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Smart locks turning into death traps? From Delhi to Lucknow, biometric doors jammed during power outages: Why is ‘fail-secure’ technology costing innocent lives?

Several tragic incidents reported across the country in recent years have highlighted a major safety issue linked to biometric and smart locks. From the basement flooding in Old Rajinder Nagar, Delhi, to the hotel fire in Malviya Nagar and the library fire in Lucknow, these incidents had one common factor. During the emergencies, power failures caused biometric and smart-lock doors to stop working, trapping people inside. As a result, many people were unable to escape in time and lost their lives.

According to the experts, the problem is linked to the way some smart doors are designed. At present, biometric doors mainly work on two systems: “fail secure” and “fail safe.” Among these, the fail-safe system can become dangerous during emergencies. In this system, the door remains locked whether electricity is available or not.

Such doors need power to open. Under normal conditions, when a person scans their fingerprint or face, an electrical signal activates a mechanism inside the lock, which pulls back a spring and unlocks the door. However, if the power supply is cut, the system stops working, and the door remains locked.

Fail-safe locks work differently. In this system, a magnet keeps the door locked. When a fingerprint or other biometric key is used, the power to the magnet is switched off, and the door opens. Because of this design, fail-safe doors automatically unlock when there is a power outage, allowing people to exit safely during an emergency.

Experts believe that one reason fail-safe technology is not widely used in India is the fear of theft. Many people worry that if doors automatically unlock during a power cut, their homes or businesses could become vulnerable to break-ins. As a result, protecting property is often given more importance than emergency safety.

Safety guidelines clearly state that fail-secure doors should only be installed in places where highly valuable assets need protection and not in areas where large numbers of people regularly enter and exit. The rules also require every such door to have a mechanical override or manual unlocking system so that it can be opened during emergencies,s even if there is no electricity.

However, safety experts say these guidelines are often ignored. The incidents in Delhi and Lucknow have once again raised concerns about the use of smart locks without proper emergency systems. These tragedies have also sparked questions about whether enough attention is being given to human safety when installing such security systems.

Why are Asiatic Lions, which once roared from Greece to the Ganges, confined to Gir? A journey from the brink of extinction to a resilient population of 891

On the road connecting Junagadh and Amreli in Gujarat, mornings often reveal a scene that is difficult to imagine in most parts of the world. Cattle graze in open fields, Maldhari herders begin their daily routine, and somewhere nearby, an Asiatic lion may be resting under a tree or moving through agricultural land. In many countries, large predators and people are separated by fences, protected zones or vast distances. In Gujarat’s Gir, however, humans and lions have shared the same environment for generations.

Today, the Asiatic lion survives naturally only in Gujarat. Anyone hoping to see these lions roaming freely in the wild must visit the Gir region and the surrounding areas of Kathiawad, also known as Saurashtra. While this achievement is a source of pride, it also raises an important question. How did a species that once occupied a vast territory across continents disappear almost everywhere, yet survive in one corner of western India?

The answer lies in a unique combination of history, geography, community participation and decades of conservation efforts.

A Lion that once ruled a vast territory

The Asiatic lion was not always limited to Gujarat. Historical records and scientific studies show that lions once ranged across a huge area stretching from parts of Europe and North Africa to West Asia and the Indian subcontinent.

Their presence was recorded from the Mediterranean region through present-day Iran and Iraq and into northern India. Within India, lions were found across regions that now include Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. Ancient texts and historical accounts suggest that lions were familiar animals to people living across much of the subcontinent.

The lion also occupied an important place in Indian culture. It appeared in mythology, religious traditions and royal symbolism. Goddess Durga is depicted riding a lion, while lions are frequently mentioned in ancient literature as symbols of courage and strength. The four lions of the Ashoka Pillar, which today form India’s national emblem, reflect this long-standing association.

Yet cultural importance alone could not guarantee the species’ survival.

The decline of the Asiatic lion

By the nineteenth century, the future of the Asiatic lion had become uncertain. Large-scale hunting and habitat loss pushed the species towards extinction.

For kings, nawabs, princes and British officials, lion hunting became a symbol of status and power. At the same time, forests were cleared to make way for agriculture and expanding human settlements. As natural habitats shrank, lions lost both space and prey.

Large predators require extensive territory to survive. As forests disappeared and human activity increased, lion populations declined rapidly across their historic range. One region after another lost its lions until only the forests of Gir remained.

By the end of the nineteenth century, estimates suggested that only a small number of Asiatic lions survived. Some accounts placed the population at little more than a dozen animals. A species that had once roamed thousands of kilometres was suddenly fighting for survival in a single landscape.

Why Gir became their last refuge

Many forests have water, vegetation and wildlife, but Gir offered something more. The region developed a stable ecosystem capable of supporting lions over a long period.

The Gir landscape includes dry deciduous forests, thorn scrub, grasslands, riverine habitats and open spaces. This variety creates suitable conditions for large carnivores. Lions require shelter, breeding areas and access to prey, and Gir provided all three.

The forest’s ecological diversity helped maintain a healthy balance between predators and prey. As a result, lions were able to continue surviving even when populations elsewhere disappeared.

The Animals that sustained the Lions

The survival of any large predator depends on the availability of prey. Gir’s rich wildlife population became one of the biggest reasons behind the lion’s continued existence.

Species such as chital, sambar, nilgai, wild boar, chinkara and chausingha formed the foundation of the ecosystem. Over time, the numbers of these animals increased significantly. The growth of the chital population was particularly important because it ensured a stable food source for lions.

Conservation experts often point out that protecting predators alone is not enough. The entire food chain must remain healthy. In Gir, the steady growth of prey populations strengthened the chances of lion recovery.

The Maldharis and a rare example of coexistence

One of the most remarkable aspects of the Gir story is the relationship between lions and the Maldhari community.

The Maldharis are traditional pastoralists who have lived in and around the Gir region for centuries. Their settlements, known locally as ‘nes’ (nesda), are spread across the landscape. Livestock rearing has long been their primary way of life.

In many parts of the world, conflicts between humans and large predators often lead to hostility. Livestock losses can result in retaliation against wildlife. In Gir, however, a different relationship evolved over generations.

This does not mean conflicts never occur. Lions do sometimes prey on livestock, causing losses for herders. Yet many Maldharis view lions as a natural part of their surroundings rather than as outsiders. Their attitude combines caution, respect and familiarity.

Older residents often speak about lions as they would speak about long-known neighbours. They understand lion behaviour, know when to remain alert and have learned how to share the landscape with them. This knowledge has been passed down through generations and has helped maintain a balance between people and wildlife.

A living culture, not just a conservation idea

The coexistence seen in Gir is not simply the result of government policies. It is part of everyday life.

As dawn breaks in a Maldhari settlement, cattle are taken out for grazing, milk is collected, and routine activities begin. Throughout these daily tasks, the presence of lions remains an accepted reality.

Over the years, some Maldhari families were relocated as part of conservation efforts. Even so, their connection with Gir remains strong. Their contribution to the region’s identity is deeply rooted and continues to be an important part of the lion conservation story.

Conservation efforts gain momentum

While coexistence played a major role, the recovery of the Asiatic lion also required organised conservation measures.

After Independence, it became increasingly clear that hunting restrictions alone would not save the species. Protecting the entire habitat was essential. In 1965, Gir was declared a wildlife sanctuary, marking a major step in conservation planning.

During the 1970s, detailed scientific studies were carried out to understand lion behaviour, habitat use and ecological needs. Researchers examined how lions moved across the landscape, how much territory they required and how prey populations influenced their survival.

At the same time, several Maldhari settlements were relocated from parts of the forest. Although the process was challenging, it allowed certain areas to regenerate naturally. Grasslands improved, vegetation recovered, and prey species benefited from the reduced pressure on the ecosystem.

Conservation efforts later expanded beyond Gir itself. Authorities began treating Gir, Girnar and neighbouring regions as a connected landscape capable of supporting a growing lion population.

Forest officials introduced regular monitoring systems, communication networks, community engagement programmes and safety measures such as covering open wells that posed risks to wildlife. These initiatives strengthened protection across the region.

The numbers from 177 to 891 tell the story

Perhaps the clearest evidence of success can be seen in the lion population figures.

The 1968 census recorded only 177 lions. Although the species had escaped extinction, its future remained uncertain.

The population gradually increased over the following decades. The count rose to 180 in 1974, 205 in 1979, 239 in 1984, 284 in 1990 and 327 in 1995. By 2005, the number had reached 359, while the 2010 census recorded 411 lions.

Growth accelerated in the following years. The population reached 674 in 2020, demonstrating that conservation efforts were producing results on a larger scale.

According to the latest count released by the Gujarat government in 2025, the number of Asiatic lions has reached 891. For a species that had once been reduced to a tiny surviving population, this represents one of the most remarkable wildlife recoveries in modern conservation history.

Lions beyond Gir

The growing population has also changed the geography of lion distribution. Earlier, most lions were concentrated within the Gir forests. Today, they occupy a much larger area across the Kathiawad region.

Lions are now regularly found in Girnar, coastal belts, agricultural landscapes and districts such as Amreli and Bhavnagar. Many animals live outside the traditional core forest area and have adapted to a broader landscape that includes human settlements.

This expansion brings new management challenges, but it also demonstrates the recovery of the species. The Asiatic lion is no longer confined to a small pocket of habitat.

A legacy preserved

The story of the Asiatic lion is not only about a predator. It is also a story about forests, prey animals, local communities, scientists, forest staff and decades of consistent conservation work.

Gir provided shelter when the species had nowhere else to go. Healthy prey populations ensured food. The Maldharis offered an example of long-term coexistence, while government agencies and conservationists created systems that helped the population recover.

At a time when the Asiatic lion seemed destined to disappear from the world, Gujarat helped keep the species alive. Today, every roar heard across the Gir landscape stands as a reminder that wildlife can recover when habitat protection, community support and scientific conservation work together.

The survival of the Asiatic lion is not simply a conservation achievement. It is proof that a species on the verge of extinction can return when people choose to protect it.

