 72,000 crore), the deal marks the decisive conclusion of the long-running Project-75I Tender, a programme that had remained stalled for years due to shifting policy frameworks, technical demands, and India’s insistence on proven and survivable submarine technology.

At the centre of the agreement is the Indian Navy’s selection of the German Type-214 Next Generation (214NG)submarine, a 2,500-ton diesel-electric platform equipped with air-independent propulsion (AIP). The German design edged out Spain’s S-80 Plus, offered by Navantia, primarily due to its operationally validated AIP system, superior acoustic stealth, and lower lifecycle risk. For a navy that operates in contested waters and depends on undersea persistence rather than surface visibility, the maturity of the German platform proved decisive.

Why AIP and stealth tipped the scales

AIP technology has become a baseline requirement for modern conventional submarines. Traditional diesel-electric boats must periodically surface or snorkel to recharge batteries, exposing themselves to detection. AIP-equipped submarines, by contrast, can remain submerged for weeks, allowing them to conduct extended patrols, surveillance, and strike missions with minimal acoustic and electromagnetic signature.

The Type-214NG employs a fuel-cell-based AIP system, widely regarded as one of the most reliable and battle-tested solutions in service today. Spain’s bio-ethanol-based AIP, while innovative, has not yet achieved comparable operational validation. In undersea warfare, where failure is not an option, the Indian Navy opted for technology that has already proven itself in real-world naval environments.

Karachi 1971: The moment India understood naval power

India’s insistence on stealth, endurance, and survivability is rooted in hard historical experience. During the 1971 India-Pakistan war, the Indian Navy executed Operation Trident and Operation Python, devastating Karachi Port, Pakistan’s primary maritime hub. The strikes crippled Pakistan’s naval logistics and fuel infrastructure to such an extent that sustained naval operations became impossible.

That attack was not merely tactical; it was strategic. It hastened Pakistan’s defeat and played a critical role in the war’s outcome, culminating in the creation of Bangladesh. For the first time, India’s political and military leadership fully grasped that control of the seas could decisively shape conflicts on land.

Yet, despite this lesson, India’s submarine modernisation moved slowly in the decades that followed. Procurement delays, technological dependence, and policy inertia left the Navy with an ageing underwater fleet even as regional threats evolved. Project-75I, therefore, is not just a procurement programme; it is the long-overdue institutional response to lessons learnt in 1971.

Operation Sindoor and the return of Karachi as a strategic pressure point

The relevance of this lesson resurfaced dramatically during Operation Sindoor in May 2025, when hostilities between India and Pakistan escalated following a major terror provocation. Between May 8 and May 11, the Indian Navy was placed on heightened operational readiness, with credible reports indicating that India was prepared to strike Pakistan’s financial and logistical nerve centre, Karachi Port, once again if escalation continued.

Karachi remains the backbone of Pakistan’s economy, handling the overwhelming majority of its maritime trade, energy imports, and financial flows. The very fact that the Indian Navy could credibly threaten a repeat of 1971, this time with far more advanced maritime surveillance, missile platforms, and undersea assets, underscored how naval power functions as strategic leverage even without shots being fired. Operation Sindoor reinforced a hard truth: Pakistan’s greatest vulnerability lies at sea, and India’s ability to exploit that vulnerability depends heavily on undersea dominance.

In this context, the India–Germany submarine deal assumes far greater significance. It is not a peacetime modernisation exercise but a capability upgrade shaped by recent, real-world hostilities. Once, the Indian Navy is equipped with new-age submarine, it’s capability to strike Karachi will be further enhanced, reinforcing deterrence through credible, survivable, and persistent undersea strike capability.

Make in India at the core of Project-75I

A defining feature of the India–Germany agreement is that all six submarines will be built in India, with MDL acting as the primary construction agency. TKMS will provide design authority, engineering expertise, consultancy, and critical technologies, ensuring that India acquires not just platforms but deep technical competence.

The programme is expected to begin with approximately 45% indigenous content, rising to nearly 60% by the final submarine. This phased indigenisation directly aligns with India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat objectives and addresses a long-standing weakness in defence procurement—dependence on foreign OEMs for upgrades, spares, and lifecycle support.

The framework for this collaboration was established in June last year, when TKMS and MDL signed a memorandum of understanding to jointly pursue Project-75I. MDL’s experience with the Scorpène-class submarines under the earlier Project-75 has positioned it as India’s most capable submarine-building shipyard, making it a natural partner for the programme.

Strategic timing and geopolitical relevance

According to sources familiar with the negotiations, the final contract could be concluded within the next three months, with momentum expected during German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s visit to India on January 12–13. The timing is geopolitically significant. Germany is seeking a larger strategic footprint in the Indo-Pacific, while India is consciously diversifying its defence partnerships beyond legacy suppliers.

For New Delhi, the deal comes amid growing undersea challenges. China’s rapidly expanding submarine fleet, including nuclear-powered platforms, is increasingly active in the Indian Ocean. Chinese submarines have docked in regional ports and conducted patrols close to Indian waters. Meanwhile, Pakistan, with Chinese assistance, is also upgrading its submarine capabilities.

In this environment, India’s ageing conventional submarines represent a strategic vulnerability. Project-75I addresses that gap by restoring undersea deterrence and enhancing India’s ability to monitor, deter, and if necessary, deny adversaries freedom of movement in critical maritime corridors.

Long-term impact on India’s naval posture

Once inducted, the six Type-214NG submarines will significantly enhance the Indian Navy’s capacity for covert surveillance, sea denial, and precision strike operations. Equipped with advanced sensors, torpedoes, and missile launch capabilities, these platforms will form a critical layer of India’s maritime deterrence architecture.

Equally important is the industrial legacy of the programme. By absorbing advanced submarine design and construction technologies, India positions itself for future indigenous submarine projects and follow-on orders. The programme strengthens MDL’s role as a strategic asset and helps create a specialised supply chain capable of sustaining India’s long-term naval ambitions.

A quiet but decisive milestone

When finalised, the India–Germany Project-75I agreement will rank among the most consequential naval procurement decisions in India’s recent history. It strengthens underwater combat capability, advances genuine indigenisation in one of the most complex domains of warfare, and elevates Germany as a key long-term defence-industrial partner.

From the burning docks of Karachi in 1971 to the silent depths of the Indian Ocean in 2026, India’s naval journey has come full circle. Project-75I signals that the lessons of history have finally been institutionalised—not through rhetoric, but through capability, technology, and strategic foresight.