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Pirates of Sundarbans return in Bangladesh: Read how a problem eradicated by Sheikh Hasina govt re-emerged under lawless Md Yunus regime

Raju Das
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Pirates of Sundarbans return in Bangladesh: Read how a problem eradicated by Sheikh Hasina govt re-emerged under lawless Md Yunus regime

Bangladesh under interim chief Muhammad Yunus has descended into lawlessness after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government. With increasing attack on minorities like Hindus, now a separate danger has risen its head, a problem that was successfully curbed by the previous democratically elected government. That new danger is the Pirates of Sundarbans.

In the twisting rivers of the Sundarbans, the world’s largest mangrove forest between Bangladesh and India, pirates have resumed their terror. A little over a year after students ousted the Sheikh Hasina’s government in July 2024, pirate gangs are returning. Fishermen, honey collectors, and crab farmers now facing attacks, kidnaps, and demands for money. Gunshots can be heard again in the foggy islands. The peace that Hasina’s government created is breaking in the UNESCO world heritage site.

The trouble started quietly after Hasina left power on August 5, 2024. She fled to India after 15 years as prime minister of Bangladesh. The massive violence that preceded and followed the fall of the government meant that the entire police force was busy with controlling violence and riots.

While the violence has reduced now, sporadic incidents do take place now and then. Moreover, the new temporary government, led by Muhammad Yunus, is busy with big changes across the country, including preparing for the election and making changes to the constitution as demanded by the protestors.

This has left the far-away Sundarbans with less police protection. As a result, at least 20 pirate groups, such as Dulabhai Bahini and Jahangir Bahini, are now active again in the south and centre of the forest. These groups include old pirates who had returned to mainstream, escaped prisoners, and jobless locals.

As per Bangladeshi media reports, areas in the Sharankhola and Chandpai ranges of the Eastern Forest Division of Sundarbans have reported regular activities of pirate gangs. The violence is so extreme that now fishermen, foresters and traders don’t even dare to move out of their villagers for work.

In the past month, bandits have kidnapped more than a hundred fishermen in the Sundarbans and extorted ransom in exchange for their return. In the last one year, over 300 people were kidnapped and tortured by the pirates. Most of the hostages returned after secretly paying ransom.

Locals say that many fishermen  and others are still being held hostage by various forces. Pirates are more active in various areas of the Sharankhola range of the eastern Sundarbans, including Mara Bhola, Ali Banda, Dhanche Bariya, Tetul Bariya, Tiar Char, Andharmanik, Pashur, and Shibsha.

People who witnessed the attacks narrate the scary stories. In late September, 20 fishermen from Satkhira disappeared near the Jamuna River. They were freed only after paying 500,000 taka to men with guns. “They came like ghosts from the past,” said villager Abdul Karim. “We thought pirates were gone for good. Now no one goes deep into the forest without fear,” he said.

Similarly, honey collectors in Bagerhat are stopped and forced to pay “fees.” Crab sellers in Khulna get threats. Prices of such products are going up, and people are losing work. Villages are forced pay weekly ‘protection money’ to stay safe.

These pirate groups control secret paths for smuggling fish, wood, drugs, and fake items. At least five big gangs are moving with guns. They feel fearless because the new government is focused on other problems and have largely stopped caring about the region.

According to sources from the Forest Department, fishermen and businessmen, bandits are forming groups under different names and carrying out criminal activities. These groups are formed by people involved in various crimes who had surrendered earlier and those who were convicted in various cases. Among these groups, Jahangir Bahini, Manjur Bahini, Dada Bhai Bahini are the most dangerous ones in terms of weapons and number of members. Members of these three groups had surrendered earlier and returned to normal life. In addition, some other notable pirate ganges are Karim-Sharif Bahini, Asadur Bahini, Dayal Bahini, Robi Bahini, Dulabhai Bahini, Ranga Bahini, Suman Bahini, Anwarul Bahini, Hannan Bahini and Alif Bahini.

As per local officials, influential people in the areas adjacent to the forests are acting as intermediaries and sources for the bandits. They secretly communicate with the families of kidnapped fishermen and their moneylenders, collect ransom money and deliver it to the pirate gangs. Various bandit forces are also giving tokens with their respective symbols to the fishermen, in exchange of ‘protection money’. If such pirate tokens are on the boat, fishing can be done safely in the forest.

Fishermen are required to pay a ransom of 20,000 to 30,000 taka per boat if they are sent to the forest. In the event of kidnapping, a ransom of 50,000 to 3,00,000 taka is required. The fishermen who are unable to pay this ‘fee’ have stopped going to the forest for fishing. If anyone is caught fishing without tokens, they are kidnapped, and are forced to pay much higher ransom.

Several fish traders in Sharankhola, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that it is not safe to speak out against the goons. Representatives or sources of the gangs roam around the fishermen’s fish stalls near the forest. If they find out about the leak of information, they will torture the fishermen later and the extortion amount will increase. For this reason, none of the fishermen or moneylenders are speaking out against them.

Lieutenant Commander Abrar Hasan, Staff Officer of the Coast Guard Mongla West Zone, told the media that the trouble of pirate gangs bandits in the Sundarbans has started since fall of Hasina government in August last year. The Coast Guard has been conducting operations in the in different areas of the Sundarbans, but with limited success. Only around 40 pirates have been arrested so far. Large quantities of weapons and ammunition have been recovered from the arrested people. Local administration officials admitted that they are not equipped enough to fight the pirates.

Notably, while piracy was an issue in the Sundarbans earlier, it had disappeared completely. But the July revolution and the regime change at Dhaka paved the way for return of the Pirates of Sundarbans. As police and security forces were diverted to more pressing issues, the hard-to-reach areas in the world’s largest delta were left largely without any security.

For years, the Sundarbans was a hideout for armed gangs. They kidnapped people, killed for money, and hunted tigers. In the early 2000s, over 100 groups caused hundreds of deaths each year and hurt the fishing business.

Starting in 2012, Hasina’s government fought back with force and help. A special task force formed in 2012 under RAB (Rapid Action Battalion), and then there was massive crackdown on the criminals. Police, navy, and coast guard teams hunted the gangs. Local leaders and reporters helped make peace.

After that, the government launched the most important part of the plan, an “amnesty program.” Pirates who gave up their guns got money, training for new jobs like fish farming or bee-keeping, and small loans.

The plan worked well. On November 1, 2018, PM Hasina said the Sundarbans was free of pirates. Over 1,500 men from 32 groups gave up weapons and violence. “They answered our call to stop,” she said. Attacks dropped 90 percent by 2019. Tiger hunting fell. Former pirates started various occupations with government’s help and started normal lives. For example, Mostafa Sheikh, leader of Master Bahini, the most notorious pirate gang that controlled he entire southern coastline of Bangladesh, opened a bike garage.

From 2018 to 2024, Sundarbans was pirate-free. But exit of Sheikh Hasina government resulted in the return of the pirate gangs. Many of the gangs are formed by former pirates who had surrendered. For example, while Ilias Bahini’s head Ilias has died, his brother-in-law Rabiul formed a new gang. Locals have called it ‘Dulabhai Bahini’, which literally means (brother-in-law gang).

Large number of prisoners were freed by students during the July revolution, and many such former inmates have also joined or formed such gangs.

Before the 2018 surrender, the pirate gangs only operated in waters, targeting fishermen and traders. But after their re-emergence, they have started coming ashore also.

The interim government has promised action. In October, Md. Yunus started a special team with 500 guards and local helpers. But many doubt it will work. Sheikh Hasina succeeded in solving the menace because she mixed punishment with reward, she offered good incentive to pirates to return to normalcy.

For now, terror rules the pristine forests of Sundarbans. The terror of pirates means more than just crime, it shows how fast safety can disappear after a regime change.

Genocide in Sudan: Civil war between radical Islamist SAF and RSF has resulted in a dire crisis for Christian minorities, thousands killed and starved while the world ignores

Shriti Sagar
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Genocide in Sudan: Civil war between radical Islamist SAF and RSF has resulted in a dire crisis for Christian minorities, thousands killed and starved while the world ignores

Sudan’s ongoing civil war has taken a horrific turn, with new reports of mass killings and ethnic violence emerging from the Darfur region. El-Fasher fell on Sunday, 26th October, after 18 months of RSF seize, which blocked the entry of food and essentials for thousands of people trapped inside. 

The brutal conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has left more than two thousand dead, millions displaced, and entire communities wiped out by Friday, 31st October.

For over 18 months, El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, had been under siege by the RSF, a powerful paramilitary group that grew out of the notorious Janjaweed militias responsible for the early 2000s Darfur genocide. El Fasher was the last remaining stronghold of the Sudanese Armed Forces. When the city finally fell, the violence that followed mirrored the same atrocities that shocked the world two decades ago.

1.2 million people in the city had been under siege for 18 months, forced to survive on animal feed, or worse, as the RSF built 56km (35-mile) of barriers, preventing entry of food and medicine and sealing off escape routes.

An analysis by Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab (HRL) appeared to confirm reports of mass killings, using satellite imagery and remote-sensing data.

According to the HRL, clusters of objects and ground discolouration are evidence of human bodies and pools of blood. The clusters and discolouration were not present in images taken before the RSF invaded, the report noted.

More than 26,000 people have fled el-Fasher in just two days, most on foot towards Tawila, 70km (43 miles) to the west, the UN said. Some 177,000 civilians remain trapped in El-Fasher, according to the International Organisation for Migration.

A report earlier this month stated that as many as 14 million people have been displaced, calling the Sudan civil war the worst displacement crisis in the world currently.

Image via Aljazeera

The RSF fighters themselves have posted videos online, showing civilians, mostly men and boys, being executed, beaten, and mocked. The footage, which has spread across social media, has been verified by multiple human rights investigators.

According to the Yale report, El-Fasher “appears to be undergoing a systematic and intentional process of ethnic cleansing of indigenous non-Arab communities through forced displacement and execution.”

The RSF denies accusations of genocide, but even its leader, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as “Hemedti,” admitted that his forces had committed “violations.” He released a video expressing “regret” for what had happened and announced the arrest of one RSF fighter,  a move international observers dismissed as symbolic.