Guarding the Dharmic land: How India’s new FCRA Rules finally shut the door on conversion money

The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Rules, 2011, were amended by a Gazette notification published by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs on June 22, 2026. One point of statutory clarity must be made clear before moving on, the Rules, which are the subordinate, delegated laws formed under the parent Act, are what have been changed. The main FCRA itself, the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010, has not been altered. The operational mechanics, such as who is eligible for FCRA registration, what they must formally declare, how they must account for each rupee of foreign money they have received, and which activities are now specifically prohibited, have been altered by the Home Ministry.

This distinction is important since it defines how the change was implemented. Changes to the Rules do not require Parliament’s approval. On June 22, the executive administration, through the Ministry of Home Affairs, exercised its assigned authority to notify them directly. The announcement is transparent, legal, and open to the public through the Official Gazette. On this particular occasion, critics who claim procedural impropriety are just legally incorrect.

Nevertheless, it is important to recognise the importance of the changes. These are some of the most significant changes to India’s foreign funding structure in a long time.

The long permissive interregnum and how it was exploited

The United Progressive Alliance government was in power when the original Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Rules were drafted in 2011. At that time, they allowed organisations registered for broad, flexible purposes, such as ‘religious,’ ‘educational,’ ‘social,’ or ‘cultural’, to accept donations from outside with comparatively little examination of what those purposes actually meant in reality. Basic disclosures were filed, annual returns were required, and registration was necessary. However, there was no clear definition of what constitutes a ‘religious purpose’ in the Rules. The consequences of that silence were significant.

During the UPA years, when Sonia Gandhi had significant influence over the ruling coalition, this regulatory vacuum manifested itself in an actual manner rather than being a hypothetical shortcoming. The 2011 Rules’ ambiguous language allowed foreign donations to support initiatives that clouded the distinction between organized ideological mobilization and declared charitable or religious goals. One such vector of religious outreach functioning with little monitoring was the Zakir Naik story, which rose to prominence between 2005 and 2007 with the establishment of his Dubai based Peace TV and its foreign funded preaching network. Concerns about Chinese funds getting into Gandhi family affiliated organizations surfaced at the same time. The Rajiv Gandhi Foundation and Rajiv Gandhi Charitable Trust, both chaired by Sonia Gandhi, had their FCRA registrations revoked in 2022 due to discrepancies and violations, which was the most notable example of remedial action prompted by these patterns of unexamined inflows.

In the subsequent years that followed, intelligence reports from central agencies and state governments consistently pointed out a concerning trend. Foreign funds that were supposed to be used for charitable, educational, or religious purposes were instead being used, either entirely or partially, for organised religious conversion and proselytising, especially in rural and tribal areas. Over 20,000 FCRA registrations have been suspended or cancelled since 2014, with conversion activity being one of the reasons given, according to enforcement data from the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Four Christian evangelical organisations operating in Jharkhand, Manipur, and Mumbai had their FCRA licenses suspended by the MHA in September 2020 due to intelligence reports about their efforts to convert tribal communities. In the same month, the licenses of thirteen more NGOs were suspended for similar reasons. Prominent organisations like World Vision India, the Church’s Auxiliary for Social Action, and the Evangelical Fellowship of India had their registrations revoked in 2024. The pattern was the same in all of these cases, registration for welfare or religious purposes, but field activities consistently veered into aggressive conversion drives aimed at economically disadvantaged groups, with foreign finance supporting the entire endeavour.

However, there was no clear prohibition on this path in the Rules. Case by case, notice by notice, cancellation by cancellation, enforcement continued to be reactive. A systemic, rule-based closure of the loophole itself was what the nation required.

Precision where there was permissiveness

This vacuum is purposefully filled by the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Rules, 2026, which go into force immediately following the gazette notification.

First and foremost, all organisations wishing to register under the FCRA must now choose their goals from a government-notified Schedule that encompasses five major categories, social, religious, cultural, economic, and educational. Self-defined, unrestricted goals are a thing of the past. You cannot register if your purpose is not specified.

Second, the Rules now specifically stipulate that activities must be conducted ‘excluding proselytisation‘ for a number of groups within the religious community. Religious education, documenting of religious traditions, preservation of indigenous beliefs, satsangs, talks, meditation retreats, and, most importantly, the documentation, maintenance, and rejuvenation of indigenous and tribal faith practices are among the categories affected. Particular consideration must be given to this final category. The phrase preserving or reviving indigenous faith was appropriated for decades as a pretext for systematic conversion. The Rules have forged a boundary that is both legally correct and civilisationally sensible by allowing certain activities but expressly prohibiting proselytisation inside them.

Third, any organisation that employs foreign nationals as essential staff, other than those of Indian origin, will no longer ‘ordinarily not be considered’ for registration or prior authorisation. This resolves a long-standing issue with externally driven organisations that effectively serve as tools of foreign cultural or religious agendas by placing foreign nationals at the operational helm.

Fourth, the meaning of ‘key functionary’ has been greatly expanded to include directors of companies, partners in businesses, trustees, the Karta of a Hindu Undivided Family, and anybody with effective management control. This eliminates a popular loophole in which nominal Indian names sat at the top while actual direction came from foreign individuals operating outside of formal scrutiny.

Fifth, transparency at both ends of the money path is tightened by new disclosure regulations. In registration applications, NGOs are required to include details regarding all social media accounts they have. The true donor, or the original source of the donation, must be revealed when contributions come through intermediary vehicles like donor-advised contributions.

Sixth, a minimum of ₹10 lakh in foreign contribution on declared activities over the past two financial years is now required for renewal in order to stop stagnant organisations from accumulating licenses. Subsequent instalments will only be granted to groups receiving funds under Prior Permission if 75% of the last instalment has been used. In other words, licenses that are dormant will expire.

Finally, all current FCRA-registered associations have one year from the date of notification to formally declare their precise purposes and modes of operation under the new Schedule. This transition provision compels a public accounting and is not just administrative. These days, every organization must formally commit to specific and clearly defined goals.

The pending bill: Completing the architecture

There is more to the June 22 Rules change than just this. It is a component of a broader legislative framework that the government is systematically putting together. The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026, was presented to the Lok Sabha by the government in March of that year. The Bill, which is presently being considered, proposes amending the parent FCRA Act itself. A Designated Authority, a government appointed individual with the power to take over the management of foreign donations and the assets of organisations whose FCRA registration has been cancelled, given up, or not renewed, serves as its central focus.

At present, when an organisation loses its licence, its owned assets, land, buildings, hospitals, schools, and equipment built over the years with foreign funds often fall into a legal vacuum. The gap in question would be completely closed by the Bill. The Consolidated Fund of India would receive the proceeds from the Designated Authority’s oversight, management, and, if needed, disposal of those assets. This completely changes enforcement instead of causing lengthy court proceedings during which assets remain intact, and operations essentially continue, a cancelled licence would have actual, immediate, and permanent consequences.

A civilisation protecting itself

India’s actions are not motivated by fear. The civilisation that birthed the Guru Granth Sahib, the Tripitaka, the Vedas, and the Upanishads does not fear free religious practice or open theological discussion. It will no longer tolerate the systematic channelling of foreign funds to target its most vulnerable communities, its forest-dwelling peoples and rural poor, as captive fields for conversion projects directed and funded from abroad. Every genuine democracy defends its social and cultural fabric against manipulation by foreign funding. FARA exists in the United States. Foreign religious organisations are subject to strict regulations in France. India’s stricter FCRA framework is a completely normal exercise of social self-determination, not an exception.

The June 22, 2026, notification of the rules is accurate, reasonable, and long overdue. The framework will be complete after Parliament has finished working on the current Amendment Bill. When combined, these amendments provide a straightforward but significant guarantee that anyone who wants to help India’s people can do so without restriction as long as they do so on India’s terms, with clear intentions, stated goals, and no conversion agenda supported by foreign funds. India’s dharmic heart is now carefully guarded.

US lifts sanctions on Iranian crude: How Tehran’s oil exports are rebounding after years of restrictions and why prices could ease

Over 30 oil tankers hauling Iranian crude are currently progressing towards Asia, with active AIS (Automatic Identification System) transponders. Kpler shipping data has also reported the development. These vessels are carrying more than 50 million barrels of crude oil. The major shift has transpired after the agreement between the United States and Iran.

“Strait of Hormuz crossings rebounded sharply over 19th-21st June, with 71 confirmed transits and a weekend peak of 35 on 20th June, supported by the blockade lift and renewed free-passage signals,” Kpler informed. The volumes have stayed below the levels seen before the crisis, and a sense of caution persists. Nevertheless, the absence of new physical attacks since 10th June outlines that the reopening is fostering a steady recovery amidst critical diplomatic ties, signifying vital improvement.

Iranian crude is flooding the global market again, just as the US lifted sanctions on the shipments. The maritime intelligence company TankerTrackers highlighted that the country shipped about 36 million barrels of crude oil since 15th June. It is projected that roughly 150 million barrels of crude will soon reach other nations despite the fragile cease-fire deal between the United States and Iran.

More than 30 million barrels, taken from Kharg Island,d which is the Islamic Republic’s main export terminal in the northern Persian Gulf and crude that had been blockaded by the US, departed for Asia in the last week reported Bloomberg. Iran has been able to transport roughly 20 million barrels of its crude on tanker vessels that were anchored off the port of Chabahar, close to the country’s border with Pakistan.

The US gives an oil waiver to Iran

The United States partially removed restrictions on Iranian oil shipments for 60 days on 22nd June (Monday). The US Treasury Department approved “all transactions” previously forbidden by sanctions involving the production, sale, transportation, and delivery of Iranian-origin crude oil and related petroleum commodities until 12:01 am Eastern Daylight Time on 21st August.

“In line with the ongoing productive talks in Switzerland, Iran has committed to free and open transit in the Strait of Hormuz and to permit International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors into their country. As part of the framework, Treasury has issued a temporary 60-day general license authorising the production, delivery and sale of Iranian oil,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent stated.

The two hostile countries continue talks aimed at completely reopening the strait and establishing a more comprehensive peace framework.

Crude oil, petrochemical goods and petroleum products of Iranian provenance are all covered by the permit. It facilitates the importation of Iranian oil into the United States but does not enable transactions involving North Korea, Cuba or Ukrainian territories taken over by Russia.

The oil markets have responded swiftly. West Texas Intermediate crude went below $74 per barrel, while Brent crude slipped past $78. The prices are about 30% more than they were prior to the dispute disrupting maritime routes in the Persian Gulf. However, the present reshuffle in energy costs is progressing in a positive direction.

The US earlier agreed to grant waivers for the trade of Iranian crude oil, petroleum items and derivatives alongside related services under the MoU inked last week. Additionally, the license allowed the importation of the supply into the United States when needed to fulfil its sale, delivery or offloading.

The Strait witnessed ship movements shortly following the peace deal

Shipping data revealed that after the United States and Iran reached an arrangement to reopen the strait, at least 3 tankers holding Iranian oil were able to pass through the American naval blockade a few days ago, with an empty 4th vessel travelling towards the Gulf of Oman, reported Marine Link. The shipments showed a gradual restart of these exports, which are anticipated to boost the supplies to the world market.

According to ship-tracking data from Kpler and Vortexa, the very large crude carriers Hero II and Diona, each containing two million barrels of oil, navigated through the Gulf of Oman and were moving east. Kpler, Vortexa, and LSEG data unveiled that the Suezmax Sonia I, with one million barrels of oil, also managed to get past the blockage and was bound for Singapore.

Kpler statistics illustrated that Hero II loaded its cargo in late March, whilst Diona and Sonia I loaded their cargo between 8th and 19th April. Kpler and LSEG data demonstrated that the empty Iranian-linked VLCC Stream was making its way to the US blockade. According to a senior US official, Washington will permit Tehran to start selling fuel and oil in accordance with the memorandum of understanding (MoU) the two sides reached to end the war.

“3 Iranian oil tankers are currently sailing in the northern Indian Ocean, and two others carrying essential goods and livestock feed are en route and sailing towards southern ports,” Iranian state TV likewise mentioned. “Last night, 12.5 million barrels of oil went through the Strait of Hormuz. That is a high since the beginning of the conflict,” US Vice President JD Vance conveyed on 18th June.

The US reintroduced severe sanctions on Iran in 2018

President Donald Trump withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (Iran Nuclear Agreement) on 8th May 201,8 during his first term in office. As a result, the White House reinstated all of the sanctions it had waived as part of the accord, which called for the easing of all nuclear-related economic and financial restrictions in exchange for the Islamic regime enforcing strict limitations placed on its nuclear program.

On 5th November, heavy sanctions were put on Iran’s energy industry and petroleum-based transactions after a 180-day wind-down period. Iran has some of the largest oil reserves in the world and was exporting over 2 million barrels of oil per day before the decision. The figure fell to about 350,000 barrels per day by the end of 2020, as the nation lost its crucial economic lifeline.

Notably, Iran encountered international sanctions for the first time in 1979, which were later extended to its energy sector during the 1990s.

Hassan Suhrawardy was no ‘academic’: He was a Muslim League Jihadi, whose nephew was the ‘Butcher of Bengal’ – why Gopal Mukherjee deserves his name etched in history

West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari announced on Sunday, 21 June, that Kolkata’s Suhrawardy Avenue would be renamed Gopal Mukherjee Road, a move he described as a historic correction of a long-standing historical wrong. The decision came a day after the Kolkata Municipal Corporation formally renamed the prominent road, which had for decades carried the name of the Suhrawardy family.

Welcoming the move, Adhikari, in a post on social media, wrote, “For decades, a major artery of our city bore the name of someone who wilfully misused state power as a weapon, orchestrating the massacre of innocent citizens for sheer political gain.”

The road has now been named after Gopal Chandra Mukherjee, popularly known as Gopal ‘Patha’, an influential figure linked to the events that followed the Great Calcutta Killings of 1946.

The decision has immediately sparked a political controversy. Leaders from the Congress, Youth Congress, Left parties and several secular commentators have accused the BJP government of confusing history. They argue that the avenue was named after Lieutenant Colonel Hassan Suhrawardy, an academic and former Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University, and not after his nephew, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the former Premier of Bengal, who remains a deeply controversial figure because of his role during Direct Action Day in 1946.

Left and Youth Congress defend Hassan Suhrawardy

The Youth Congress, Trinamool Congress (TMC), and various leftists began accusing the BJP government of confusing history, arguing that the administration had targeted the wrong member of the Suhrawardy family. Opposition leaders and secular academicians are trying to defend Hassan Suhrawardy by portraying him as a mere “academic” and an innocent intellectual whose only mistake was that he happened to be the uncle of the infamous Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. 

However, the reality is not as simple as the leftists are portraying on social media. In reality, Hassan Suhrawardy was not merely an academic but was also associated with the Muslim League, and the larger political legacy of the Suhrawardy family cannot be separated from the events that shaped Bengal during the Partition era.

Who was Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy: The Butcher of Bengal

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was a senior Muslim League leader who served as the Premier of Bengal in the years leading up to Partition. He later moved to Pakistan and eventually became the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

His name remains closely associated with the communal violence that erupted in Calcutta on 16 August 1946, a day remembered as the Great Calcutta Killings.

The violence followed Muslim League leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s call for “Direct Action Day” after disagreements with the Congress over the future of British India. The day witnessed one of the worst outbreaks of communal violence in pre-Independence India.

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy had instructed all Islamic clerics to deliver sermons telling Jumma Namazis to do everything possible for the creation of Pakistan. It was a clear dog whistle to start attacking the Hindu community.

At the same time, he assured violent Muslims that they would enjoy legal immunity and that the police would not intervene. This further emboldened armed mobs to unleash mayhem in Hindu neighbourhoods.

Suhrawardy effectively restrained the law enforcement authorities, allowing the Muslim goons to carry out their attacks without fear of reprisal. As the day progressed, the situation deteriorated rapidly.

Muslim mobs armed with iron rods, swords, and other weapons began targeting Hindu homes and businesses across the city of Kolkata. Areas such as College Street and Barabazar became battlegrounds for Muslims to carry out mass killings, rapes, and arson.

The riots lasted several days and are estimated to have claimed around 5,000 lives. Tens of thousands were injured, while over one lakh people were rendered homeless. The violence later spread to other parts of the subcontinent and contributed to the atmosphere that ultimately led to Partition.

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy had played a central role in enabling the violence that engulfed Calcutta in August 1946.

Unmasking the uncle: The so-called “Secular intellectual”

While leftists and secularists have started their ritual mourning, crying that the road was named after the “secular intellectual” uncle Hassan and not the “butcher” nephew Huseyn, the historical reality of the family’s political allegiance tells a deeper story.

Lieutenant Colonel Hassan Suhrawardy was far from a neutral academic detached from Muslim League politics. Though his public image is carefully curated as a sophisticated surgeon, Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University, and an art critic, he was later an active, deeply embedded member of the Muslim League. In 1932, he was bestowed a knighthood by the British Empire for saving the life of Sir Stanley Jackson, the British Governor of Bengal.

On 6th February 1932, during the Convocation Ceremony of the University of Calcutta, 21-year-old revolutionary Bina Das had fired shots at the Governor. Hassan Suhrawardy, who was present on the stage as the Vice-Chancellor, immediately leapt forward, grabbed Bina Das’s hand, and restrained her, thereby saving Jackson’s life and securing his title of “Sir.”

Yet, when the Muslim League intensified its communal separatist movement and called upon its members to reject British titles, Hassan Suhrawardy completely fell in line with his party’s directives. Selected by the Muslim League to be a member of the Legislative Assembly, he formally renounced his knighthood at the ultimate call of his party, proving where his foundational loyalties lay. His daughter later went on to become a prominent politician and diplomat in Pakistan, cementing the family’s absolute alignment with the Partition architects.

A history of appeasement: The Nehru-Suhrawardy correspondence

The defensive posture adopted by the Youth Congress and modern leftists is part of a long-standing pattern of political appeasement toward the infamous Suhrawardy family. Historical archives reveal that this protection dates back to the highest echelons of post-Independence governance. 

The Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru contain a fascinating episode that sheds light on Prime Minister Nehru’s priorities in the volatile years immediately following Independence, showing how he personally intervened to bail out the “Butcher of Bengal” from massive financial liabilities before Suhrawardy abandoned India for Pakistan.

Documents reveal that in December 1948, Nehru intervened regarding a major income-tax dispute involving Suhrawardy.

At the time, Suhrawardy had complained that he had been assessed nearly ₹50 lakh in taxes for the years 1945-46 and 1946-47. He alleged that tax authorities were acting unfairly and harassing him.

On 12th December 1948, Nehru wrote an official letter to Finance Minister John Matthai regarding an enormous income-tax assessment issued against Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. The former Premier of Bengal had personally complained to Nehru that the Income Tax Department was “harassing” him by assessing him for nearly ₹50 lakh in unpaid taxes for the financial years of 1945–46 and 1946–47. 

Rather than leaving the tax evasion case entirely to the legal tax authorities, Nehru chose to intervene. He forwarded Suhrawardy’s grievances to Matthai and explicitly cautioned that any “high-handed” action could have serious political repercussions.

In the letter, Nehru wrote to Finance Minister John Matthai expressing concern about the matter. In the letter, Nehru stated: “There are certain public consequences of what might be done to Suhrawardy. Every such action has certain reactions both in India and Pakistan.”

Nehru further argued that the matter should be handled carefully and without any appearance of vindictiveness. He requested that the issue be examined thoroughly and suggested that execution proceedings against Suhrawardy’s assets be halted while legal remedies were being pursued.

In the same letter, Nehru acknowledged that “Suhrawardy’s record in Bengal as Premier was thoroughly bad,” but also noted that Suhrawardy had later worked with Mahatma Gandhi and had made efforts toward communal harmony.

An excerpt from Nehru’s letter to the then Finance Minister

On the very same day, Nehru wrote another letter to West Bengal Chief Minister Dr B.C. Roy, describing the multi-lakh tax assessment against the riot architect as “extraordinary” and asking for confidential information. Suhrawardy was no ordinary citizen; he was a man directly responsible for the slaughter of thousands of Bengalis. 

Yet, Nehru’s primary concern remained the broader political fallout and the reaction of Muslim leaders, rather than fiscal justice. Backed by this prime ministerial shielding, Suhrawardy smoothly disposed of his commercial interests in India, completely avoided the ₹50 lakh liability, moved to Pakistan, and eventually became the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

Who is Gopal Chandra Mukherji, and why has his name been chosen

The renaming of the avenue to Gopal Mukherjee Road finally brings historical recognition to the man who saved Kolkata from total liquidation. 