The roots of Sudan’s endless war

Sudan has a long and painful history. Since gaining independence in 1956, after nearly six decades of British Egyptian rule, Sudan has endured a succession of devastating wars in its southern, western, and eastern regions. According to United Nations estimates, the civil war in South Sudan claimed around two million lives before the region’s succession in 2011. In western Sudan, the Darfur conflict left more than 300,000 people dead between 2003 and 2019.

Sudan conflict map by Visual Capitalist. Link: https://www.visualcapitalist.com/map-explainer-sudan/

Even before the current war, recurring tribal and regional clashes had already exacted a heavy toll, killing over 250,000 people. Today’s conflict has only deepened this national tragedy. More than 150,000 people have been killed and millions have been displaced, and countless civilians subjected to grave abuses, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, sexual violence, and widespread looting.

The war has also brought agricultural and industrial activity to a standstill, driven nearly 19 million children out of school, destroyed critical infrastructure, and caused the Sudanese currency to collapse to unprecedented levels.

By 2023, their rivalry had exploded into open warfare. Since then, at least 15,000 people have been killed in major massacres, including one in El-Geneina, where RSF forces wiped out members of the Masalit tribe.

Bloodbath visible from space: A nation drenched in violence

What makes the current conflict even more shocking is its scale and savagery. Satellite imagery from several humanitarian organisations has shown bloodstained terrain, destroyed villages, and mass graves so large that they are visible from space.

The RSF’s campaign follows a clear and horrifying pattern: surround a city, cut off food and medicine, block electricity and communication, and then attack once the population is weakened. “They are using starvation and terror as weapons of war,” said Claire Ferguson, a researcher documenting atrocities in Darfur.

Doctors Without Borders (MSF) has reported entire communities being wiped out, especially in camps for displaced people like Zamzam near El-Fasher, and rampant sexual violence against women. Survivors say RSF fighters deliberately targeted civilians belonging to the Zaghawa ethnic group, seeing them as supporters of the army.

But atrocities have not been limited to the RSF. The SAF, which controls parts of eastern and central Sudan, has also been accused of bombing civilian areas indiscriminately, particularly in Sennar, Gezira, and North Kordofan states. Human rights groups say both sides have committed war crimes, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and sexual violence.

Christians caught between two Islamist factions

Sudan is a predominantly Muslim country, with around 90% of its population adhering to Islam. Christians, who make up a small minority, have long faced persecution, discrimination, and a lack of political power. With the civil war now raging between two Islamist factions, both influenced by radical ideologies, Christian minorities have become even more vulnerable.

While most of the victims of the war are Muslims, Christian communities have been through unspeakable horrors, caught in the crossfire. Most live in abject poverty and have little to no access to political or legal protection. Churches have been destroyed, pastors arrested, and aid workers targeted. In areas controlled by the RSF, Christian families have reported being forced to flee or convert under threat of violence.

Sudan’s long history of religious persecution dates back to Omar al-Bashir’s dictatorship, which imposed strict Islamic laws and banned the open practice of Christianity. Even after Bashir’s fall, the system that marginalised Christians remained in place. Today, with both the SAF and RSF claiming to defend Islam, Christian minorities find themselves trapped between two forces that view them with suspicion or outright hostility.

“The Christians of Sudan have no voice,” said a Khartoum-based pastor who fled to South Sudan earlier this year. “They are killed, starved, and forgotten. The world looks at Sudan and sees a Muslim war, but it is also a war on Christians.”

The UAE’s shadow over Sudan’s war

While Sudan bleeds, powerful foreign interests are accused of fueling the fire. A recent UN report and several independent investigations have stated that some powerful elements in the UAE are providing financial, logistical, and military support to the RSF.

The UAE’s motivation is largely economic and strategic. Despite being a wealthy Gulf nation, the UAE lacks its own gold reserves, and Sudan, particularly Darfur, is rich in gold. Hemedti’s RSF controls many of these gold mines and sells the metal primarily to Emirati buyers. In return, the UAE has supplied the RSF with weapons, drones, and ammunition, often disguised as “humanitarian aid.”

According to reports, the UAE has also allowed the RSF to operate businesses, financial fronts, and propaganda campaigns from its territory. Injured RSF fighters are reportedly flown to Abu Dhabi for treatment in military hospitals. Even Hemedti himself has been seen travelling in an Emirati royal’s private jet for diplomatic visits to African nations.

According to The Africa Report, Sudan exports approximately $16 billion worth of gold to the UAE annually, with a substantial portion originating from Darfur mines seized by the RSF since 2017. Most of these mines use illegal mining practices, and much of the gold is illicitly smuggled out of Darfur.

“Without UAE support, the RSF would not have been able to wage war at this scale,” said a UN analyst familiar with the investigation. “They are bankrolling a genocide.”

The UAE has denied these allegations, but Western diplomats and human rights groups remain unconvinced.

A humanitarian disaster ignored by the world

The war in Sudan has created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Millions of people have been internally displaced, while 2 million have fled the country. Nearly half of Sudan’s population, around 25 million people, now needs humanitarian aid. Yet, according to the UN, only 12% of the $2.7 billion in requested aid has been funded.

Famine, disease, and violence are spreading rapidly. Entire towns have been burned to the ground. Aid workers have been killed. Relief convoys have been looted. The fighting for El-Fasher, in particular, has trapped hundreds of thousands of civilians with no food or clean water.

Meanwhile, international peace efforts have failed. Talks hosted in Jeddah by the US and Saudi Arabia in 2023 produced a “declaration to protect civilians,” but both the SAF and RSF violated it almost immediately. The UN, the African Union, and the European Union have condemned the atrocities but stopped short of concrete intervention.

Observers warn that unless the flow of weapons is stopped, Sudan could fall into permanent chaos, a failed state controlled by warlords and militias.

A country bleeding from its past

Sudan’s tragedy is not just about two generals fighting for power, it is the legacy of decades of dictatorship, inequality, and foreign exploitation. From the Darfur genocide to today’s war, the victims have largely been the same: poor, marginalised people with no voice.

Christians, ethnic minorities, and civilians who simply want peace are paying the price for a conflict they did not start. With both the SAF and RSF using religion and ethnicity as weapons, and powerful businesses profiting from the bloodshed, Sudan’s future looks increasingly uncertain.

Another disturbing aspect of these ongoing human tragedy is that most of the world has been aloof. While the news media is occupied with ‘All Eyes on Gaza’ and geopolitical tensions around the war in Ukraine, the suffering of millions of impoverished, helpless people in Sudan has been largely ignored.

As the world’s attention drifts elsewhere, the genocide in Sudan continues, visible from space, but ignored on Earth.

As Mohammad Azharuddin joins Congress cabinet in Telangana, read about the match fixing scandal that ended his cricket career

Rukma Rathore
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As Mohammad Azharuddin joins Congress cabinet in Telangana, read about the match fixing scandal that ended his cricket career

A political storm has emerged in Telangana amid the induction of controversial former Indian cricket captain Mohammad Azharuddin into the state cabinet after Governor Jishnu Dev Varma administered the oath at Raj Bhavan, on 31st October. Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy and his cabinet colleagues attended the event.

According to reports, Azharuddin could be offered the positions of Home Ministry or Minorities Welfare and Sports Ministry. His appointment gave the Congress government its first Muslim cabinet member. Meanwhile, Mahesh Kumar Goud the president of the Telangana Pradesh Congress Committee (TPCC) and multiple other top Congress leaders were caught off gaurd by the decision.

On 29th October, he acknowledged to a select members of the media that he was unaware of the development beforehand, reported Telangana Today. According to party sources, his remarks highlighted the absence of consultation and the rising resentment among senior leaders over unilateral actions initiated by some party members.

They are upset about being left out of crucial decisions and have reservations about Azharuddin’s selection since it shows that the party is trying to win over a certain (Muslim) demographic before the Jubilee Hills by-election.

Notably, Azharuddin has yet to join the council or legislative assembly which is a prerequisite for becoming a state minister and Varma has not approved his nomination to the legislative council under the governor’s quota. He has to be made the MLC within the next six months to maintain his ministerial berth.

BJP, BRS hit out at Congress party

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) have strongly objected to Azharuddin’s appointment to the cabinet, arguing it is a ploy to sway the highly anticipated 11th November Jubilee Hills by-election. It seems to be an attempt to “woo the electorate” ahead of a triangular contest between the three parties as the assembly constituency has more than one lakh Muslim votes.

The saffron party pointed out the timing and charged that the action violated the Model Code of Conduct and filed a complaint with the state Election Commission. “It is an attempt to court the voters of a certain community and it is evident,” a party leader expressed, according to The Indian Express. According to BJP spokespersons, a minister’s induction, especially if the they recently wanted to contest from the same seat, amounts to the abuse of governmental authority to manipulate voters.

Similar assertions were made by the BRS as it added that the action was planned with the Jubilee Hills election in mind. The seat has been occupied by the party since Telangana was created in 2014.

On the other hand, Congress retorted that the move acknowledged Azharuddin’s political and cricketing accomplishments. Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka contended, “There is a nexus between the BJP and the BRS and that is why they are opposing his elevation,” at a press conference.

The same allegation was levelled by Goud at the two parties despite earlier row. “The Congress party had made a commitment to ensure cabinet representation for minorities. Governments, even in erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, always included a minority face. We are simply correcting a long-overdue imbalance,” he claimed while talking to NDTV.

The downfall of Azharuddin

Azharuddin, who was appointed as the captain of the Indian cricket team in 1990, represented the nation in four World Cups, three of them as captain, after making his debut on the field with three consecutive Test centuries in his first three games in 1985.

However, his cricketing career took a turn for the worst as the massive match-fixing scandal broke and he was banned by the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) in December 2000 which was eventually stayed by the Andhra Pradesh High Court in 2012.

The scandal unfolded on 7th April 2000 when Delhi police revealed to have a tape of a phone call between South African captain Hansie Cronje and bookie Sanjay Chawla, resulting in the accusation of match-fixing. The lawsuit also involved Cronje’s three other teammates, Pieter Strydom, Nicky Boje and Herschelle Gibbs.