Gopal Chandra Mukherjee, popularly known as Gopal Patha, emerged as a prominent figure during the communal violence of August 1946. He earned the nickname “Patha” because he ran a mutton business. Before the riots, he had organised a group known as the Bharat Jatiya Bahini, which was involved in social and relief activities.

Patha became a key organiser of Hindu self-defence efforts after the violence broke out in Calcutta. Supporters portray him as a man who stepped forward when large sections of the Hindu population felt abandoned and vulnerable. Gopal Patha (Patha means ‘lamb’. He was called so because he ran a mutton shop) had already founded the Bharat Jatiya Bahini, an organisation of young men to help fellow citizens during a natural calamity.

On the 17th, Gopal Patha turned from a philanthropist to a warrior, ready to defend his people. Throughout the night, Gopal Patha, along with his young men from the Bharat Jayati Bahini, worked on a plan on how they could defend Hindus from the Muslim barbarians.

The Marwaris offered finances, and others spent the night making weapons for them. Muslim League chief minister of Bengal, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and the Muslim League goons had decided on the 17th that they were going to take two more days to complete the annihilation of Hindus.

But they had not taken into consideration their greatest roadblock – Gopal Patha. From the 18th to the 20th, Gopal Patha and his men put up a brave fight, paying the Muslim League goons back in equal measure, if not more.

Historian Sandip Bandopadhyay wrote, “They faced resistance everywhere. Hindu youths counter-attacked with such ferocity that the Muslim League men had to flee. Many were killed. Emboldened by their success in taking on and defeating their Islamist attackers, Hindu youths took the fight to Muslim-majority areas and started killing Islamist men. They did not, however, touch Muslim women and children or the aged and the infirm”. 

Having expected a one-sided slaughter, the Muslim League leaders began fleeing with their tails between their legs. It was only on the 21st of August, once the Muslim League realised its forces were being systematically defeated by Gopal Patha’s armed resistance, that the British Viceroy’s military rule finally stepped in to enforce order.

By replacing the Suhrawardy name with Gopal Mukherjee Road on Paschimbanga Divas, Kolkata has rejected a legacy of communal partition and state-sponsored violence, choosing instead to honour the local defender who stepped into the vacuum of law and order to save the city’s population from annihilation.

Keir Starmer resigns: How Rishi Sunak stood alone among British PMs in confronting Pakistani grooming gangs while the Labour Party looked away

Ever since Brexit, no Prime Minister in the United Kingdom has completed a full term. UK PM Keir Starmer has announced his resignation on 22nd June, amidst intensified pressure within the Labour Party after rival Andy Burnham’s decisive triumph in the Makerfield by-election held on 18th June. With this win, Burnham has positioned himself to challenge Starmer for the party leadership. Party leaders changed tunes from public support to appealing for considering ‘political realities’. While there are myriad factors for Starmer’s dwindling public popularity, his deliberate inaction on the Pakistani Muslim rape gangs’ issue is said to be a key reason for the consistent slump in approval ratings.

Keir Starmer has been grappling with personal unpopularity among the public and Labour voters, and criticism for one after the other policy missteps, including the controversial appointment of Peter Mandelson as UK ambassador to the US despite non-clearance from Security Vetting. What has exacerbated Starmer’s troubles are the poor election results and in-party apprehensions that Labour might suffer heavy losses at the next general election under Starmer’s leadership.

In view of the alarming political situation, party leaders have urged Keir Starmer internally to step aside and make way for Andy Burnham, who is enjoying relatively higher Labour and public popularity. Burnham’s recent electoral win has kindled the hopes that his leadership could save the Labour Party from a catastrophic rout at the next election.

In his speech on 22nd June, Keir Starmer admitted that his party viewed him as no longer fit to lead the party towards electoral victories.

The political mathematics aside, Keir Starmer has been at the blunt end of the British public’s ire over consistent Muslim appeasement for political gains. It must be recalled how PM Keir Starmer made a policy U-turn in June 2025, and committed to a statutory national inquiry into the Pakistani Muslim rape/grooming gangs after an audit and recommendations.

In January 2025, however, Starmer had called those who demanded an inquiry into grooming gangs the ones jumping on a far-right bandwagon. This came when American billionaire Elon Musk was leading the attack on the Starmer-led UK government over inaction in the Muslim rape gangs issue and failing to provide justice to non-Muslim girls victimised by mainly Pakistani Muslim men for years.

Keir Starmer’s initial reluctance to launch an inquiry into Pakistani Muslim rape gangs, and the eventual U-turn amid mounting pressure, made him lose support and popularity among both sides of the political-ideological spectrum.

Despite a Conservative pushback against Labour’s Muslim appeasement politics, the Labour government has shifted the UK’s stance to support Palestinian statehood and restrict certain arms exports to Israel, amidst domestic pressure from Muslims, who form a key Labour bloc in many areas and party leadership over the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. This policy shift came after Labour lost support in Muslim-heavy seats in 2024 over the Israel-Palestine issue.

Starmer has also faced two-tier policing accusations. From hosting Iftar events, calling Muslims “the face of modern Britain”, to a suicidally empathetic approach towards tackling ‘Islamophobia’, Starmer went overboard in keeping his party’s Muslim votebank content.

In fact, in December 2025, a row had erupted over the new Islamophobia definition that the Labour government led by Keir Starmer was planning to propose. The leaders of the British Hindu and Sikh communities have raised concerns that the new definition of what it calls “anti-Muslim hatred” will have a “significant chilling effect” on freedom of speech. The Labour government has faced backlash for pursuing the adoption of a definition that introduced vague and undefined concepts like “prejudicial stereotyping”, racialisation of Muslims”, “collective group with set characteristics”, “stir up hatred”, “practices and biases within institutions”.

This push towards the adoption of an Islamophobia definition that would operate as a de facto blasphemy framework came when the Labour government was facing peak public anger over failure to deliver justice to Pakistani Muslim rape/grooming gangs, mainly because of the Muslim identity of the rape Jihadis.

Keir Starmer also faced accusations of mismanagement during his tenure as Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), the head of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).

Pakistani Muslim rape-grooming gangs and the complicit silence of the Keir Starmer-led Labour government

It all began in the 1980s in the town of Telford, when vulnerable girls as young as 11 were lured, picked up, treated with fake care and, like adults, drugged, raped, beaten, sold, and even killed by grooming gangs or rape gangs for a full forty years. The young girls, mostly white, were tossed from one rapist to another, most of whom were of British Pakistani origins. Three girls were murdered, and two others died in tragedies linked to the scandal. As many as 1,000 girls suffered in a town of 170,000 people. In Telford, these Pakistani grooming gangs were literally running a rape house while they made the victims believe they were in love by buying them alcohol, cigarettes, doing their mobile top-ups, buying gifts etc.

A similar racket was unfolding in Rotherham, wherein around 1,500 girls were raped, abused, sold, and bought by men of Pakistani descent in a town of 260,000 people. Many victims were gang-raped, and the abuse went on unabated from 1997 to 2013. In Rochdale, the horror began in 2002. At least 47 young girls were subjected to abuse. Such has been the (Non) response of administrative and legal authorities that the grooming gangs continue to walk freely on the streets of “Great Britain”.

Sexual abuse scandals were widely uncovered in a series of locations in the UK, including Huddersfield, Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford, Bristol, Peterborough, and Newcastle. Despite multiple reports and inquiries, investigative operations like Stovewood and Tourway, the true scale of sexual exploitation by the grooming gangs could not be determined.

These ‘grooming’ crimes continue to haunt the United Kingdom as the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) reported in 2023 that there has been an 82% increase in online grooming offences against youngsters over the past five years.

The issue of Pakistani-origin men-led grooming gangs raping vulnerable white and other non-Muslim girls first became widely known in towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford. According to the 2014 Jay Report on Rotherham, almost 1,400 children were sexually exploited over 16 years, predominantly by men of Pakistani descent. Though even the Conservatives are not fully innocent, the Labour government and law enforcement authorities chose deliberate inaction, fearing triggering racism against Pakistani Muslim immigrants.

A recently released Rape Gang Inquiry Report, chaired by MP Rupert Lowe, revealed how the British government and CPS essentially suppressed ethnicity and religion data. The report mentions that the Labour Party either blocked or delayed national inquiries just to avoid upsetting the Muslim votebank. It further states that rape jihadis were handed lenient sentences with no deportations, with the Starmer-era CPS letting off thousands of rape jihadis with just ‘warnings’.

OpIndia earlier reported how politicians in the UK, especially the Labour Party, downplayed grooming Jihad cases. Sarah Champion, a Labour Party MP, had to apologise for an article published in The Sun in 2017 wherein she wrote that “Britain has a problem with British Pakistani men raping and exploiting white girls”. Champion had to not only apologise but also resign from her post as a shadow minister.

In 2012, Keith Vaz, a Labour Party leader and Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, downplayed the grooming jihad crimes, calling them not racially motivated and emphasising that the entire community should not be ‘stigmatised’.

The collective failure of the British governments and law enforcement authorities in bringing Muslim grooming/rape gangs, which targeted thousands of non-Muslim minor and adult girls for over two decades, stems from the idea of avoiding being ‘Islamophobic’. The Labour Party leaders were joined by the British media, who, for a long period of time, refrained from calling the Muslim rape gangs, mainly comprising Pakistani Muslim men, what they are, but chose the broader and rather vague term, “South Asian grooming gangs.”

Conservative politicians, British patriots, and Elon Musk, Starmer’s ideological adversaries, accused him of being complicit in the Pakistani rape gang crimes. Many had demanded that Starmer face charges for not taking action against these crimes during his service as the CPS head and during his tenure as Prime Minister.

Keir Starmer chose suicidal secularism and prioritised selfish political imperatives, Rishi Sunak decided to stick his neck out and speak up against the Pakistani Muslim Grooming Gangs

The Starmer-led Labour government succumbed to Muslim pressure and the ideological imperative of Muslim saviourism and chose to cover up or delay an inquiry into Pakistani Muslim rape gangs. However, former UK Prime Minister and Conservative leader Rishi Sunak never shied away from calling of Muslim rape jihadis.

Rishi Sunak was the only head of state in UK to not only call out Muslim grooming gangs, highlight how political correctness prevented politicians from speaking against rape jihad, but also outlined how he would tackle the problem of grooming gangs in the UK. 

In one of the interviews a few months before assuming office back in October 2025, then Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak called grooming/rape jihad a ‘horrific crime’ and vowed to tackle the problem as a priority if he was made Prime Minister.

Sunak had declared that he would form a new task force at the National Crime Agency that would focus on the problem of grooming gangs.  “We will have a requirement for police forces everywhere to prioritise this. I want to make sure that all police forces record the ethnicity of those involved, which currently is not done because people don’t want to do that. I want to create a brand-new life sentence for those involved in grooming, with very limited options for parole. A Conservative government should not be letting political correctness stand in the way of keeping people safe,” Sunak said back then.

Sunak fulfilled his promise and, in April 2023,  announced a new Grooming Gangs Taskforce to assist police forces in investigating the serious problem of Muslim grooming gangs in the country. In this task force, Sunak announced the appointment of specialist officers to assist in the investigation to ensure the criminals behind grooming gangs will be brought to justice. He also pledged to ensure the grooming gang members and the ring leaders get the toughest possible sentences for their crimes.

Sunak had also announced that his government will introduce legislation to bring the grooming gang leader a statutory aggravating factor during sentencing that would reflect the Government’s commitment towards ensuring the toughest sentences for the crimes.

Rishi Sunak had a vision and big plans for rooting out Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs once and for all. However, the Conservative Party’s drubbing in the general election dashed the UK’s hopes for an end to the grooming gang menace that still infects the country, and justice for the thousands of victims.

The Conservative Party’s 14 years in power ended with an electoral defeat due to public discontent with Tory governance on issues like the economy, cost of living, immigration, and post-Brexit challenges, compounded by internal party divisions. Though Rishi Sunak knew he was leading a sinking ship, the Conservative leader tried his best not to let political correctness and desperation to secure political gains hinder his pursuit of justice and safety for British girls from Pakistani Muslim rape gangs.

Though Keir Starmer got a lot more time in power and political stability than Rishi Sunak, Starmer failed to deliver on many fronts. Starmer’s flip-flops on ensuring justice for the victims of Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs will be remembered as one of his biggest failures as an elected representative of the British people.

A masterclass in power games: How Iran outplayed the United States in Switzerland

On the morning of June 21, 2026, the air above Lake Lucerne was fresh and chill. The arrival of high-ranking officials at the Müngenstock Resort was watched closely by the world. Qatar is the owner of this marvellous, luxury hotel in Switzerland, which is typically a peaceful spot for elite travellers to relax and unwind. However, it was the epicentre of global political unrest on this particular day. The Lake Lucerne Summit was the official name of this occasion, and it was supposed to mark the beginning of a new chapter; rather, it turned into a stage for drama.

The atmosphere in the resort’s quiet hallways was heavy with pressure. Iran and the United States were having technical discussions. They wanted to execute a new agreement, a Memorandum of Understanding, or MoU, is the name given to this structure. The current conflict throughout West Asia, particularly in Lebanon, needs to be put to rest by the two parties. They also had to talk about really challenging issues, such as the safety of ships in the Strait of Hormuz, a small body of water where a significant portion of the world’s oil passes through, discuss selling oil, and lastly, they had to talk about Iran’s ‘frozen assets.’ Iran legitimately owns these billions of dollars, but the US had frozen them up in foreign institutions so Iran couldn’t access them.

The most powerful individuals were assigned to the Swiss highlands to address these significant issues. Vice President JD Vance led the U.S. team while Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf led the Iranian delegation. Additionally, mediators were there to facilitate communication between the two adversaries. Shehbaz Sharif, the prime minister of Pakistan, and representatives from Qatar were among these mediators. When they arrived, the Americans hoped for a successful meeting. They wished to demonstrate to the world that they were moving forward. 

To be honest, though, the Iranian delegation’s conduct in Switzerland was a master class in diplomatic and psychological manipulation.

The power of refusing a picture

Small actions can have a major impact in geopolitics. Among the most crucial activities is the ‘photo op.’ Leaders stand next to each other, gaze at the reporters, smile, and shake hands at a scheduled photo session. This clear and simple image conveys a narrative to the public of working together, and making peace. These images are a major tool used by American politicians to demonstrate to supporters back home that they are capable leaders who can solve global issues.

However, the Iranian delegation showed up on their own terms. They refused to provide the Americans with what they knew they wanted. The Iranians refused to enter the main room while the journalists were still inside, when the meeting was about to start. The Americans were forced to wait. They vehemently declined to participate in any kind of group photo with the United States. Even the tiniest, most fundamental symbolic gesture, a handshake, was refused by them.

Then Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi took a shrewd, well-thought-out step. He approached Shehbaz Sharif, the prime minister of Pakistan, and greeted him warmly. However, Araghchi avoided all contact with JD Vance, the vice president. Iran delivered a clear signal by embracing the mediator while disregarding the US Vice President. They claimed that while they appreciate their fellow neighbours, they don’t require American approval. This rigid refusal to shake hands immediately created a tense atmosphere, as reported live by DW News. The Iranians radiated complete confidence, revealing the Americans’ desperate need for a public win.

A short meeting and a dramatic exit

The confidential talks started when the media were eventually cleared out from the room. However, they were short lived with around eighty minutes being spent on the first round of talks. The meeting did not end due to a disagreement at the table but because of a threatening message received from across the ocean caused it to end.

Donald Trump made a direct threat on his social media site, Truth Social, back home in the United States. The violence in West Asia infuriated him. If Iran would not immediately cease its friends from fighting in Lebanon, he added, the United States would ‘strike Iran very hard again…only harder!!’

Historically, a loud threat from an American leader could have caused a weaker country to panic. A weaker delegation could have pleaded with the Americans to agree to refrain from attacking. The Iranians, however, remained calm and persisted in making their demands. The Iranian delegation got up as Donald Trump started making his customary threats. After gathering their papers, they turned around and left the venue immediately.

This abrupt and forceful exit was covered in great detail by Channel News Asia. It wasn’t an emotional blunder to leave. It was a clever tactic. Reports from news organisations like Al Jazeera and Reuters later in the day stated that some private, quiet talks did go on through mediators, but the outside public no longer cared about the private discussions. Iran’s categorical rejection of American symbolism and its dramatic walkout dominated public optics, or how the event appeared to a worldwide audience.

A lesson from history: Winning the waiting game

We must examine the past in order to fully understand what Iran did at the Lake Lucerne Summit. This is not the first time a tiny country has outwitted a mighty superpower by employing cunning psychology.

The Paris Peace Talks from 1968 to 1973 used the exact same tactic. The US was attempting to put an end to the Vietnam War at this time. The North Vietnamese delegation was aware of the might and wealth of the US military. They therefore made the decision to use symbols, patience, and time to combat the Americans. According to Britannica’s historical account of the Paris Peace Accords, a controversial 10-week dispute over the actual design of the negotiating table caused the negotiations to stall. Is it supposed to be round or is it supposed to be square? 

Paris Peace Talks: Vietnam war

A round table was demanded by North Vietnam and the Viet Cong to represent equal standing with South Vietnam and the United States. However, the United States and South Vietnam favoured a rectangular table because they thought it would better fit their delegates and represent their position. The actual negotiations were significantly delayed as a result of this dispute over protocol and symbolism. In the end, an oval shaped table with double tiers was employed, with a smaller round table in the middle for face to face conversations. This permitted both sides to maintain their stances on representation while the peace discussions could continue.

The North Vietnamese caused the Americans to wait for months by intentionally disagreeing over these insignificant, annoying matters.

The North Vietnamese maintained their high standards of discipline and composure throughout. Threats and pressure from the United States did not intimidate them and resisted being pressed. They were aware of a diplomatic secret. They were aware that the psychological balance may be shifted by controlling the timing and tiny gestures. You can make a far more powerful superpower appear weak, worn out, and desperate.

The Iranian delegation adopted a similar strategy in Switzerland. The most striking feature is their excellent awareness of symbols and strategy. They were aware that holding Vice President Vance back was a tactic and were also aware that it was a weapon to refuse a basic handshake. Iran was careful in every action, with each and every gesture being intentional.

The shifting balance of West Asia

It was like watching an intense chess match as the events at the Müngenstock Resort unfolded. The Iranian leaders appeared to be a few moves ahead of their opponents. It was obvious that the American delegation was having difficulty keeping up with them. The United States was eager for a speedy deal and a happy shot when they arrived at the table. They wished to appear powerful. Rather, the Iranian leaders left on their own terms, leaving them to sit in an empty room and read a furious social media post.

The world can now simply perceive the dramatic contrast that resulted from the Lake Lucerne Summit. Iran demonstrated that it is calm, well-behaved, and completely in charge of its own destiny. The US and Pakistan, on the other hand, seemed to be very reactive and easily outwitted. Instead of taking the lead, both appeared to be responding to typical events. 

The days when Washington could compel other countries to submit with a single threat are officially finished. The Iranian delegation gained a significant psychological win by refusing to play a game they did not invent, maintaining their pride, and standing their ground. It is increasingly difficult to deny that Iran has emerged as one of the Middle East’s most important and dominant power.

WaPo tries to attack former US DNI Tulsi Gabbard and her spiritual teacher in a new Hinduphobic article, refers to SIF as ‘cult’ while ‘exposing’ her known ties to the group

On 21st June, The Washington Post, in what it described as an “exclusive” report, resorted to attacking former US Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard by delving into a deeply personal aspect of her life: religious background and roots. “Tulsi Gabbard, her guru and the mysterious messages that helped shape her political career,” written by Jon Swaine in a sheer display of anti-Hindu bigotry and xenophobia, which is rather common in the country, purported to “expose” her enduring ties with a Hindu group presented as a “cult.”

The piece tried to frame her association with the group as a scandal, implying that it constituted a form of deception or betrayal of public trust. Notably, Gabbard has been very transparent about her connection to her 78-year-old spiritual mentor, Jagad Guru Siddhaswarupananda Paramahamsa, also known as Chris Butler.