On 8th April, Cronje and the United Cricket Board of South Africa (UCBSA) denied that South African players were involved in any form of game-fixing. On 11th April, Cronje was fired as team captain as he professed of not being “entirely honest” to Ali Bacher, executive director of Cricket South Africa.

During the 2000 India series, he acknowledged receiving payment between $10,000 and $15,000 for “providing information and forecast but not match-fixing.” The Indian government summoned the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) on 28th April to look into the claims and determine whether any Indian officials or cricket players were involved. The King Commission in South Africa started looking into the matter on 7th June.

Pat Symcox, Gibbs, Henry Williams and Strydom, all South African players, testified in court that Cronje had offered them money in exchange for poor performance in several of the India tour’s games.

Azharuddin enters the picture

Cronje made his contact with bookmakers public in a statement released, on 15th June. He informed the King Commission that while South Africa was touring India in 1996, Azharuddin had introduced him to a bookmaker who promised him money to lose a Test match. The latter denied the allegations.

Afterward, the homes of prominent Indian cricket players Azharuddin, Ajay Jadeja, Nayan Mongia alongside Nikhil Chopra as well as the Indian coach Kapil Dev were raided by the central agency on 20th July. However, nothing suspicious was located.

Gibbs and Williams received a four-month penalty on 28th August 28 as Strydom was acquited. Azharuddin reportedly admitted to fixing three One-Day Internationals (ODIs) during the CBI investigation. The first was against South Africa in Rajkot in 1996, followed by Pepsi Cup matches in Sri Lanka in 1997 and Pakistan in 1999. However, he later denied any involvement in an interview.

Meanwhile, the CBI published a report on 31st October that outlined his admission of match-fixing and disclosed that he had enlisted the assistance of colleagues Ajay Jadeja and Nayan Mongia to carry out the fixing operations. On 27th November, Azharuddin was pronounced guilty by the BCCI.

Ajay Sharma, Jadeja, Manoj Prabhakar alongside Ali Irani, a former Indian team physio, were all charged for their connections to bookies. Kapil Dev and Mongia were not found guilty. Azharuddin and Ajay Sharma were suspended for life by the cricketing body on 5th December. Prabhakar and Irani were barred from holding any position in Indian cricket for five years while Jadeja was given a five-year suspension.

Delhi bookie names Azharuddin

Delhi bookmaker and a goldsmith by profession, Mukesh Gupta (also known as John or MK) knew a number of Indian and international cricket players and had been known to Indian authorities since the initial rumours of match-fixing, based on ESPNcricinfo. Cronje confirmed Gupta’s involvement when he admitted to the King Commission that Azharuddin had introduced him to the former in Kanpur in 1996.

Cronje received $40,000 from Gupta in return for information. Gupta revealed the truth and provided the CBI enough proof to go after Azharuddin, Manoj Prabhakar, Ajay Jadeja, Ajay Sharma and Nayan Mongia.

More importantly, photographs depicting Azharuddin with prominent members of the Bombay mafia, including at least one whose name has been connected to terrorist bombings in the city in early 1993, were in the CBI’s possession.

The police did not question the cricket player after finding these photos during their bombing investigations. According to sources, he broke under pressure when the CBI presented him with proof of his dubious affiliations. There had been long-standing claims that some of these underworld personalities have a tight relationship to Sharjah matches.

However, the Andhra Pradesh High Court declared Azharuddin’s sentence “unsustainable” and removed it on 8th November 2012. The Delhi High Court also lifted Jadeja’s ban in January 2003, stating that there was insufficient evidence to support his role in match fixing.

Sardar Patel’s unite India campaign and the decisive role of Bhavnagar Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji: The First Princely State’s Merger with India

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
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Sardar Patel’s unite India campaign and the decisive role of Bhavnagar Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji: The First Princely State’s Merger with India

India is celebrating National Unity Day on 31st October. Special ceremonies, programs and celebrations have begun in various places and states on the birth anniversary of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. India is celebrating and taking inspiration from the grit and patriotism of Sardar Patel, the “Iron Man” who united the nation. The people of India are also remembering Bhavnagar State and its ruler Maharaja Raol Saheb Shri Krishnakumarsinhji Gohil . The only reason is that Bhavnagar became the first step towards the dream of a united India. 

When Sardar Patel commenced his efforts to unify India, Bhavnagar was the only princely state that chose to join India. The result was that seeing Bhavnagar, other princely states also joined India. Bhavnagar took the first unique step in Sardar Patel’s campaign to unite the fragmented India after independence in 1947, and from there the campaign for the merger of princely states began. 

The then ruler of Bhavnagar, Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji Gohil, had set a noble example by merging Bhavnagar to the Indian Union. In this article, we will discuss the conversation between Maharaja Saheb and Sardar Patel. On the birth anniversary of Sardar Patel, we will discuss in detail how Bhavnagar state contributed to his campaign to unite India.

The 1939 Praja Parishad and the Maharaja’s meeting with Sardar Patel

Bhavnagar state was a monarchy; however, it also included the Praja Parishad, hearings, courts and other important democratic elements. The common people were also given powers and Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji himself was an independent and liberal personality. He was born on 19th May 1912 in Bhavnagar. After the death of his father Maharaja Bhavsinhji II, he was entrusted with the throne of Bhavnagar at the young age of only seven years. However, till 1931, the government was run under the guidance of the Diwan. 

During Krishnakumarsinhji’s reign, Bhavnagar became the key trading centre of Kathiawar, where maritime trade and industrial development were encouraged. In 1938, he also received many international honours and was also awarded the KCSI, yet his heart was always intertwined with the Indian independence movement. 

In 1939, Maharaj Krishnakumarsinhji and Sardar Patel had their first meeting. During this conference, Sardar Patel delivered a speech on public, state development and national unity, which instilled great respect for him in the mind of the Maharaja. In this very meeting, the seeds of future unification were sown. 

“There was a transcendent power of unity in the words of the Sardar, which touched my heart,” he said.

The situation in 1947 – The challenge of making India ‘unified’ across the continent

The country gained independence in 1947, however, at that time there were 565 princely states in India, whose area was 48% of the total area of ​​India. These princely states were given three options. One was to join India, the second was to join Pakistan and the third was to remain independent. Sardar Patel, as the Home Minister, had prepared the ‘Accession Instrument’ and called upon the princely states to join the Indian Union. This document asked the princely states to give the Union of India authority over defence, foreign policy and communications, while guaranteeing the security of internal administration and inheritance.

At that time the situation was such that many princely states wanted to remain independent, making it difficult to unite India. If any princely state joined the Union of India, then the rest of the princely states could also join the Union of India. Amidst this turmoil, Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji was the first to accept the call of Sardar and voluntarily offered 1,800 Padar on a Tulsi leaf to the country. During this, he said, “Joining the Union of India is the only right option for the people of Bhavnagar and its heritage.” 

Meeting with Gandhi and Sardar’s diplomacy

The main conversation between Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji and Sardar Patel took place in Delhi in December 1947. The Maharaja was only 35 years old at that time. He met Gandhi at Birla House on 17th December 1947 and expressed his commitment to merger with India. Manubhen Gandhi has written a description of the Maharaja’s meeting with Gandhi in Delhi’, According to the description, as the time seemed close, Gandhi asked Manubhen to go outside in front of the car and respectfully bring the Maharaja. The Maharaja met Gandhi alone and had a conversation. 

 “I hand over my kingdom to the feet of the country. I will accept whatever decision is made regarding my salary, private properties, etc.” Gandhi was very pleased with such a generous and noble presentation of the Maharaja. However, he asked, “Have you asked your queen and brothers?” The Maharaja replied, “Their opinion also comes into play in my decision. When the entire elephant is going, there is no point in keeping the elephant,” he humbly said.

In response, Gandhi said, “The decision of Bhavnagar Maharaj is important for the unity of India.” He also advised the Maharaja to meet Sardar Patel and asked him to move forward in this direction. Subsequently, a meeting was held between both Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji and Sardar Patel and for the first time, the merger of a princely state into the Union of India was considered. 

Notably, Dr. Gambhir Singh Gohil, who wrote the biography of Krishna Kumar Singh under the title ‘Prajavatsal Rajvi’ and former principal of Shamaldas College, Bhavnagar, has also mentioned this incident. Sardar had personally told the Maharaja that, “Unification of princely states is not only a political matter, but the welfare of the people is also hidden in it. Only with the cooperation of progressive rulers like you, India can become the great democracy of the world.” Responding to this, the Maharaja expressed concern about the traders, people and its economic stability of the Bhavnagar state. 

Sardar Patel, however, assured that all matters would be taken care of. “Bhavnagar will be given an annual annuity, autonomy of internal administration and security of trade routes. The Centre will help in strengthening your polytechnic institutions.” 

This agreement was finalised via VP Menon. Expressing gratitude to the Maharaja of Bhavnagar, the agreement stated, “This merger will further strengthen Bhavnagar and the connection and feelings of the Maharaja of Bhavnagar with his people will remain intact and unbroken.” 

The first merger and its consequences

On 15th January 1948, Sardar Patel arrived in Bhavnagar and in a special ceremony, Maharaja Krishnakumar Singh publicly announced the official declaration of ‘Responsible Democracy’ to the people of Bhavnagar . During this time, he handed over the administration to the representatives of the people and signed the Accession Instrument. With this, Bhavnagar became the first princely state in India to be completely merged with India. On 15th February 1948, Bhavnagar merged with the state of Saurashtra, which also inspired 222 other princely states of Saurashtra. 

This sent a strong message to Junagadh, Porbandar and other princely states and their people that only unity is the path to progress. With the joint efforts of Sardar Patel and the Maharaja of Bhavnagar, the process of merger started moving forward. Gandhi also used to give the example of Bhavnagar to other princely states. Manubhen’s book describes that Gandhi used to tell other princes who came to meet him, “You were asking, how should we behave now? So, you should take the example of Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji of Bhavnagar and adopt the path he took.” 