She has openly acknowledged and discussed the same in public over the years. She was raised within the “Science of Identity Foundation” (SIF) in Hawaii. It is a spiritual organisation founded by Butler that branched off from the broader Hare Krishna movement. Her parents were its prominent members, and her upbringing within that community has long been well-documented.

Interestingly, the article was published following Gabbard’s final act before stepping down as the US Director of National Intelligence because her husband was diagnosed with rare bone cancer. She officially released a set of newly declassified information and communications concerning the origins of COVID-19.

The 45-year-old disclosed explosive details about Chief Medical Advisor to President Joe Biden, Dr Anthony Fauci, and highlighted that “he provided millions in US taxpayer dollars to fund dangerous gain-of-function research at the Wuhan laboratory, worked with politicised elements within the Intelligence Community to suppress the truth about his actions and hide the lab-leak origins of the virus, and lied to Congress while under oath in 2024.”

WaPo decided to disregard the bombshell revelations that not only affected the lives of millions of Americans but also the entire globe, instead opting to disparage the woman who brought the truth to light. Popular TV personality Meghan McCain similarly pointed out this issue, calling out the article as an “absolute unpatriotic, vile trash attack.”

She charged, “They won’t cover her releases on Fauci or bio labs – both things that threaten the safety and well-being of the American people, but spend time and space vomiting this washed-up nonsense anti-Hindu bigoted crap.”

The obvious Hinduphobia painted as investigative journalism

The Washington Post claimed that “some former members referred to the group as a cult”, and its followers were cut off from the outside world. The accusations have been firmly denied by the organisation. The author then alleged that these people unveiled Butler exercised control over the significant life choices of his adherents and insisted on complete obedience and confidentiality.

They also mentioned that he dedicated years to expanding his influence in politics and “suspected” Gabbard’s ascent in Washington was the result of that endeavour. The entire report relies on the statements of Rebecca Saltzburg, a former member of SIF who was involved in Gabbard’s congressional campaigns.

A mere suspicion was all that was required, or perhaps not even that, for the narrative to lead the reader on a wild journey of conspiracy theories against Gabbard, attributing her remarkable career to a plot orchestrated by a power-hungry Hindu guru, all without any empirical evidence.

The facts which have been publicly accessible for a considerable time were framed as a sinister effort solely to incite hatred towards the Hindu religion. “Had a reclusive guru been secretly trying to steer Gabbard’s actions as a public official? And could that shed light on the improbable arc traced by one of the most unconventional shapeshifters in modern American politics,” Swaine inquired in a conspiratorial fashion, aiming to amplify the hatred towards a politician from the minority community.

“If Butler was guiding Gabbard’s political career, the two of them had kept it under wraps,” the article doubled down on this argument, even though it acknowledged that both Butler and Gabbard repeatedly stated that he neither instructed her on whom to vote for nor provided her with political mentorship.

However, some assertions hold more value than others due to personal biases and the overarching objective to undermine the larger Hindu community by specifically targeting certain individuals. Butler’s father was dubbed a “radical left-wing physician,” an ideology which is otherwise lauded in mainstream media, yet apparently not when it contradicts their agenda.

WaPo mentioned that a party named “Independents for Godly Government” surfaced, comprising Butler’s followers who participated in the elections after he urged that “inept politicians should be removed from their seats” and replaced by “saintly persons,” nearly whining about their gasping audacity to contest the election, of course, due to their belief system.

Swaine then outlined Gabbard’s outstanding ascent in politics and recounted, “She took the oath of office on the Bhagavad-Gita and has said she was proud to be the first Hindu American member of Congress,” to underscore her allegiance to her faith. Afterwards, he discovered an email address “@nineisles.com” while searching for a company that purchased a home in Oklahoma from her in 2012. This landed him another opportunity to reinforce his conspiracy theory about the malevolent “Hindu guru” and his disciple in Washington.

“Nine Islands in Hindi is Navadvipa, a city in India’s West Bengal region that serves as a pilgrimage site for Hare Krishna devotees,” the piece read.

SIF pushes back against the deliberate effort to damage its image

SIF President Jeannie Bishop told the author, “I cannot imagine WaPo’s readers would be interested in yet another uncredible, bigoted attack on the DNI’s faith,” in response to his letter regarding his “findings.” Swaine’s submission that 2 people professed to be willing to end their lives for Butler to project him as a leader of an extremist “cult” was also dismissed, as she pointed out that this comment was made much prior to his involvement with the Hare Krishna movement.

“Hinduphobia, anti-Hindu religious bigotry, that’s all this is. When a Hindu public figure has a spiritual teacher or shares views with a Hindu religious figure, that alone is somehow evidence of sinister control,” lashed out another SIF representative and dubbed Saltzburg as a “malicious liar” who wanted to extort money from the organisation and threatened to cause “reputational damage” if it did not comply. “It fundamentally changes the lens that we should be looking at these allegations through and evaluating them, I think,” he added.

It is noteworthy that Saltzburg had been arrested near Austin over interference with child custody. She demanded $250,000 from one of Butler’s senior disciples “to cover damages to my children and me.” She insisted that he had requested her “to protect the runaway, but then changed his story after the police got involved, leaving her to face a felony charge with a potential two-year jail sentence and a hefty fine.” However, Butler had declined to interact with her and told her to go to the senior disciple.

“From the moment Saltzburg told me that she had been arrested in the teenage-runaway case and that she had fallen out with SIF leaders, I anticipated that SIF might attack her credibility. It did, but not in the way I had expected,” the article stressed that she was under attack for her criticism of the group, without taking into account that her position might be influenced by a personal agenda. Most importantly, Swaine’s source had not been entirely truthful with him and acted clean while hiding the grave allegation against her.

Sunil Khemaney, identified as Butler’s right-hand man as if they were operating a criminal gang rather than a spiritual place, also denounced the campaign to attack Gabbara and Butler.

He observed, “The vast majority of these materials from more than a decade ago came from me and other advisers, including her father, State Senator Mike Gabbard. I worked with her on media, speeches, and policy messaging over many years. One or two may have come from Butler, specifically regarding the teachings of the Bhagavad-Gita, Hinduism and the Vedic guru system.”

He added, “There is no evidence supporting the claim that this body of work can be attributed to Butler. File names, shorthand, and selective excerpts do not establish authorship.”

Gabbard’s chief of staff also characterised the report as “allegations tied to a failed $250,000 extortion attempt by a disgruntled former volunteer seeking personal profit, not truth. The attacks on her faith and loyalty are not only false. They are a blatant example of anti-Hindu bigotry.”

Swaine constructed the entire piece on a strongly contested premise around how Gabbard was guided by Butler, and the messages she received were from him in order to shape her political life. However, she modified her political stand over time, including in relation to her views on “homosexuality” which oppose those of SIF.

Meanwhile, the article consistently exemplified the pervasive penetration of Hinduphobia in America and its institutions, as Gabbard and Butler are used to train a gun on their faith in an utterly reprehensible manner.

The privileged Christian faces of American politics

In the United States, there is a tendency to categorise anything that does not align with Christianity or Abrahamic religions as taboo or cult and the WaPo report against Gabbard and Butler is an element of this phenomenon. High-profile televangelist, Pastor Paula White-Cain, was appointed “as a Special Government Employee and Senior Advisor of the newly created White House Faith Office” last year.

White has been a spiritual advisor to President Donald Trump for 2 decades. She even went so far as to draw a comparison between him and Jesus Christ, which sparked massive backlash. She had been called as a “100% a false teacher” by her Christian critics as she was involved in cash scams. She had promised “seven supernatural blessings,” including the assignment of a personal angel for $1,000. She also sold “resurrection seeds” for $1,144 in 2016, contending that God had given her the price.

White and her then-husband founded “Without Walls International Church” which faced similar rows and accusations of misuse of funds, including expenditures on a private jet. She is also notorious for her strange on-stage antics and making controversial remarks on race and immigration during her addresses.

Nevertheless, none of her actions is used to throw dirt on her former religious organisation or declare her as a “cult” figure. No questions are raised regarding her influence on Trump, considering their close and prolonged relationship, especially after her induction into his administration.

These despicable attacks appear to be exclusively reserved for Hinduism in the United States. She is a benchmark, not an outlier, as there are others with similarly dubious track records who do not endure such hostility just because they are Christians.

Jackson Lahmeyer, an Oklahoma church minister who created “Pastors for Trump”, was forced to withdraw from a runoff for a US House seat from Oklahoma following the disclosure of an extramarital affair. He was endorsed and lauded as a “MAGA (Make America Great Again)” warrior by the president.

However, his candidacy for Oklahoma’s 1st Congressional District crumbled after the Daily Mail released romantic texts he had sent to Caitlin Simmons Key. She is a former Miss Oklahoma USA who served as a campaign fundraiser.

Daily Wire contributor and Republican strategist Carly Bird dubbed Lahmeyer as “an absolute narcissistic sleaze.” She added, “He stayed in the race knowing he had an affair because he thought he could get away with it, denied it, finally dropped out (after he lost), then gave an interview to Daily Mail US.”

Lahmeyer admitted that he “had an affair with my wife” and kissed the woman. According to him, the two did “not have sex during this election.” However, he later confessed to having sex with her in 2022 and stated that he had cheated on his spouse after initially rejecting the allegations.

However, his serious transgression did not merit the designation of a “cult” leader, nor did it place his organisation under scrutiny from the country’s press. This pattern is distinctly observable in all cases where there is no reference to faith or the group when the accused adheres to the preferred religion. Otherwise, even a well-established fact is depicted as a dark and nefarious conspiracy, as demonstrated in the WaPo article.

Conclusion

WaPo, irrespective of the truth in its claims, sought to belittle a particular faith while launching a politically charged attack on Gabbard, and it was justifiably slammed for this. However, this will not result in any change, as anti-Hindu discrimination has been ingrained in American society, from the White House to the offices of newspapers.

This is why Vice President JD Vance candidly hoped for the proselytisation of his Hindu wife to satisfy his MAGA fanbase and why Swaine deemed it necessary to drag the religion while addressing the politics of a former American official. This is the reason behind labelling Hindu groups as cults, while such terminology is never applied to Christian outfits.