Bhavnagar’s merger with India inspired other princely states. These started preparing for an official merger with India and Sardar Patel being India’s ‘unifier-in-chief’ expedited the process. he merger of Bhavnagar was the first victorious step of Sardar Patel’s strategy. He united the princely states on the basis of diplomacy and trust. On the birth anniversary of Sardar Patel, this history reminds us that unity is built only through trust and dedication. What makes it important to remember Bhavnagar and the Maharaja of Bhavnagar on the birth anniversary of Sardar Patel is that he took the first and decisive step for the unification of India and offered the first “Aahuti” in the dream-like yagna of Sardar Patel’s Akhand Bharat.

Amit Shah remembers Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s contribution in protecting India’s territorial integrity: Here is how the Iron Man of India protected the Lakshadweep Islands

Aditi
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Amit Shah remembers Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s contribution in protecting India’s territorial integrity: Here is how the Iron Man of India protected the Lakshadweep Islands

Commemorating independent India’s first Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, on his 150th birth anniversary on Friday (31st October), Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid tributes to the ‘Iron Man’ of India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid a floral tribute to Patel at the Statue of Unity in Gujarat’s Ekta Nagar. Taking a pledge of unity, PM Modi also announced the release of a special commemorative coin and stamp as a tribute.

Marking the occasion, Union Home Minister Shah flagged off the ‘Run for Unity’ program in the national capital and administered the pledge of unity and reaffirmed the nation’s commitment to unity and integrity. Addressing the participants during the celebrations on the Rashtriya Ekta Diwas (National Unity Day), which is observed on Patel’s birth anniversary since 2014, Shah remembered Patel’s immeasurable contribution in shaping the current map of India.

He highlighted how the visionary statesman accomplished the monumental task of integrating 562 princely states into the Indian territory with his diplomacy. Shah recalled how, even after India got independence, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel remained vigilant and ensured that the territorial integrity of India was intact. It was because of Patel’s forward thinking and far-sightedness that he was able to realise the strategic significance of several territories, including the Lakshadweep (Laccadive) islands and merge them into the Indian territory.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel foresaw Pakistan’s ill intentions about the Lakshadweep Islands and thwarted its attempts to capture them. Patel sent an Indian Navy ship to the Lakshadweep Islands just in time and spoiled Pakistan’s dream of maliciously acquiring the islands.

How Patel thwarted Pakistan’s plans to capture the Lakshadweep Islands

If not for the futuristic thinking of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, India could have lost a vital Arabian Sea position like the Lakshadweep Islands to Pakistan. Patel recognised the strategic significance of the Lakshadweep Islands and prevented it falling into the hands of Pakistan. At the time of independence, when the Indian territory was partitioned based on religion to form East and West Pakistan, the Lakshadweep Islands, with their majority Muslim population, were eyed by Pakistan.

The islands have a critical geographical location, with proximity to India’s southern coast, which made Pakistan covet them. Sensing that Pakistan was conspiring to acquire the Islands by force, Patel ordered the Indian officials in South India to immediately dispatch a ship with troops to the islands. By the time, a Pakistani ship had also embarked on a journey to capture the islands. However, the Indian ship, surpassing the Pakistani vessel, reached the islands and unfurled the Indian tricolour, establishing India’s authority on the islands. Pakistani forces had to return empty-handed.

The significance of the Lakshadweep Islands

The Lakshadweep archipelago is a group of 36 small islands scattered across the Arabian Sea. The islands are loacted around 400–500 km off the coast of Koch in Kerala. Referred to as the Indian tropical paradise, the islands have huge environmental, strategic, and economic significance for India. Because of their strategically crucial position in the Arabian Sea, the islands prove extremely helpful for India in maritime surveillance, and naval operations. They also provide India access and control over crucial sea routes that connect Middle East, Africa, and Southeast Asia.

Coral reefs in Lakshadweep Islands. (Image via undp.org)

The islands contribute immensely to India’s blue economy through their rich marine resources. The islands also have potential for eco-tourism and sustainable fishing, which can boost the local economy. The coral reefs, lagoons and atolls of the islands form a unique part of India’s marine ecosystems. They help maintain ecological balance in the Arabian Sea by acting as natural barriers against coastal erosion and sustaining biodiversity.

Priyank Kharge’s elitism is Congress’ legacy: Why Himanta Biswa Sarma’s Assam embodies the new India of talent and transformation

Dr. Prosenjit Nath
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Priyank Kharge’s elitism is Congress’ legacy: Why Himanta Biswa Sarma’s Assam embodies the new India of talent and transformation

When Karnataka cabinet minister Priyank Kharge questioned whether there was any “talent” in Assam or Gujarat to host semiconductor industries, he did more than just display political immaturity, he revealed the deep-seated arrogance of the Congress ecosystem that still believes India’s progress is limited to a few privileged states. His remarks were not simply a political gaffe; they were an insult to the hardworking youth of Assam, to the technological aspirations of India’s Northeast, and to the very spirit of equitable development that the Modi government and Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma have been striving to achieve.

Kharge’s words were not taken out of context. His recorded statement is clear: “What is there in Gujarat? Is there talent there? What is there in Assam? Is there talent there?” This was not a policy critique, it was a derisive swipe at entire populations, implying that regions outside the traditional urban-industrial belt of South India are intellectually or economically unfit for high-technology industries. Coming from the son of Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, it epitomizes the dynastic disdain that has long alienated the Congress Party from the grassroots energy of India’s new federal development story.

Assam’s Moment of Industrial Renaissance

Under Himanta Biswa Sarma’s leadership, Assam has been quietly but steadily transforming itself into the industrial and infrastructural hub of the Northeast. The Tata Group’s ₹27,000-crore semiconductor assembly and testing facility in Jagiroad, Morigaon district, is not just a business project, it’s a statement. Scheduled to begin its first phase by mid-2025, it is projected to generate over 27,000 direct and indirect jobs, making it one of the largest industrial investments in Assam’s history.

This project is not a result of “arm-twisting” by the Centre, as Kharge insinuates. Rather, it’s the fruit of strategic vision, where the Northeast, long neglected under Congress rule, is being reimagined as a vital node in India’s technological and manufacturing map.

The semiconductor plant aligns with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “Digital India” and “Aatmanirbhar Bharat” vision, aiming to make India self-reliant in semiconductor manufacturing, a sector critical for everything from smartphones to electric vehicles. For Assam, the facility represents both a technological leap and a social revolution, local youth trained for global industry, regional economies integrated into national value chains, and a new identity for the Northeast beyond tea and tourism.

Himanta Biswa Sarma: The Architect of a Confident Assam

The fierce response from Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma was both natural and justified. His retort, calling Kharge a “first-class idiot” for insulting Assamese youth, may sound harsh to some ears, but it reflects the emotion of a leader deeply protective of his people’s dignity. Sarma’s words were not mere political rhetoric; they came from the conviction of a chief minister who has seen, firsthand, the rising potential of Assam’s youth.

Sarma rightly noted, “Why shouldn’t a Northeast Chief Minister aspire for prosperity like those in the South or West? If striving for progress is desperation, so be it.” This is the essence of the new India’s federal confidence, where every state, from Gujarat to Assam, can compete on merit, innovation, and vision, not lineage or legacy.

Over the past few years, Sarma’s government has aggressively pushed industrial reforms, improved law and order, streamlined land and power policies, and expanded technical education infrastructure. The Assam Startup initiative, Skill Development Mission, and collaborations with national institutions like IIT Guwahati have created fertile ground for technology-based industries to take root. These are the kinds of structural changes that Congress governments, trapped in bureaucratic inertia and caste-communal politics, failed to achieve for decades.

Congress’s elitism and the old politics of entitlement

Priyank Kharge’s comments are symptomatic of a deeper malaise within the Congress Party, a sense of elitist entitlement that cannot reconcile with India’s decentralized development model. His words echo the old Nehruvian mindset that viewed the Northeast as a periphery, not a partner, in India’s modernization. For decades, under Congress rule, Assam and the Northeast were politically exploited but economically abandoned. Investments flowed into select states like Karnataka and Maharashtra, while the Northeast was left to grapple with insurgency, unemployment, and infrastructural neglect.

That same mindset now sneers at the idea of a semiconductor plant in Assam. But the irony is stark. Many of the engineers who fuel Bengaluru’s IT revolution come from Assam and the Northeast. Thousands of Assamese youth work in Bengaluru’s tech parks, contribute to global firms, and run startups. To claim that Assam lacks “talent” is not just factually wrong, it is morally offensive.

Even more hypocritical is Kharge’s backpedal, where he accused Sarma of “twisting his words.” But his initial statement questioning Assam’s “talent” was clear enough. When called out, he resorted to the same victimhood politics the Congress deploys whenever caught in arrogance: blame the BJP, blame the Centre, and claim misinterpretation.

The real picture: Assam’s human capital and rising aspirations

Contrary to Kharge’s dismissive claim, Assam’s educational and technological base is growing faster than ever. Institutions like IIT Guwahati, Assam Engineering College, and Tezpur University are producing world-class engineers, scientists, and researchers. According to the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2024, Assam ranks among the top states in the Northeast in terms of technical graduates. Its youth are increasingly being absorbed into the private sector, startups, and national skill programs.

Moreover, the Tata Group itself acknowledged Assam’s potential, partnering with the state to train 1,500 youth at facilities in Bengaluru. These trainees will be employed at the Jagiroad semiconductor unit, a program that symbolizes collaboration, not condescension, between states. Even Sarma’s critics admit that this project will be a benchmark for inclusive industrialization in Eastern India.

By contrast, Karnataka, despite its established IT base, has faced investment flight in recent years due to poor governance under the Congress-JDS combine. As BJP’s IT cell head Amit Malviya pointed out, Karnataka lost Google’s $15-billion data center to Andhra Pradesh’s Vizag, and multiple semiconductor proposals shifted to Gujarat and Assam. Instead of introspection, Priyank Kharge has chosen to lash out with arrogance and false allegations.

Politics of progress vs. Politics of privilege

The Kharge-Sarma spat is not merely a personal duel, it encapsulates two opposing political philosophies in India today.