From recruiting 1 lakh people and building infrastructure to welfare schemes and increasing connectivity: Read how the BJP government is transforming West Bengal through its maiden budget

On Monday (22nd June), the newly formed BJP government in West Bengal presented its maiden budget in the Vidhan Sabha. Finance Minister Dr Swapan Dashupta gave a speech for 1.5 hours and outlined the plan [pdf] to develop the State after 15 years of Mamata’s misgovernance.

With its vision of ‘Vikshit Bharat, Vikshit Bangla’, the BJP government set out to reclaim its historical mantle as India’s economic, cultural, and intellectual engine.

Welfare schemes to continue uninterrupted

The BJP government has explicitly declared that all existing social security and welfare projects in West Bengal will continue uninterrupted. However, these schemes will undergo systematic modifications to ensure benefits directly reach the beneficiaries.

A prime example of this welfare expansion is the landmark ‘Annapurna Yojana’, which provides a guaranteed monthly financial assistance of ₹3,000 to eligible women aged between 25 and 60 years. This monumental programme has been backed with a massive budgetary allocation of ₹36,000 crore.

The BJP government has also introduced free travel for all women on State-run buses and issued Pink Cards for the same. A budget of ₹550 crore has been earmarked for this scheme.

Establishing public trust, carrying out mass recruitment drive

A new helpline initiative (+91 8282082820) has been introduced to resolve citizen grievances transparently and directly. The ‘Dial 112’ helpline is being rolled out across the state with a ₹100 crore setup fund. The government is establishing 5 new districts in Kolkata, Basirhat, Sundarban, Jangipur, and Arambagh to bring governance closer to the people.

All public exams will follow the structural transparency of the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC). The budget promises the immediate filling of 1,00,000 vacant government posts, and reserving 33% of them for women and a 10% reservation for Agniveers. This includes 20,000 positions in the police department and 50,000 in the education sector.

State employees to get their fair share

State employees, teachers, non-teaching staff, and pensioners will receive an additional 20% Dearness Allowance (DA) over the current 18%, raising the total to 38%. It will be effective from 1st October this year.

Civic volunteers, home guards, NVF personnel, and animal husbandry caretakers will get a flat ₹2,000 monthly raise. Monthly honorariums for Anganwadi workers, helpers, and ASHA workers see an increase of ₹5,000.

Building Infrastructure and enhancing connectivity

In his speech, Dr Swapan Dasgupta informed that prolonged land acquisition challenges in the State will be resolved. The BJP government will implement the Dankuni-Surat Dedicated Freight Corridor and build a logistics hub at Dankuni. A proposal was also unveiled to build a Deep Sea Port at Dadanpatrabar (Purba Medinipur) under the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model.

A major Bhagirathi Main Bridge connecting Kalna and Shantipur will be built at a cost of ₹1,200 crore. A 7.41 km long Chingrighata-New Town Elevated Corridor costing ₹900 crore will link Central Kolkata directly with Sector V and EM Bypass. A major highway expansion project worth ₹1,850 crore will bridge Dankuni Junction and Magra in Hooghly.

A 4-lane bridge over the Mayurakshi River on NH-14 is sanctioned for Birbhum. At the same time, studies have been ordered to evaluate metro expansions between Durgapur-Asansol and Siliguri-Jalpaiguri. Under the UDAN scheme, new airports will be set up in Purulia, Balurghat, and Malda. The Cooch Behar airport will be expanded.

Importantly, the government has announced plans to identify up to 1,500 acres of land near Kalyani to build Kolkata’s 2nd Greenfield Airport.

Development of schools and universities

In its budget, the BJP government focused on bringing structural education reforms. The centrally sponsored PM-SHRI scheme will be rolled out in the State with a massive allocation of ₹2,100 crore. Selected schools will feature SMART classrooms, technology-enabled platforms and grading aligned with the National Education Policy (NEP 2020).

About 1,000 Atal Tinkering Labs will be established across schools with a ₹200 crore budget. These institutes will train children in robotics, AI, and coding. Jadavpur University will be turned into an Institute of Excellence with a budget allocation of ₹1,200 crore over the next 5 years (₹1,000 crore from the Centre, ₹200 crore from the State). A premier Tribal University will also be established in Jhargram at an estimated cost of ₹150 crore.

The BJP government has announced that unmarried female students enrolling in bachelor’s degrees at government colleges will receive a 1-time grant of ₹50,000 to prevent dropouts.

Students who clear admissions into the world’s top 100 QS-ranked global universities for UG or Master’s programs will have their entire tuition fee and health insurance sponsored by the government. Starting in October this year, a monthly stipend of up to ₹3000 will be given to graduates aged between 21 and 45 who are currently unemployed.

Improvements in healthcare and supporting farmers

The BJP government has formally implemented the Ayushman Bharat-Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (AB-PMJAY) and committed ₹3,100 crore. This scheme offers free healthcare coverage of up to ₹5 lakh per year per family. It will immediately protect around 7 crore citizens.

The government will also adopt the Pradhan Mantri Bhartiya Janaushadhi Pariyojana (PMBJP) and AMRIT stores across all districts and sub-divisional hospitals. As such, essential, life-saving medicines and surgical items will be available at discounts ranging from 50% to 90%. A new AIIMS Hospital will be built in North Bengal. At the same time, a cancer hospital and new super-speciality hospitals will be set up in the Sundarbans, Purulia, and Darjeeling.

To alleviate farmer distress, the State government will grant ₹3000 annually per farmer, besides ₹6000 given by the Central government. The loan processing times for paperless agri-credits will be reduced from 15 days to 15 minutes. A buffer fund of ₹100 crores will be setup under the PM-AASHA scheme to protect tomato, potato, onion, pulse, and oilseed farmers from drastic price drops.

The State government has also announced that farmers will receive an incentive of ₹200 per quintal over the central Minimum Support Price (MSP).

Industrialisation of West Bengal and ease of doing business

During the Budget speech, Dr Swapan Dasgupta highlighted steps to remove barriers to doing business and bringing about an industrial revolution in the State. He announced that the archaic Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act, 1976, will be comprehensively revised.

To end syndicate raj and extortion culture, the government will enact strict laws and ensure statutory protection, fast-tracked judicial redressal. Major investments exceeding ₹100 crore will be entirely exempted from trade license approvals from Zilla Parishads. Those approvals will be moved to an automated, time-bound State Single-Window Clearing system.

Rules to allow restaurants and offices in select urban zones to function 24/7 under tight labour safety protocols have been relaxed. A new West Bengal Impact AI Mission will be set up to build a self-sustaining AI ecosystem.

The State government also announced plans to establish a premier Semiconductor unit in Durgapur. Attractive stamp duty refunds and electricity duty concessions have been announced to invite data centre infrastructure and cloud computing operators.

To enable youth micro-entrepreneurship, the government introduced the Banglar Udyam Credit Card that will provide financial backing up to ₹10 lakh to young innovators. 50% of the amount will be in the form of grant and 50% will be in the form of interest-free loan.

Budget Allocations in a snapshot

Here is the allocation for the Budget of ₹4,38,775.29 crore for the Financial Year 2026- 2027

Sl. No.Department / SectorProposed Allocation (in ₹ Crores)
1Women, Child Development & Social Welfare₹52,308.50
2Panchayat & Rural Development₹51,836.55
3School Education₹44,948.21
4Health & Family Welfare₹24,753.72
5Home & Hill Affairs₹17,925.42
6Municipal Affairs & Urban Development₹14,609.77
7Public Health Engineering (PHE)₹12,935.33
8Agriculture Department₹8,565.84
9Food & Supplies₹8,053.03
10Public Works Department (PWD)₹7,240.13
11Higher Education₹7,168.60
12Power Department₹5,345.16

The end of Mamata’s regime has ushered Bengal into a new era of development. The double-engine government in the State is bringing structural transparency, building central partnerships (such as PM-SHRI, Ayushman Bharat, and SASCI), and re-industrialising Bengal through the infusion of capital and capacity building. This budget of 2026 is a roadmap to building a secure, economically competitive, and culturally rooted Sonar Bangla.

Madhya Pradesh: PFI’s ‘Mission 2047’ plot to overthrow the Indian government – ATS probe reveals Pakistani handlers, sleeper cells and target-killing tasks

On 12th June, the Madhya Pradesh Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) arrested Mohammad Faraz for his involvement in terrorist activities. His arrest uncovered a wider network that was working to advance the Popular Front of India’s (PFI) plan to overthrow the Government of India and establish Islamic rule in the country. Codenamed “Mission 2047”, the plan was first revealed in 2022, months before the PFI was banned by the Government of India. During interrogation, the accused disclosed how they were radicalising youths.

According to investigators, members of the module were being radicalised through WhatsApp, Telegram and other messaging applications. Pakistani handlers administered some of these groups, assigned tasks to recruits and encouraged them to become “true jihadis” who would be prepared to kill designated targets and die in the name of jihad.

The four accused identified during the investigation are Mohammad Faraz alias Khalid Saifullah, Naim Abdullah, Shakir Mew and Izhar-ul-Haq. The ATS is examining their individual roles, Pakistani contacts, digital network, possible funding channels and efforts to recruit young men across different states.

‘Mission 2047’ and the plan to overthrow the government

Izhar-ul-Haq, who was arrested from Madhubani in Bihar, reportedly told investigators that he and others associated with the Pakistan-linked network were working towards “Mission 2047”. The objective was to implement the PFI’s agenda across India by 2047. According to the ATS, the mission envisaged replacing the existing system of governance with a radical Islamic order. Izhar told the agency that people being prepared as “mujahideen” across the country would emerge simultaneously when instructed and attempt to overthrow the government. Pakistani handlers had reportedly assured members that a large network was being built for this purpose.

The recruits were also made to take an oath that they would carry out target killings and create fear across the country when the time came. The investigation is now focused on identifying other people connected to this network and determining how far its activities had spread. The ATS secured Izhar’s remand until 22nd June to question him about the organisation’s structure and the methods used by its members.

Pakistani handlers pushed recruits towards jihad and martyrdom

The interrogation of Mohammad Faraz revealed that members of the module were in contact with Pakistani WhatsApp groups. Faraz told investigators that handlers used jihadist videos, religious material and video calls to influence recruits. They asked him to become a “true jihadi”, follow every instruction given to him and remain prepared to sacrifice his life while carrying out the mission.

The handlers reportedly promised that dying while following the path of jihad would earn him martyrdom. They also assigned tasks designed to produce fear and instructed members to act against designated targets when ordered. Faraz was told to obtain a passport. He was reportedly assured that he would be taken to Pakistan through another country and trained as a mujahideen. Separate inputs being examined by the ATS also refer to plans for specialised training in Afghanistan.

During searches, the ATS recovered jihadist documents and PDF files from Faraz’s mobile phone. Investigators believe that some of the material had been sent from Pakistan.

Faraz tasked with recruiting poor and unmarried youths

Faraz, who worked at a doctor’s clinic in Bhopal, had reportedly been assigned the task of building a network in Madhya Pradesh. Pakistani handlers wanted him to identify poor, unmarried and relatively young men who could be isolated from family influence and gradually radicalised.

The module specifically targeted unmarried youths so that concern for parents, spouses or children would not prevent them from carrying out dangerous assignments. Recruits were approached through social media and messaging platforms. Faraz created groups, shared videos linked to extremist activity and attempted to connect new members with the wider network.

The material gathered during the investigation indicates that young recruits were paid salaries of up to Rs 40,000. Meetings were held to identify suitable candidates and discuss how they could be drawn into the network. They were then provoked in the name of implementing Islamic Sharia and a blasphemy law. Radicalisation was reportedly carried out in stages. A recruit would first receive one task to complete within a limited period. The next assignment was shared only after the previous task had been completed.

Network operated through WhatsApp and Telegram

The four accused admitted during questioning that they remained in contact with people in India and Pakistan through Telegram and WhatsApp groups. Faraz had been active on such platforms for nearly four years. He was known as “Khalid Saifullah” in the groups and had also been given the identity of “Lashkar Commander” to help him expand the digital network.

Investigators say the online groups were used to circulate jihadist material, hold meetings, assign work and monitor recruits. Pakistani handlers decided what tasks would be given and when they had to be completed. The process was designed to ensure that members received only limited information at each stage. Once a task was completed, the handlers would issue the next instruction.

The ATS is examining Faraz’s mobile phone, chat records, social media accounts, call detail records and other digital activity to trace the people connected to him.

Roles assigned within the module

Investigators have identified the different responsibilities assigned to the accused. Faraz was engaged in adding new people through social media and expanding the network in Madhya Pradesh. Naim Abdullah helped strengthen contacts within the network and introduced Faraz directly to Pakistani jihadist handlers. Faraz told the ATS that he had known Naim, a resident of Deoband, for around five or six years.

Naim reportedly introduced Faraz and another Bihar-based suspect to foreign handlers. The ATS later arrested him following information provided during Faraz’s interrogation. Izhar-ul-Haq and Shakir Mew were involved in conducting closed-door meetings and delivering speeches to radicalise young men. Shakir was described as a second-level commander who played an important role in the module.

The network’s structure allowed different members to handle recruitment, communication, ideological indoctrination and contact with foreign handlers.

ATS arrests and investigation timeline

The ATS made its first arrest on 12th June 2026, when Mohammad Faraz was taken into custody from the Qazi Camp area of Bhopal. During questioning on 13th June, investigators examined his old contacts and social media groups. This led them to Naim Abdullah. Naim was arrested from Uttar Pradesh’s Saharanpur region between 13th and 14th June. The ATS questioned Faraz and Naim separately and also confronted them with each other’s statements.

Shakir Mew was arrested on 14th June from the Tapukara police station area of Alwar district in Rajasthan. He was produced before a court and remanded for questioning. Information regarding Izhar-ul-Haq emerged during the continuing investigation. He was arrested on 18th June and produced before a Bhopal court on 20th June. The court remanded him until 22nd June. The agency is now attempting to identify other members, local facilitators and people who may have attended radicalisation meetings.

Foreign links and funding routes under investigation

Material connected to the case identifies PFI-linked activity in the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Qatar, Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. Investigators are examining whether Bangladesh and Nepal were used as routes for transferring funds into India. The material also refers to money being sent from Mauritius to PFI-linked channels in Uttar Pradesh after the Hathras gang-rape case.

The ATS is scrutinising the banking records of Faraz and the other accused to determine whether they received money from abroad or through intermediaries operating within India. Faraz told investigators that his father worked in battery repair and that he was the only son in his family. The agency is comparing his financial background with his digital activity and possible transactions linked to the network.

Faraz’s activities remained concealed behind his clinic job

Faraz had worked as a compounder at Khushboo Clinic for around 15 years. He was known in his neighbourhood as a deeply religious person. He and his wife also taught children at home and conducted Quran classes every Tuesday morning. A board outside the house mentioned classes between 10 am and noon.

The ATS operation at his residence was conducted in secrecy. Around 12 officials, including three women personnel, surrounded the house before entering through the roof and taking him into custody.

His house and the clinic where he worked were later found locked. Investigators are now examining whether anyone connected to his professional, religious or neighbourhood circles was approached for recruitment. The ATS is also investigating his martial arts training, use of lesser-known applications, objectionable social media comments and possible preparations to travel abroad.

The digital evidence, statements of the accused and their links with Pakistani handlers are being examined to establish the full scale of the network and whether sleeper cells had already been created in other parts of the country.

What is PFI’s ‘Mission 2047’?

In 2022, OpIndia accessed an eight-page internal document attributed to the Popular Front of India titled India Vision 2047. Carrying the tagline “Towards Rule of Islam in India”, the document laid down a phased roadmap to establish an Islamic government in the country by 2047, the centenary of India’s Independence.

The document claimed that political power had been “unjustly taken away” from Muslims by the British and declared that it should return to the Muslim community. It also asserted that PFI did not require the support of a Muslim majority to achieve its objective. According to the document, the organisation believed that support from even 10% of India’s Muslim population would be sufficient to bring the Hindu majority “to its knees” and restore what it described as the “glory of Islam”.

The plan was divided into four stages. The first stage focused on uniting Muslims of different sects under the PFI banner, expanding recruitment and creating an Islamic identity that superseded Indian identity. Cadres were to be trained in offensive and defensive techniques, including the use of rods, swords and other weapons. The document also called for repeatedly reminding Muslims of real or manufactured grievances to sustain anger against the Indian State and Hindus.

The second stage proposed the selective use of violence to terrorise opponents and demonstrate collective strength. Cadres showing potential were to receive advanced training in firearms and explosives. At the same time, terms such as the Constitution, the National Flag and BR Ambedkar were to be used as a cover to conceal the ultimate objective of establishing Islamic rule. The document also spoke about infiltrating the executive and judiciary, securing favourable outcomes and cultivating ties with Islamic countries for funding and assistance.

In the third stage, PFI planned to forge political alliances with Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes while creating divisions between these communities and the RSS. The organisation aimed to contest elections, discredit secular political parties and present itself as the principal representative of Muslims and marginalised communities. This stage also called for stockpiling weapons and explosives and using trained cadres to attack those considered hostile to the organisation’s interests.

The fourth stage envisaged PFI emerging as the undisputed leader of Muslims and acquiring enough political support to capture power nationally. Once in power, loyal cadres were to be placed in the executive, judiciary, police and armed forces. Those opposing the organisation were to be eliminated, while an Islamic Constitution would replace the existing constitutional order.

The document also proposed recruiting at least one person from every Muslim household, building secret training centres, maintaining depots for weapons and explosives and creating a dedicated armed force. Cadres were instructed to collect personal information about Hindu and RSS leaders before a “final showdown”.

PFI further envisaged seeking assistance from foreign Islamic countries during a confrontation with the Indian State. It specifically referred to its relationship with Turkey and called for similar links with other Islamic nations. Mission 2047, therefore, was not presented merely as an ideological campaign, but as a long-term programme combining radicalisation, recruitment, political infiltration, armed training, foreign support and organised violence to replace India’s constitutional system with Islamic rule.

What is PFI and why was it banned?

The Popular Front of India, or PFI, was an Islamist organisation that operated through a wide network of members, front organisations and political affiliates across several Indian states. It presented itself as a group working for the rights and empowerment of Muslims and other marginalised communities. However, investigations by central and state agencies linked the organisation to radicalisation, violent mobilisation, terror financing, arms training and attempts to build a covert network capable of challenging the Indian State.

The organisation had been under the radar for a long time, and the “India Vision 2047” document became one of the final nails in the coffin for PFI. The immediate chain of events leading to the ban began in 2022 after police unearthed a suspected network in Phulwari Sharif. Investigators arrested Athar Parvez and Mohammad Jalaluddin and recovered documents that revealed plans to radicalise Muslim youths, provide weapons training and work towards converting India into an Islamic state. Jalaluddin was also identified as a former member of the banned Students’ Islamic Movement of India, or SIMI, who had later joined PFI.

Further arrests and searches revealed WhatsApp groups, overseas contacts, digital material and links to the “Ghazwa-e-Hind” network. Investigating agencies also examined PFI’s suspected involvement in violent incidents, including the murder of BJP youth leader Praveen Nettaru, and a conspiracy to attack Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rally in Patna.

The government’s case against PFI rested on three broad findings: the organisation’s nationwide network, its funding channels and its involvement in violent and terrorist activities. The National Investigation Agency, Enforcement Directorate and state police conducted raids across several states in September 2022. Hundreds of PFI members and office-bearers were detained, while digital devices, documents and financial records were seized.

According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, PFI and its associates received funds from India and abroad through banking channels, hawala and donations. These funds were layered through multiple accounts to conceal their real purpose and were then used for unlawful and terrorist activities. The government also cited links between PFI members and terrorist organisations, including ISIS, as well as attempts to infiltrate organisations such as the RSS and gather sensitive information.

On 28th September 2022, the Union government banned PFI for five years under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Eight of its associated organisations were banned alongside it. The government concluded that PFI’s activities posed a serious threat to India’s sovereignty, security and public order. The ban was therefore based not merely on its ideology, but on accumulated evidence of radicalisation, foreign funding, violent conspiracies, terror links and an organised plan to undermine India’s constitutional system.