On one hand stands Himanta Biswa Sarma, a leader who rose through hard work and intellectual merit, symbolizing the BJP’s model of performance-driven politics. His Assam is aspirational, reform-oriented, and deeply rooted in regional pride. On the other hand is Priyank Kharge, heir to a dynastic throne, whose political existence owes more to pedigree than performance. His sneer at Assam reflects the Congress Party’s insecurity at seeing states once dismissed as “backward” now competing with and even surpassing the so-called industrial elites of the South.

In this clash, Sarma represents the new India, where leaders from diverse regions are redefining growth narratives. The BJP’s governance model emphasises equitable industrial distribution, encouraging sunrise sectors like semiconductors, electronics, and renewable energy to reach Tier-2 and Tier-3 locations. The idea is simple: growth must be national, not sectional.

The Tata semiconductor plant in Assam embodies that philosophy. It will not only create jobs but also stimulate auxiliary industries, logistics, training, housing, and digital infrastructure across the region. It signals that the Northeast is no longer a political afterthought but an economic frontier.

A lesson in humility and federalism

Kharge’s comments have rightly drawn condemnation from across Assam’s political spectrum, even from Asom Jatiya Parishad (AJP) leaders like Lurinjyoti Gogoi and Jagadish Bhuyan, who are opposed to the BJP but united in defending Assamese pride. They reminded him that Assamese youth are already integral to Karnataka’s IT sector and are globally recognized for their skills. That a Congress ally had to rebuke a Congress minister shows how far the party has fallen from its pluralist ideals.

In contrast, Sarma’s response, though sharp, underscores a new form of regional assertiveness, not defensive or parochial, but proud and progressive. His leadership style has made Assam a talking point in national economic planning. He has brought discipline to governance, improved fiscal management, and expanded industrial linkages with Southeast Asia through the Act East Policy.

The BJP’s Northeast policy, from infrastructure to digital literacy, is dismantling decades of neglect. Under this paradigm, Assam stands tall not as a recipient of Delhi’s charity, but as an equal stakeholder in India’s future.

Conclusion: Pride in progress

Priyank Kharge’s remarks have done what decades of neglect could not: they have united Assamese people across political lines in defense of their dignity. His elitist condescension inadvertently reaffirmed what Assam already knows: that the state’s youth are capable, competent, and ready to shape the next phase of India’s technological revolution.

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma’s spirited defense of Assamese talent is not just political theatre; it’s a reminder that leadership must be rooted in faith in one’s people, not disdain for others. Assam is no longer content being in the shadow of the South or the West; it is forging its own destiny, with confidence, competence, and courage.

I was invited to a conference of Western Conservatives: As a Hindu, here is why I decided not to go

Nupur J Sharma
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I was invited to a conference of Western Conservatives: As a Hindu, here is why I decided not to go

Note: I was invited invited to the ARC Conference (Alliance for Responsible Citizenship Conference). The conference, set to be held in June 2026, aims to unite conservative voices, with Jordan Peterson, Douglas Murray, Vivek Ramaswamy and several others on the advisory board. As one of the first Hindus to be invited to such a conference, I was looking forward to attending it. However, I decided to decline the invitation. Following is a reproduction of my response to the organisers.

Dear organisers, 

At the very outset, I wish to express my gratitude for the invitation. I am acutely aware that at this esteemed gathering, it is rare for Hindu conservatives to be welcomed. Therefore, it would ordinarily be considered a privilege to be among the first Hindus to engage in a broader discussion about the threats faced by my community, common enemies, and a loose coalition to combat civilisational adversaries. I would also like to thank my Jewish friend who recommended my name. He believed (perhaps, still does) that a conservative alliance would be just as incomplete without Hindus as it would be without Jews, since both communities face persecution and religiously motivated hostility.

When my Jewish friend and I had a conversation about ARC (The Alliance for Responsible Citizenship) and him recommending my name for an invite, I was somewhat sceptical. A conservative conference in the US, without a doubt, revolves around Christian revival. I, of course, will not criticise that. Every community has the absolute right to work towards its own cultural, religious and civilizational revival. As a Hindu, I was unsure what my role would be at such a conference. 

My friend reminded me that I have long maintained that Hindus are alone in their civilizational battle. I have long advocated that a community victory of the Hindus is for us alone to cherish, and a loss, a defeat, is for us to bear the burden of. I had also brought up Jordan Peterson’s shameful denigration of the Hindu mother Goddess (Maa Kali) and Douglas Murray’s inaccurate defence of the colonisation of India – what could I possibly have in common with these folks, I had asked. My friend, the eternal optimist, said that the world is no longer a place where persecuted communities can survive without allies and possibly, the ARC Conference could be a great opportunity to find allies against common threats and enemies. 

I have, in fact, also believed that the best way forward would be reaching a common minimum program of sorts, where, despite our theological differences, Hindus, Christians, and Jews work towards tackling common civilizational threats. What that alliance would look like, however, always eluded me, because the theological differences between Hindus and Christians are insurmountable. 

When Mr. Ram Madhav spoke at the National Conservatism Conference in July 2024, he went in solidarity. In the Christian conservative fight against the Global Left, Madhav said a billion Indians would be their brothers in arms. “We can be at the forefront”, he had said. Despite the olive branch, he was derided, mocked, humiliated and abused for his Hindu faith by Christian conservatives on X. 

I knew that if I had attended the ARC Conference, I would have been met with similar derision. But that hardly bothers me. Online hate is something every non-Left commentator is used to – regardless of where they come from. Despite these realities, I thought the ARC Conference could add value for my community because mostly, the racist attacks against Ram Madhav came from what one could dismiss as fringe quarters – random social media accounts who, I thought, had no power to impact policy or serious engagement. 

That the racist social media chatter did not affect policy or rules of engagement got slightly reinforced when those like Elon Musk, David Sachs and others defended Sriram Krishnan after MAGA enthusiasts unleashed a barrage of racist abuse against him after Donald Trump picked him as the Senior White House Policy Advisor on Artificial Intelligence (AI). 

It was then that I thought maybe I was being too much of a pessimist. Perhaps a common, limited understanding could be reached, and my community could benefit from such an alliance. Even in the face of increasing racist attacks and comments, I believed that this conference could allow me to address the bias. 

That pushback or even some sign of disapproval during the Sriram Krishnan saga was completely absent during the recent flurry of anti-India and anti-Hindu comments after Donald Trump’s policies sparked a debate on H1B visas. 

In fact, the intellectual leadership of the MAGA movement or the anti-woke movement seemed either in agreement through their silence or too scared to voice their dissent. 

As someone who has spent the better part of her life advocating for Hindu rights and documenting religiously motivated hate crimes against Hindus, I could not, however, overlook the Hinduphobic comments made not by fringe white supremacists but by the Vice President of the United States of America himself.

When JD Vance told USA that he hopes his wife, Usha Vance, would find Christianity, he essentially declared to the one billion-plus Hindus that their faith was not good enough. He sanctified the Hinduphobic comments made by his supporters, calling Hinduism a “false religion” and our Gods and Goddesses, Demons. 

Now, I cannot authoritatively speak for what JD Vance truly believes, but if it was not a statement of conviction, it was evident that, at the very least, he was too scared to offend fringe sentiments. While being married to an ethnic Indian and a practising Hindu, Vance not only refrained from wishing Hindus on Diwali (clearly a conscious decision) but also hoped, publicly so, that his wife would convert to Christianity. If nothing else, the statement of JD Vance proves that in the USA, the racist fringe is the mainstream now, dictating how leaders behave and what they espouse. 

One must contrast this with India and the Indian leadership, viewed as Hindu nationalists. In India, a large section of the Hindu population believes that India should be a Hindu nation. That, however, does not stop the leadership from reaching out to the Christian community or the Muslim community, because the current leadership and its ideological foundation – the RSS – believes that anyone born on this land needs to be viewed as a brother, regardless of theological differences. In fact, the USCIRF often screeches, relying on inauthentic data, to claim that Christians are being persecuted in India. The truth is quite the contrary. There are hundreds of cases and thousands of Hindus who Christians persecuted in their own land. These cases are meticulously documented on Hinduphobia Tracker – a database of Hindu persecution. Despite this, the government, viewed as Hindu nationalist and tarnished by elements in the USA, makes an earnest attempt to assuage the fears of minorities. 

I am, in fact, one of those Hindus who believe India is the civilizational, cultural and religious land of the Hindus. And since I say this, I must also place on record that as someone who believes India is a Hindu land, I am the last person to take umbrage at Christians thinking of the USA as a Christian country. However, for Hindus, India being a Hindu land does not mean the expulsion of Christians but the preservation of Hindu rights, religious and cultural. India is the only land to have accepted persecuted communities from across the world – from the Jews to Parsis, Christians and even Muslims, not once expecting them to abandon their faith. The pushback against Christians is limited to infringement on Hindu religious rights. In other words, Hindus oppose Christians only when they attempt to, by force, alienate Hindus from their faith and impose their religious beliefs on them. The pushback is not inherently due to theological differences; fundamentally, Hindus are perhaps the only people who accept differences, theological or otherwise, as part of coexistence. 

While Hindus have their fundamentals clear, it is the Christians who now need to define what their Christian nation would look like. That is not for me to weigh in on. But for now, it is apparent that the fringe racists dictate the leadership in the USA, and they will even throw their own family under the bus if it means that the fundamentalists would be assuaged. 

The sceptical hope of a broader coalition between the global non-Left, which was hanging on by a thread after Elon Musk and others had condemned racist attacks against Sriram Krishnan, his ethnic and religious identity, is now all but gone. 

When the leadership itself appears in sync or scared, attending such an event would reap no benefit. 

The obvious defence to what has recently transpired would be that it is natural for JD Vance, a Catholic, to hope that his wife embraces Christianity because Christians believe it to be the only path to salvation. And I hold no brief for Usha Vance. I, frankly, don’t particularly care what Usha Vance decides to do. But what the Vice President of the United States says about the faith of a billion people matters because it shapes how the Western World, or at least a large part of it, interacts with the followers of that faith. 

When JD Vance said that his wife is not very religious, contradicting Usha Vance’s earlier statement that she was a religious Hindu, he essentially negated the faith in its entirety. He basically said that Usha Vance was “faithless”, not because she was an atheist (by her own admission, she comes from a religious family), but because she did not follow Catholicism. When he admitted that his children were being raised Catholic, only months after claiming that their kids follow both religions, with Hindu rituals being a part of their life, he delegitimises the faith itself – presumably because he wanted to pander to the fundamentalists, his core vote bank. 

Here, I would like to reiterate: I don’t care what faith Usha Vance or their children follow. Their marital arrangement is not a matter of global concern. What is of international concern, however, is what his statements mean for Hindus and how they would translate into their dehumanisation and the delegitimisation of their faith. 

Vance’s statement wasn’t just about his wife. It implied the inferiority of the Hindu faith and furthered cultural erasure and stereotyping. 

It is a byproduct of racial and religious hate that Hindus, who neither proselytise nor impose their religious practices on others, apart from being productive members of any society, are expected to give up their religious practices and chip away at their cultural identity to “assimilate”. The pressure to give up their religious identity is such that most Hindus in the US hardly call themselves religious. They claim they are “spiritual” or pull a Vivek Ramaswamy to claim that Christian values and Hindu values are synonymous. Essentially, to escape discrimination and humiliation, even Hindus who have political power must capitulate to Christian supremacists by giving up their exclusively Hindu identity to claim they are, if not Christian, then Christian adjacent. 

Of course, I blame such Hindus just as much as I hold Christian fundamentalists responsible. The Hindus’ need to assimilate and find crumbs of acceptance from White supremacists contributes just as much to the dehumanisation of fellow Hindus. But if the Vice President of the United States of America cannot stand up and defend the faith of his wife, I have very little hope from other Christian conservatives, even for a limited alliance to fight common enemies. 

In all honesty, my only interest is the preservation and protection of Hindus, and any global non-Left alliance is pointless if that objective isn’t furthered. I have little regard for validation – from the Left or from the Christian conservatives. I do believe a Global Alliance against the Left and possibly Islamism would be beneficial to my community; however, any such alliance must be founded on equal footing. I never was, nor will I ever be, a votary of chipping away at my own religious and cultural identity for the purpose of forging such an alliance, nor would I ever capitulate to those who deem themselves superior. 

This letter would undoubtedly raise debate among my followers and readers. Should I have attended the ARC Conference to say this in person? Is it not better to be there than be derided in absentia? Would my letter change anything? And if it would not, why not simply attend and have a shot, even if it is a slim one, at convincing other conservatives that Hindus are meant to be allies. 

I fear, now more than ever, that a Global Non-Left Alliance may not be forged. Theologically, Christians would always be inclined to alienate Hindus from their faith. In India, there are thousands of cases of Christians persecuting Hindus, forcing them, and threatening them to convert to Christianity. Politically, the ‘right’ would always be local in nature, unlike the Left, which finds global consonance. Hindus would want to focus on the religious, cultural, and traditional preservation of their people’s faith and the land of their ancestors. In contrast, Christians, in addition to working towards cultural and religious revival, would also be theologically invested in eradicating Hindus and their faith. 

I am sure the ARC Conference or other Conservative Conferences would find several other Hindus who would be more than willing to capitulate, to blame Hindus for their own persecution and humiliation. I refuse to be one of them. 

I believe the need is for Christian conservatives to get their house in order because, currently, their message to the world is clear – Christian conservatism is either subservient or indistinguishable from fundamentalism rooted in pristine theology and xenophobia, which hates Hindu existence itself.

I do hope there comes a time in the future when Christian conservatives realise that while they poured their energies into converting the “heathens”, their land and their identity were being stolen by common enemies – forces inimical to civilizational survival. I do hope that someday, forging a common alliance would not necessarily entail Hindus chipping away at their own cultural and religious identity. Until then, I would be uncomfortable attending this conference, while being deeply appreciative of the invitation extended to me. 

I am, of course, not placing the blame for JD Vance’s Hinduphobia on the ARC Conference. But in the absence of any condemnation from the conservatives and widespread agreement in contrast, I believe a Christian Conservative gathering is not one I feel the need to attend. 

India Today’s Marya Shakil justifies RJD’s genocidal “Bhura Baal Saaf Karo” slogan in 90s calling it “political necessity,” read how it led to violence targeting upper caste Hindus in Bihar

Shraddha Pandey
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India Today’s Marya Shakil justifies RJD’s genocidal “Bhura Baal Saaf Karo” slogan in 90s calling it “political necessity,” read how it led to violence targeting upper caste Hindus in Bihar

In the turbulent 1990s, Bihar under Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) was witnessing politics of caste-based mobilisation masquerading as social justice. The so-called upper caste Hindus were singled out, targeted and villainised by the RJD and its supporters with slogans like “Bhura Baal Saaf Karo”. Decades after, India Today journalist Marya Shakil has justified the RJD’s genocidal “Bhura Baal Saaf Karo” slogan.

Marya Shakil is the daughter of Shakil Ahmed Khan, who was a minister in Rabri Devi’s cabinet for 10 years.

During a panel discussion program on India Today, Marya Shakil said that in the Bihar of 1990s, “Lalu Prasad Yadav was a political necessity. When he carried out the movement of ‘Bhura Baal Saaf Karo’ and the entire movement against the upper castes, that was the need of the hour.”

She further justified the anti-upper caste movement and genocidal calls by the RJD in the 1990s by saying that when Nitish Kumar arrived on the political scene in 2005 and emphasised “Mahila voters (women voters), etc that was the need of the hour. How conveniently, Marya Shakil whitewashed a political movement calling for the targeting and elimination of upper caste Hindus, not only a ‘political necessity’ but also equating with other social issues like the push to increase participation of women in voting.

This is not only an attempt at justifying and romanticising caste-based targeting and genocide calls as some sort of savvy realpolitik, but also normalising it. Just imagine, if today a BJP leader gives a slogan calling for genocide of a particular religious or ideological group it deems oppressive, arguing that most terrorists or anti-national elements emerge from this community, would Marya Shakil call it ‘political necessity’, ‘need of the hour’ or ‘realpolitik’?

No! Then it would have been hate speech, collapse of democracy, ‘Hindutva fascism’ and triggered ‘Minority khatre mein hai’, ‘I can’t breathe’, ‘Not the India I grew up in’ and similar such responses.

Bhura Baal Saaf Karo: RJD’s genocidal call becomes a political necessity for the daughter of a Jungle Raj-era minister

It is essential to recall that back in the 1990s, particularly 1996, RJD coined the slogan “Bhura Baal Saaf Karo” which became a rallying cry to wipe off the ‘upper-caste’ Hindus. This slogan was not confined to seeking social justice or a mere subtle poetry used during election campaigns. It was an acronym targeting specific Hindu upper castes, Bhu for Bhumihars, Ra for Rajputs, Ba for Brahmins and L for Lalas or Kayasths.

Taking inspiration from the British ‘divide and rule’ policy, the RJD came up with this anti-Savarn slogan to sow divisions within the Hindu community on caste lines by projecting RJD as the sole fighter and defender of the backward caste against ‘oppressive’ Savarn groups. RJD aimed to unite and empower the Hindu backward castes and Muslims. This became the infamous “MY” formula replicated by the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh.

It was after Lalu Yadav gave the ‘Bhura Baal Saaf Karo’ slogan, which essentially meant eliminate Bhumihars, Rajputs, Brahmins, and Lalas/Kayasths, a series of caste-based killings targeting the upper caste Hindus unfolded in Bihar. The caste fire ignited by the RJD engulfed Bihar and significantly contributed to the Lalu era’s “Jungle Raj”. Lawlessness, kidnappings for ransom, caste-based murders, loot and absolute lawlessness became the new normal in Bihar.

Driven by political desperation and perhaps genuine hatred for the upper caste Hindus, Lalu Yadav and his party’s caste-based politics devolved into a license for goons, especially those linked to his own party, to terrorise upper-caste Hindu villages. These incidents resulted in forced migrations. While Lalu’s Yadav-Muslim supremacist regime rode this wave to power, it scarred generations.

During the 15-year RJD rule, law enforcement collapsed, crimes became rampant, the economy decayed, kidnappings for ransom became a thriving industry, and mass murders, caste clashes became the new normal. This opprobrious era also marked the rise of brutal ‘Bahubalis’ like Mohammed Shahabuddin and Mohammed Taslimuddin, who ran their fiefdom with impunity. Police became a puppet of the RJD government, and migration of youth in search of jobs and to flee violence contributed to the law and economic collapse in the state.

Unsurprisingly, much like his denial of involvement in corruption cases he was convicted in, Lalu Yadav denies coining the ‘Bhura Baal Saaf Karo’ slogan and blames the media for falsely attributing it to him.

However, even decades later, the RJD is using election campaign strategies for the coming state assembly election, particularly songs glorifying guns, violence, the idea of establishing Yadav supremacy and eliminating political opponents just as it used to be during the Jungle Raj.

In fact, the dormant but never dead “Bhura Baal Saaf Karo” has resurfaced in poll-bound Bihar’s charged political chatter. In July this year, a senior RJD leader while addressing a public event has said the same genocidal slogan.

In another incident reported from Gayaji, a crowd in July this year, ‘Bhura Baal Saaf Karo’ slogans were raised in the presence of RJD MLA from Attari, Ranjit Yadav.

Munarik Yadav, husband of Sahoda Panchayat head Photu Devi, referring to former Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav, said, “Our leader used to say, ‘Bhura Baal Saaf Karo,’ and he was right. Now is the time to truly execute the Bhura Baal Saaf Karo slogan.’”

While Marya Shakil’s blatant justification of the ‘Bhura Baal Saaf Karo’ slogan has sparked online outrage, it is not shocking coming from the daughter of Ahmed Shakil Khan, who was a close aide of Lalu Prasad Yadav and served as the energy and law minister when Lalu’s wife Rabri Devi was the chief minister of Bihar. The daughter of a jungle-raj era minister justifying the horrors of those days would not have been very surprising; however, it coming from a journalist does raise concern.

If Bihar’s casteist and violent nightmare is what Marya Shakil would call ‘political necessity’, then the state is better off without those dreaming of scripting its sequel.

From Governance to Greatness: NDA’s Sankalp Patra for Bihar elections is a roadmap to turn the once-BIMARU state into an industrial powerhouse

Raju Das
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From Governance to Greatness: NDA’s Sankalp Patra for Bihar elections is a roadmap to turn the once-BIMARU state into an industrial powerhouse

The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) on Friday unveiled its manifesto for the upcoming assembly elections in Bihar. Nitish Kumar has been the chief minister of the state for a long time, since 2005, except a brief intervention when Jitan Ram Manjhi was the CM. Therefore, the alliance is fighting anti-incumbency along with combined strength of RJD and Congress. To ensure return to power, NDA has released the Sankalp Patra that reads less like a list of poll promises and more like an agenda for development.

Created around the slogan “Viksit Bihar,” it envisions a confident, self-reliant, and industrially developed Bihar, with the aim to join the league of India’s top ten states within the next five years. The Sankalp Patra contains 25 main promises.

The document reminds voters of the journey from the lawless, infrastructure-starved Bihar of the 1990s to the transformed state of the 2020s, while laying down a detailed plan to sustain double-digit growth, create one crore jobs, and turn Bihar into the industrial heart of eastern India.

From Darkness to Development: The Numbers Tell the Story

A key section of the manifesto, titled “Bihar Kal Aur Aaj” (Bihar Then and Now), shows the contrasts in the condition of the state between 1990–2005 and 2005–2025. The comparison serves as the NDA’s central argument, that Nitish Kumar’s two decades of governance have fundamentally changed the economic and social status of Bihar.

The state’s average annual growth rate has jumped from a meagre 3% in the pre-NDA years to 11% over the past two decades. Per capita income, which was just ₹7,840, now stands at ₹66,828, over eight times higher. Notably, Bihar’s Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) stood in 2005 was ₹79,000 crore, which has gone up to ₹11 lakh crore by 2025, a more than thirteenfold increase.

The state’s economic growth is reflected in the size of its budget, which has gone up to ₹3,16,895 crore from just ₹23,885 20 years ago, an increase of over 13 times.

Infrastructure growth tells an equally striking story. In 1990–2005, Bihar had barely 8,000 km of rural roads. Between 2005 and 2025, that figure has expanded to over 1.2 lakh km, connecting virtually every village. The state had 0 km of expressways, now it has over 2000 kilometres.

The number of police stations has increased from 817 to 1,380, while the police force itself has grown from 42,000 to 1.35 lakh, including 35,000 women personnel. Electricity availability was just 22% with power available for just 7-8 hours a day, has now surged to approximatively 100% with supply for around 23-24 hours.

The transformation in education and healthcare spending is equally dramatic. Bihar’s education budget has grown from ₹4,366 crore in 2005 to ₹77,690 crore in 2025. The number of engineering colleges has expanded from just two to 38, ITIs from 23 to 152, and medical colleges from six (pre-1990s) to 15 functional and 21 under construction. The state’s health budget has risen from ₹705 crore to over ₹20,000 crore. These statistics form the bedrock of the NDA’s claim that Bihar has not only recovered from decades of neglect but is now poised for industrial takeoff.

The 25 Sankalp: A Roadmap for a “Viksit Bihar”

At the heart of the manifesto are 25 key commitments, or Sankalp, that map out Bihar’s next stage of growth. They span sectors like employment, industry, agriculture, women empowerment, infrastructure, education, and welfare. The 25 Sankalps are as follows:

  1. Jobs and Employment for Every Youth: Provide over one crore (10 million) government and private jobs; conduct a statewide skill census and establish global-level skill centers in every district.
  2. Women’s Prosperity and Self-Reliance: Financial support up to ₹2 lakh for women entrepreneurs; empower one crore women to become “Lakhpati Didis” and launch “Mission Crorepati Didi” to help top-performing women become millionaires.
  3. Economic and Social Empowerment of Extremely Backward Classes: Provide ₹10 lakh financial assistance to EBC occupational groups and form a high-level commission to assess and promote their social and economic progress.
  4. Farmers’ Dignity and Guaranteed MSP: Launch the Karpuri Thakur Kisan Samman Nidhi giving ₹9,000 annually to farmers, and ensure MSP-based procurement of key crops — paddy, wheat, pulses, and maize.
  5. Prosperous Farmers through Dairy and Fisheries Missions: Launch Jalaj Sahni Fish Farmers Assistance Scheme and Bihar Dairy Mission to double fish and milk production and exports.
  6. High-Speed Connectivity through Expressways and Rail: Build seven new expressways, modernize 3,600 km of rail tracks, expand metro services, and develop new high-speed train routes.
  7. Modern Urban Development: Develop a New Patna Satellite City, greenfield smart townships, and “Seetapuram” near Sitamarhi as a world-class spiritual city dedicated to Goddess Sita.
  8. Direct International Flights from Bihar: Establish international airports at Darbhanga, Purnea, and Bhagalpur; add 10 new domestic air routes.
  9. Guarantee of Industrial Revolution: Launch the Developed Bihar Industrial Mission with ₹1 lakh crore investment to build mega industrial parks, create jobs, and ensure large-scale industrialization.
  10. Factory in Every District, Jobs in Every Home: Establish 10 new mega industrial parks and district-level manufacturing units under the One District One Factory model.
  11. The Era of the New Age Economy: Develop Bihar into a Global Back-End Hub and Global Work Skill Centre, attracting ₹50 lakh crore in investments over the next five years.
  12. ‘Panchamrit’ Guarantee for the Poor: Ensure five basic welfare guarantees: Free ration, 125 units of free electricity, Free healthcare up to ₹5 lakh, 50 lakh new houses, Comprehensive social security pensions.
  13. Free Education from KG to PG: Provide quality education completely free for children from poor families, with nutritious meals, modern labs, and smart schools.
  14. ‘Made in Bihar for the World’ – Doubling Agri Exports: Develop five mega food parks, boost exports of makhana, fish, and pulses, and achieve self-sufficiency in key crops by 2030.
  15. South Asia’s Textile Hub: Establish Mithila Mega Textile and Design Park and Ang Mega Silk Park to make Bihar a textile and design powerhouse.
  16. Eastern India’s New Tech Hub: Create a Defense Corridor, Semiconductor Manufacturing Park, Mega Tech City, and Fintech City to attract high-tech industries.
  17. Network of Cottage Industries and MSMEs: Build 100 MSME parks and 50,000 cottage industries; promote ‘Vocal for Local’ with testing labs, quality certification, and marketing support.
  18. World-Class Education Infrastructure: Build a ₹5,000 crore Education City, make major schools AI-enabled, develop Bihar as a “State of Excellence in Learning and Innovation.”
  19. Health Services at Global Standards: Set up a world-class Medical City, complete construction of all district medical colleges, establish specialized hospitals for cancer, autism, and super-specialty care.
  20. Promotion of Sports and Youth Excellence: Build dedicated Sports Cities in every division, set up State-of-Excellence Training Centres for priority sports disciplines.
  21. Welfare of Scheduled Castes: Provide ₹2,000 monthly stipend to SC students; set up residential schools and entrepreneurship programs for their upliftment.
  22. Dignity and Support for Gig Workers and Drivers: Offer ₹4 lakh life insurance and low-interest collateral-free vehicle loans to auto, taxi, and e-rickshaw drivers; social security for gig workers.
  23. Development of Religious Tourism: Develop Ramayan, Buddhist, Jain, and Ganga Circuits; build Janaki Corridor and Mahabodhi Corridor; promote eco-friendly homestays.
  24. A New Centre for Art, Culture, and Cinema: Establish a Film City, Sharada School of Arts, Bihar School of Dramatics, and Ubhaya Bharati School of Performing Arts to make Bihar a cultural capital.
  25. A Flood-Free Bihar in Five Years: Form a Flood Management Board and implement major river-linking projects (Koshi–Gandak–Son, etc.) to make Bihar free from annual floods within five years.

The Sankalp Patra outlines detailed plans to achieve these promises.

Jobs and Economic Growth

The most attention-grabbing pledge is the creation of over one crore jobs, including government jobs. To achieve this ambitious goal, the NDA government will set up a mega still centre in every district. The NDA promises to make Bihar a “Global Skilling Centre” with the development of skills among the youth.

If the 2000s were about restoring governance, the 2020s, the manifesto asserts, will be about industrial revolution. Bihar’s ethanol, already credited for bringing ₹32,000 crore in investment, is cited as a model of success. The document pledges more mega food parks, an electronics manufacturing hub, a green energy park for solar and battery production, and a South Asia Textile and Design Park in Mithila. The Sankalp Patra promises make Bihar a textile hub of South Asia with establishment of textile and design parks, and a Khadi Promotion Mission.

Under the Developed Bihar Industrial Mission, the state plans a ₹1 lakh crore industrial push, establishing 10 mega industrial parks, 5 mega food parks, district-level manufacturing clusters, and special economic zones across Champaran, Begusarai, and Khagaria. The manifesto outlines a “Made in Bihar for the World” campaign, aimed at doubling exports in sectors like food processing, textiles, leather, and electronics.

NDA promises to complete the ongoing industrial parks at an accelerated rate. The Sankalp Patra promises ₹50 lakh crore investment in new age economy, targeting establishing Bihar as a Global Back End Hub and a source for Global Workforce.

It also promises a Fintech City in Patna, a Tech City and Defense Corridor in southern Bihar, and specialized industrial corridors linking Chhapra to Kishanganj. By 2030, the NDA aims to place Bihar among India’s top five states in “Ease of Doing Business.”

The manifesto envisions “One District, One Factory,” ensuring every district has a distinct manufacturing identity tied to its local resources. The Sankalp Patra promises 100 MSME parks and over 50,000 cottage industries to promote ‘vocal for local’ campaign.

The state’s NDA government will collaborate with the central government to establish a defence corridor in the state. They also aim to establish Aircraft MRO centres.

Together, these measures aim to create lakhs of new jobs and move Bihar beyond its traditional image as a labour-exporting state.

Agriculture: From Annadata to Agro Processing Powerhouse

For Bihar’s large agrarian population, the NDA promises a shift from subsistence farming to high-value agriculture. NDA aims to double food processing industry in the state in the next five years. Mega Food Parks and Fishery & Poultry Parks will be established for this purpose.

A ₹1.6 lakh crore Fourth Agriculture Roadmap aims to mechanize farming, modernize irrigation, and triple cold-storage capacity to 50 lakh metric tonnes. Along with this, network of integrated cold storage and refrigerated vans will be set up for fruits, vegetables, dairy and poultry products. NDA also plans to launch 10 new national and international cooperative food brands to establish Bihar as Food Brand leader. Modern food processing, packaging and quality certification unites will be established to achieve this goal.

Every panchayat will have modern procurement centres for paddy, wheat, pulses, and maize under a guaranteed Minimum Support Price (MSP) system. The manifesto also pledges a Mukhyamantri Makhana Mission, Fishery Export Promotion Board, and the Bihar Dahi Mission to make the state self-reliant in dairy and aquaculture.

The NDA promises subsidised power to farmers for irrigation, and resolves to complete the ongoing irrigation projects in time. They will also promote establishment of solar energy production on farm land.

To combat recurring floods, the NDA plans a Flood Management Board and river-linking projects connecting the Koshi, Gandak, and Son rivers, with the ambitious goal of a “Flood-Free Bihar in five years.”

Women and Youth: The Human Capital

The manifesto puts a lot of emphasis on women’s empowerment. The NDA credits its tenure with making Bihar the first state to reserve 35% of government jobs and 50% of local body seats for women. Going forward, it pledges to make one crore women “Lakhpati Didis”, through self-help groups, easy microcredit, and entrepreneurship programs. They also launch a Mission Crorepati Didis for successful Lakhpati Didis, providing them with collateral free loans upto ₹20 lakh and other supports.

The Mukhyamantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana will provide up to ₹2 lakh per woman for business ventures, while the “Mission Crorepati Didi” will identify and mentor high-performing entrepreneurs. Skill development partnerships with IIMs and IITs are planned to professionalize rural enterprises.

For youth, the focus is on employability. A Mega Skill Census will map local job demand, and new Skill Hubs in every district will train workers for global outsourcing roles under a Global Work Skill Centre plan. Education reforms include free quality schooling from KG to PG, mid-day meals with nutritious breakfast, AI-enabled smart classrooms, and a ₹5,000 crore Education City to make Bihar a “Start-up Hub of Eastern India.”

The state govt will set up coaching centres in the state, which will include hostels and libraries. NDA promises self-help allowance of ₹2000 for graduates and post graduates for a period of two years.

Infrastructure and Connectivity: The Engine of Growth

The manifesto promises seven new expressways, including the Champaran–Kishanganj and Rajgir–Banka industrial corridors, and modernization of 3,600 km of railway tracks. Patna will be connected with all major districts with 4 or 6 lane highways. It proposes three new international airports, at Darbhanga, Purnea, and Bhagalpur, and three new domestic airports at Raxaul, Bhagalpur and Rajgir. A new International Airport at Patna is also planned.

River transport will get a boost through a Ganga Multimodal Logistics Park and Gandak Inland Water Corridor. But connectivity will also see improvements with modernisation of bus depots and launch of inter-state bus services.  

Urban Bihar will see the rise of greenfield smart townships and expansion of metro services. A new greenfield city ‘New Patna’ comprising areas of Patna, Saran and Vishali will come up. Piped natural gas is promised in every district by 2030.

NDA promises a Delhi-Patna-Kolkata bullet train route, and establishment of Namo Rapid Train Services in major industrial and tourism corridors.  

Welfare, Governance, and Heritage

The NDA’s welfare push promises free ration for the poor, 125 units of free electricity, free healthcare up to ₹5 lakh under Ayushman Bharat, 50 lakh new houses, and expanded social security pensions. Governance reforms include e-administration, paperless services, and a drive to place Bihar among India’s top five states for ease of doing business.

On the cultural front, the manifesto taps into pride and heritage. It envisions a Film City, Performing Arts University, and spiritual tourism circuits — Ramayan, Buddhist, Jain, and Ganga — to make Bihar the cultural capital of eastern India once again.

The Vision: From Governance to Greatness

If promises in the manifesto are realized, the roadmap could turn Bihar into a regional powerhouse, self-reliant, industrially dynamic, and socially inclusive. Bihar has come a long away from the jungle raj days, and in re-elected, the Nitish Kumar government promises to continue the progress of the state.

From crediting Usha and her Hindu faith for his own religious journey to wanting her to convert: JD Vance panders to white Christian extremists amid racist anti-Hindu hate rising in USA

Rukma Rathore
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From crediting Usha and her Hindu faith for his own religious journey to wanting her to convert: JD Vance panders to white Christian extremists amid racist anti-Hindu hate rising in USA

United States Vice President JD Vance has sparked a massive controversy when he voiced his desire for his Hindu wife Usha Bala Chilukuri to adopt his Christian beliefs.

What incited even greater outrage was his description of her as “agnostic” and his shocking reluctance to recognize her “Hindu faith,” despite his earlier candid acknowledgment of how Usha and her religion helped him draw closer to Jesus Christ. Likewise, she linked Hinduism to her excellent upbringing and pointed out the role it played in shaping her parents into such admirable people.

“I was never baptised. I was raised Christian but never baptised. I was first baptised in 2018. Usha was raised non-Christian. She is actually not Christian. But I remember when I started to re-engage with my faith, Usha was very supportive,” he pointed out while talking to Fox News.

Vance’s latest statement has come months after Usha’s declaration of her clear disinterest in conversion to Christianity during an interview with Meghan McCain where she emphasized that her children were being educated about India, her religion as well as traditions through trips to the country and relevant books.

Meanwhile, the Republican leader who credited his wife’s beliefs for assisting in his own religious journey seems to be failing to accept her clear reluctance to embrace Christianity. Furthermore, Vance’s statement comes across as blatant appeasement, pandering to religious bigotry and supremacist ideology that is raising in the USA.

Vance’s contradictory comments from now and earlier reveal stunning hypocrisy and even a degree of political shrewdness. He is the man who expressed guilt for taking his spouse to mass as she was not a Christian and felt regret over the fact that she “didn’t sign up to marry a weekly churchgoer.”

Moreover, Vance disclosed that Usha was comfortable with their church visits and aided him in carving his own spiritual path but it appears to be too much to expect the same from him in return. Now, Vance does not hesitate to boast to a crowd of thousands that he would like to get his Hindu wife converted into Christianity, fully cognizant of the rising anti-India and Hinduphobia present in the nation.

The vice president understood what his supporters wished to hear and certainly met their expectations, without reflecting on the implications of his remarks or perhaps he simply did not care because the political agenda and religious supremacy take precedence. Worse still, he essentially cast his wife to the racist wolves to secure their backing and attract their support.

Usha highlighted her Hindu background

Usha mentioned in the aforementioned conversation with McCain that her grandmother prays daily, performs puja, and regularly attends the temple. “My children have plenty of access to the Hindu tradition from books that we give them, to things that we show them, to the recent trip to India, and some of the religious elements of that visit,” she conveyed.

She noted that they had given their children the liberty to choose their own path and stated, “So what we’ve ended up doing is we send our kids to Catholic school, and we have given them each the choice, right? They can choose whether they want to be baptised Catholic and then go through the whole step-by-step process with their classes in school.” 

“We had to have a lot of real conversations about how do you do that, when I’m not Catholic, and I’m not intending to convert or anything like that,” the second lady of the United States outlined while discussing their interfaith household. “Kids are smart. They know I’m not Catholic, and they know there are many ways to experience the divine,” she emphasized. However, her spouse does not seem to hold the same view, especially at this time, as indicated by his public efforts of pressuring her to convert.

“My parents are Hindu and that’s one of the things that made them such good parents and good people and I have seen the power of that in my own life. I knew that JD was searching for something. This just felt right for him,” Usha likewise conveyed in the interview to Fox News.

Vance who is well aware of his wife’s Hindu heritage, which he attributed to his own spiritual awakening, has opted to label her as “agnostic.” He married a Hindu but apparently draws the line at naming her religion in front of his radical fans.

Racists target Usha and her children due to their Indian heritage

The white Christian nationalists express their animosity and disdain towards Hindus and Indians on a daily basis. No one from the community, not even those affiliated with the Donald Trump administration, is immune to this rampant hatred. A similar incident unfolded when Usha and her three children were targeted by this vitriol.

Vance’s nomination as vice president was severely criticised due to his marriage to a non-Christian brown person. She was subjected to racial slurs while the neo-Nazis derided her ancestry, skin color and background. Social media was rife with bigoted and xenophobic posts such as “Tragic. I presumed Vance was a Christian,” “Our forefathers are rolling in their graves,” “Christ is King, not a distasteful Indian idol,” and “Will a cow soon be in the White House,” among others.

Nevertheless, Vance supported 25-year-old Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) employee Marko Elez after his resignation over racist posts even after the vitriol directed at his family, rather than taking a stand against the irrational enmity towards Hindus and Indians. He even received backlash for emboldening such elements but remained unfazed.

Vance had been siding with these bigots despite knowing the adverse effects it could have on both the larger Indian Hindu community and his own family.

Elez had written “I was racist before it was cool,” “You could not pay me to marry outside of my ethnicity,” and “Normalize India hate,” on his later deleted social media account and was exposed by The Wall Street Journal.

Interestingly, Vance had earlier identified as a “Never Trump guy” and rightly emphasized that “there is undoubtedly an aspect of Donald Trump’s backing rooted in racism or xenophobia.” However, he subsequently referenced “many successes in office” as a reason for altering his perspective on the president after being selected as a running mate.

Conclusion

The Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, which was once a refuge for the aspirations of conservatives weary of leftist hypocrisy and appeasement towards Islamists, has now devolved into a white Christian extremist cabal. Disturbingly, even the tallest right-wing leaders occupying the most influential positions are catering to this audience.

Nonetheless, it is even more crucial to note that these remarks not only reinforce the delusions about religious or race supremacy but also empower the hateful sentiments against Indians in general and Hindus in particular, as proven by ongoing and increasing incidents of violence. This rhetoric has far-reaching consequences for Indians, even transcending the borders of the United States.

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